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Obasanjo: Day Obas Ate In Public [OPINION]

By Suyi Ayodele
At the installation of an oba in Yorubaland, he is given a list of taboos and red lines he must never cross. One of them is that he must never eat in public. I once attended a royal banquet in one of the palaces in the South-West, where I saw two foremost traditional rulers eat in public. The two of them are the biggest masquerades in the pantheon of natural rulers in the land. The host oba is also one of the most respected obas in Yorubaland with a deity-like figure. His oriki (panegyrics) says he is the òrìsà of his people. I was not the only one who saw the mouths of the two òrìsàs as they ate openly and broke the taboo with relish. I saw them and my mouth could not be closed. I knew that in my place, obas are called “Odidimode” (the mysterious one) who must forever remain a mystery to mere men like me. My people say no one sees the mouth of an Odidimode (a kii rí enu Òdìdìmodè). It means no one beholds the mouth of the spirit – Òdìdìmodè – while eating. Why? It happened that during the time of ìwásè (time of creation), one oba ate too much, drank too much, and broke the gourd of respect. Since then, an oba who feels the pangs of hunger must repair into the inner recesses of his palace and do what mortals do in public.
The two obas who ate in public did not stop at eating. One of them topped it with two bottles of a beer brand. If that had happened in my place, the Alálès (ancestors) would have kicked at least a tooth out of the mouth of that desecrator of tradition. But modernity changed all that at the royal banquet. The two potentiates suspended tradition and all its vows.
Yet, they could have assuaged their hunger with wisdom. There is a cultural heritage I am familiar with. The head of the festival is the head of his clan, though not the main oba of the town. He prepares pounded yam for his kinsmen to eat to round off his clan’s festival every year. By tradition, the pounded yam must be prepared early in the morning before the first fly, appears. No fly must perch on the mortal or pestle, or when the food is being eaten (Esisi kò bà). After feeding them, all males in the clan, by protocol, must prostrate to pay homage to the chief. This is without exception. Yoruba tradition, however, does not allow a father to prostrate to a son. There was a time when the father of the occupant of the chieftaincy was still alive. No male is also exempted from the eating of the pounded yam. How did elders resolve the logjam? Before the last mould of the pounded yam was consumed, one of the elders stylishly excused the father of the chief to come and see something outside. As the two stepped out, the man saddled with the duty of calling out the traditional salutation gave the tributes cry. All the males went flat on all fours. The man who escorted the chief’s father rushed in and shut the old man out. Homage was paid. The chief got up from his traditional stool, went out and prostrated to greet his father good morning. Others took their turns to also greet the old man, who by virtue of his age, was then the oldest man in the clan. That is wisdom. If the father had stayed when the traditional homage was paid, by protocol, he would have prostrated to his own son!
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Modern state protocol and tradition are two opposing phenomena. One is superior to the other. And there is no controversy about which is superior. When tradition and state protocol meet, tradition takes the back seat. Painful! But that is the bitter truth. I am a child of culture and tradition. Equally, I am a realist. We are in a situation where the entire world is upside down all in the name of civilisation. The erosion of the powers of traditional rulers is not limited to the Yoruba race. The General Muhammadu Buhari military regime of December 31, 1983, to August 27, 1984, demystified the thrones of the Ooni of Ife and the Emir of Kano, when he had Oba Okunade Sijuade and Alhaji Ado Bayero suspended as the Ooni of Ife and Emir of Kano respectively for a period of six months, and restricted to their domains for the same period. The two foremost traditional rulers were accused of visiting Israel, a diplomatically unfriendly country as at that time, without permission. The government then decreed that no traditional ruler must leave his domain without the express permission of the Chairman of his local government. When the expired dark-goggled tyrant, General Sani Abacha, held sway as Head of State, the 18th Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki was dethroned in 1996. On March 9, 2020, Governor Abdullahi Ganduje, of Kano State, dethroned Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II as the Emir of Kano and replaced him with the current Emir, Aminu Ado Bayero. In 2016, some three weeks to his exit as the governor of Edo State, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole suspended the Onojie of Uromi, Anslem Aidonojie, for travelling abroad without the permission of the governor. Then three days to the terminal date of his administration, the embattled monarch was dethroned by Oshiomhole, as his ‘parting gift’ to the people of Uromi. The Onojie was only reinstated by Governor Godwin Obaseki in 2017. So, like we say in street lingo: no be today.
To show who is more powerful between traditional rulers and the governor of a state, every traditional ruler’s letter of recommendation is signed by the Secretary to the Local Government (SLG), of the council where the traditional hails from. As a matter of protocol, during the selection process of a traditional ruler, the SLG must be physically present to monitor the process. Otherwise, the selection becomes a nullity. This goes to show that in terms of protocol, the SLG reigns supreme above the traditional settings. By the arrangement, the order of protocol for an oba is the SLG, the Local Government Area (LGA) Chairman, Commissioner for Chieftaincy Affairs and then the governor. The distance between an oba and a governor is what my people describe as “Imú elédè jìnà sójú” (the nose of a pig is far from its eyes).
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So, what happened at Iseyin in Oke Ogun, Oyo State, last Friday? There was a project to be commissioned by Governor Seyi Makinde. As a mark of honour, the governor invited former President Olusegun Obasanjo as Special Guest. Traditional rulers from that axis were also in attendance to underscore the importance of the project. All set and guest seated. The governor walked in. Everybody got up as protocol demanded. The traditional rulers remained on their seats. The governor walked to the podium to speak. Everybody, including Obasanjo, stood up. The obas, again, remained seated. Governor Makinde noticed that and took it in his stride. General Obasanjo equally noticed the breach of protocol. He decided to do something about it. When the opportunity came for the man known as Ebora Òwu to speak, Obasanjo upbraided the traditional rulers. After greeting them for taking time to be at the event, the Balógun Òwu told the obas that in any function, where either a governor or the president was present, everyone in attendance must stand up as a mark of honour for the governor or the president. In such a gathering, the retired General emphasised that the governor or the president would be the highest person. Then he erred when he commanded the obas to stand up. They all did. He ordered them to sit down. They all obeyed. He went further to lecture them that while he was the president, he, Obasanjo, openly prostrated for obas. But in the closet of privacy, obas paid obeisance to him. Ever since, the Yoruba landscape has lost its peace as ‘cultural reformists’ invaded the space, dishing out all manners of theories. They say Obasanjo must apologise for desecrating the land. Let us address the issues.
The desecration did not start today. Obasanjo did not start the so-called denigration and desecration of Yoruba obas. History is a beast. On May 9, 2014, at the special prayer session held at the Ijebu-Ode Central Mosque to mark the 80th birthday of the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona, this is what the then National Leader of the All Progressive Congress (APC), Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who today is President of Nigeria, said of Yoruba obas while addressing the Awujale: “You are not part of the useless obas in Yorubaland who will sell out. We know them and it is not yet time to mention names. In Yorubaland today, you are the best monarch and that is not contestable. The good obas in Yorubaland, who are forthright, firm and who stand by the truth are not up to five; they are just three: Oba Awujale, Oba Akiolu and another.” Tinubu named only two of the “best” obas, he said others were “useless”. He did not even list the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi as one of the good ones. Yet, Oba Adeyemi was alive then. The then Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade (jingbinni bi ate akun) was also alive when Tinubu broke that calabash of taboo. Just like this Obasanjo wahala, there was an uproar, and, because Tinubu was not in government then, the same moral policemen of today came out to abuse him. They said he should apologise. And, like Obasanjo, he ignored them. But, responding to Tinubu, Oba Sijuwade, through his media aide, High Chief Funmilola Olorunnisola, reaffirmed his earlier position that: “If any of our leaders wants to make a categorical statement on an important issue like the oba in Yoruba land, he should please try to check records to know exactly what each one of them has done, because there is so much blackmailing… When our country was upside down, it was the traditional rulers in this country that saved the situation. If we left the country as politicians did, there would have been no state for the leader of APC to rule when he came back.” The present Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Lekan Balogun, who was then the Osi Olubadan of Ibadan land, had this to say: “How can Bola ever say such things about our traditional rulers? What else can an ignorant non-Yoruba politician say about our obas? Instead of just abusing them, Bola should strive to identify one particular area where they have failed to identify with their people’s interests. What else can an oba do in a modern political system when his “people’s interests” are divergent, and sometimes, in direct conflict? I am very disappointed with Bola.” There were other reactions to that assault. You can check online; the Internet does not forget.
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One of the questions to ask about the Iseyin incident is: Is it right for the traditional rulers to sit down when the governor walked in to the event? The answer is capital NO! That is a breach of protocol. The age of the governor is immaterial; he is the number one citizen of the state. I have seen videos of former Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola of Osun State at public events, where after the traditional rulers in attendance had stood up to receive him, the former governor went back to where the obas were seated to prostrate and greet them as tradition demanded. But he did that after the obas had observed the required state protocol at public functions. That was not the case in Iseyin on Friday. The first breach was by the obas. What were they thinking? Who coached them to do what they did? Who appointed them in the first instance? Former Governor Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State ran into problems with obas in the state when he attempted to distort the Pelúpelú (Crowned Oba structure) settings in the state. When the heat was becoming consuming, Fayemi ran to the departed Alaafin Adeyemi III for counsel and intervention. The ex-governor was pictured prostrating to revere the monarch. One of the Obasanjo-denigrated-Yoruba-obas choristers sent Fayemi’s picture to justify that a governor prostrated to greet an Alaafin. I told him that Fayemi’s issue had no iota of relevance to the issue at hand. One, Fayemi, was in Alaafin Palace. He had no choice than to obey tradition there. Two, the governor was in distress as at that time and he was not in any position to remember protocol. The event in Oyo Palace was not a public function and as such no government protocol was required and none was offered. A senior journalist, while speaking on the same issue said that in all the functions that the departed Oba Adeyemi III attended, he would be the first to rise in honour of the governors and the governors would in turn pay homage to him as a foremost oba in Yorubaland.
One of the obas who is angry that Obasanjo denigrated Yoruba obas is the Oluwo of Iwo, Oba Abdulrasheed Akanbi. I wonder where morality lies with Oluwo, who on February 21, 2020, was suspended by the Osun State Traditional Council for six months. The Council took the position after Oba Akanbi physically beat up another Oba, the Agbowu of Ogbaagba, at a peace meeting over land matters, presided over by an Assistant Inspector-General of Police (AIG). It is the same oba who threw punches openly that is at the vanguard of the campaign against “Obasanjo for desecrating Yoruba crowns.” Which is more sacrilegious? Just as the Obasanjo issue broke out, another picture went viral, showing another oba from the same Oke Ogun area, who removed his crown and put it on the floor, publicly, leaving his head uncovered. Strange nobody has blamed Obasanjo for that sacrilege!
The major issue for me in this Obasanjo-Oke Ogun obas saga is the primary school-like command of ‘all-stand-greet’ order Obasanjo barked at the obas. Was he right to have done that? My answer is capital NO! There is a saying in my place that when a child defecates in the family mortar and the elder uses a rag to clean it, it is a movement from one dirt to another (Omodé ilé ya ìgbé sínú odó, àgbà fi àkísà nu; àti ègbin dé ègbin). Obasanjo holds the title of Balógun Òwu. He is equally an old man, and he has promoted Yoruba culture socially and spiritually very well. He had in the past been pictured prostrating for obas in and out of office. A man who has seen it all at that stage should not, in my judgement, have ordered obas to stand up and sit down like naughty school children the way he did. Much more, his obas-prostrate-for-me-inside comment leaves much to be desired. If that statement is true, the Òwu chief and elder statesman should have been more circumspect and ought not to have behaved like a common kiss-and-tell late adolescent! He opened his flank and that is why a man like the Oluwo, who in the past, and in the full glare of the public, threw punches like an enraged Mike Tyson, had the guts to come out to condemn Obasanjo for “desecrating” Yoruba obas. Those whose conducts in and outside the palaces have made a mess of the thrones they sit on are now out, wearing the garment of culture renaissance to get even with Obasanjo. Agba (elder), my people note, speaks more in his stomach than his mouth. Whatever came over Obasanjo and made him see those obas as troops of his 3rd Marine Commando can only be explained by the cosmic. That notwithstanding, we must make it clear to our obas that any oba who does not want to obey protocol and stand up when the governor walks in should not attend any state function. Such an Oba should stay in his palace. At state functions, protocol prevails over tradition.
This article written Suyi Ayedele, South-South/South-East Editor, Nigerian Tribune, was first published by the same paper. INFO DAILY published it with permission from the author.
News
Out-of-school: Group To Enroll Adolescent Mothers In Bauchi

Women Child Youth Health and Education Initiative (WCY) with support from Malala Education Champion Network, have charted a way to enroll adolescent mothers to access education in Bauchi schools.
Rashida Mukaddas, the Executive Director, WCY stated this in Bauchi on Wednesday during a one-day planning and inception meeting with education stakeholders on Adolescent Mothers Education Access (AMEA) project of the organisation.
According to her, the project targeted three Local Government Areas of Bauchi, Misau and Katagum for implementation in the three years project.
She explained that all stakeholders in advancing education in the state would be engaged by the organisation to advocate for Girl-Child education.
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The target, she added, was to ensure that as many as married adolescent mothers and girls were enrolled back in school in the state.
“Today marks an important step in our collective commitment to ensuring that every girl in Bauchi state, especially adolescent who are married, pregnant, or young mothers has the right, opportunity, and support to continue and complete her education.
“This project has been designed to address the real and persistent barriers that prevent too many adolescent mothers from returning to school or staying enrolled.
“It is to address the barriers preventing adolescent mothers from continuing and completing their education and adopting strategies that will create an enabling environment that safeguard girls’ rights to education while removing socio-cultural and economic obstacles,” said Mukaddas.
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She further explained to the stakeholders that the success of the project depended on the strength of their collaboration, the alignment of their actions, and the commitments they forge toward the implementation of the project.
Also speaking, Mr Kamal Bello, the Project Officer of WCY, said that the collaboration of all the education stakeholders in the state with the organisation could ensure stronger enforcement of the Child Rights Law.
This, he said, could further ensure effective re-entry and retention policies for adolescent girls, increased community support for girls’ education and a Bauchi state where no girl was left behind because of marriage, pregnancy, or motherhood.
“It is observed that early marriage is one of the problems hindering girls’ access to education.
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“This organisation is working toward ensuring that girls that have dropped out of school due to early marriage are re-enrolled back in school,” he said.
Education stakeholders present at the event included representatives from the state Ministry of Education, Justice, Budget and Economic Planning and Multilateral Coordination.
Others were representatives from International Federation of Women Lawyers, Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE), Bauchi state Agency for Mass Education, Civil Society Organization, Religious and Traditional institutions, among others.
They all welcomed and promised to support the project so as to ensure its effective implementation and achieve its set objectives in the state.
News
OPINION: Fubara, Adeleke And The Survival Dance

By Israel Adebiyi
You should be aware by now that the dancing governor, Ademola Adeleke has danced his last dance in the colours of the Peoples Democratic Party. His counterpart in Rivers, Siminalayi Fubara has elected to follow some of his persecutors to the All Progressive Congress, after all “if you can’t beat them, you can join them.”
Politics in Nigeria has always been dramatic, but every now and then a pattern emerges that forces us to pause and think again about where our democracy is heading. This week on The Nation’s Pulse, that pattern is what I call the politics of survival. Two events in two different states have brought this into sharp focus. In both cases, sitting governors elected on the platform of the same party have found new homes elsewhere. Their decisions may look sudden, but they reveal deeper issues that have been growing under the surface for years.
In Rivers, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has crossed into the All Progressives Congress. In Osun, Governor Ademola Adeleke has moved to the Accord Party. These are not small shifts. These are moves by people at the top of their political careers, people who ordinarily should be the ones holding their parties together. When those at the highest levels start fleeing, it means the ground beneath them has become too shaky to stand on. It means something has broken.
A Yoruba proverb captures it perfectly: Iku to n pa oju gba eni, owe lo n pa fun ni. The death that visits your neighbour is sending you a message. The crisis that has engulfed the Peoples Democratic Party did not start today. It has been building like an untreated infection. Adeleke saw the signs early. He watched senior figures fight openly. He watched the party fail to resolve its zoning battles. He watched leaders undermine their own candidates. At some point, you begin to ask yourself a simple question: if this house collapses today, what happens to me? In Osun, where the competition between the two major parties has always been fierce, Adeleke was not going to sit back and become another casualty of a party that refused to heal itself. Survival became the most reasonable option.
His case makes sense when you consider the political temperature in Osun. This is a state where the opposition does not sleep. Every misstep is amplified. Every weakness is exploited. Adeleke has spent his time in office under constant scrutiny. Add that to the fact that the national structure of his party is wobbly, divided and uncertain about its future, and the move begins to look less like betrayal and more like self-preservation.
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Rivers, however, tells a slightly different story. Fubara’s journey has been a long lesson in endurance. From the moment he emerged as governor, it became clear he was stepping into an environment loaded with expectations that had nothing to do with governance. His political godfather was not content with being a supporter. He wanted control. He wanted influence. He wanted obedience. Every decision was interpreted through the lens of loyalty. From the assembly crisis to the endless reconciliation meetings, to the barely hidden power struggles, Fubara spent more time fighting shadows than building the state he was elected to lead.
It soon became clear that he was governing through a maze of minefields. Those who should have been allies began to treat him like an accidental visitor in the Government House. The same legislators who were meant to be partners in governance suddenly became instruments of pressure. Orders came from places outside the official structure. Courtrooms turned into battlegrounds. At some point, even the national leadership of his party seemed unsure how to tame the situation. These storms did not come in seasons, they came in waves. One misunderstanding today. Another in two weeks. Another by the end of the month. Anyone watching closely could see that the governor was in a permanent state of emergency.
So when the winds started shifting again and lawmakers began to realign, those who understood the undercurrents knew exactly what was coming. Fubara knew too. A man can only take so much. After months of attacks, humiliations and attempts to cage his authority, the move to another party was not just political. It was personal. He had given the reconciliation process more chances than most would. He had swallowed more insults than any governor should. He had watched institutions bend and twist under the weight of private interests. In many ways, his defection is a declaration that he has finally chosen to protect himself.
But the bigger question is how we got here. How did two governors in two different parts of the country end up taking the same decision for different but related reasons? The answer goes back to the state of internal democracy in our parties. No party in Nigeria today fully practices the constitution it claims to follow. They have elaborate rules on paper but very loose habits in reality. They talk about fairness, but their primaries are often messy. They preach unity, but their caucuses are usually divided into rival camps. They call themselves democratic institutions, yet dissent is treated as disloyalty.
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Political parties are supposed to be the engine rooms of democracy. They are the homes where ideas are debated, leaders are groomed, and future candidates are shaped. In Nigeria, they increasingly look like fighting arenas where the loudest voices drown out everyone else. When leaders ignore their own constitutions, the structure begins to crack. When factions begin to run parallel meetings, the foundation gets weaker. When decisions are forced down the throats of members, people begin making private plans for their future.
No governor wants to govern in chaos. No politician wants to be the last one standing in a sinking ship. This is why defections are becoming more common. A party that cannot manage itself cannot manage its members. And members who feel exposed will always look for safer ground.
But while these moves make sense for Adeleke and Fubara personally, the people they govern often become the ones left in confusion. Voters choose candidates partly because of party ideology, even if our ideologies are weak. They expect stability. They expect continuity. They expect that the mandate they gave will remain intact. So when a governor shifts political camp without prior consultation, the people feel blindsided. They begin to wonder whether their votes carry weight in a system where elected officials can switch platforms in the blink of an eye.
This is where the politics of survival becomes dangerous for democracy. If leaders keep prioritizing their personal safety over party stability, the system begins to lose coherence. Parties lose their identity. Elections lose their meaning. Governance becomes a game of musical chairs. Today you are here. Tomorrow you are there. Next week you may be somewhere else. The people become bystanders in a democracy that is supposed to revolve around them.
Rivers and Osun should serve as reminders that political parties need urgent restructuring. They need to rebuild trust internally. They need to enforce their constitutions consistently. They need to treat members as stakeholders, not spectators. When members feel protected, they stay. When they feel targeted, they run. This pattern will continue until parties learn the simple truth that power is not built by intimidation, but by inclusion.
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There is also the question of what these defections mean for governance. When governors are dragged into endless party drama, service delivery suffers. Time that should be spent on roads, schools, hospitals, water projects and job creation ends up being spent in meetings, reconciliations and press briefings. Resources that should strengthen the state end up funding political battles. The public loses twice. First as witnesses to the drama. Then as victims of delayed or abandoned development.
In Rivers, the months of tension slowed down the government. Initiatives were stalled because the governor was busy trying to survive political ambush. In Osun, Adeleke had to juggle governance with internal fights in a crumbling party structure. Imagine what they could have achieved if they were not constantly looking over their shoulders.
Now, as both men settle into new political homes, the final question is whether these new homes will provide stability or merely temporary shelter. Nigeria’s politics teaches one consistent lesson. New alliances often come with new expectations. New platforms often come with new demands. And new godfathers often come with new conditions. Whether Adeleke and Fubara have truly found peace or simply bought time is something only time will tell.
But as citizens, what we must insist on is simple. The politics of survival should not become the politics of abandonment. Our leaders can fight for their political life, but they must not forget that they hold the people’s mandate. The hunger, poverty, insecurity and infrastructural decay that Nigerians face will not be solved by defection. It will be solved by steady leadership and functional governance.
The bigger lesson from Rivers and Osun is clear. If political parties in Nigeria continue on this path of disunity and internal sabotage, they will keep losing their brightest and most strategic figures. And if leaders keep running instead of reforming the system, then we will wake up one day to a democracy where the people are treated as an afterthought.
Governors may survive the storms. Parties may adjust to new alignments. But the people cannot keep paying the price. Nigeria deserves a democracy that works for the many, not the few. That is the real pulse of the nation.
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Human Rights Day: Stakeholders Call For More Campaigns Against GBV

Panel of discussants at an event to commemorate the International Human Rights Day, 2025 on Wednesday called for more campaigns against Gender-Based Violence, adding that it must start from the family.
The panel of discussants drawn from religious and community leaders, security agents, members of the civil society community, chiefs, etc, made the call in Benin in an event organised by Justice Development & Peace Centre (JDPC), Benin, in collaboration with Women Aid Collective (WACOL) with the theme: Multilevel Dialogue for Men, Women, Youth and Critical Take holders on the Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence (GBV).
The stakeholders, who said causes of GBV are enormous, called for more enlightenment and education in the family, community and the religious circle.
Security agents in the panel charged members of the public to report GBV cases to security agents regardless of the sex Involved, adding: “When GBV happens, it should be reported to the appropriate quarters. It doesn’t matter if the woman or the man is the victim. GBV perpetrators should not be covered up, they must be exposed. We are there to carry out the prosecution after carrying out the necessary investigation.”
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Earlier in his opening remarks, Executive Director, JDPC, Rev. Fr. Benedicta Onwugbenu, lamented that (GBV) remains the most prevalent in the society yet hidden because of silence from victims.
According to him, GBV knows no age, gender or race, adding that “It affects people of all ages, whether man or woman, boy or girl.”
“It affects people from different backgrounds and communities, yet it remains hidden because of silence, stigma, and fear. Victims of GBV are suffering in silence.”
On her part, Programme Director, WACOL, Mrs. Francisca Nweke, who said “women are more affected, and that is why we are emphasising on them,” stressed “we are empowering Christian women and women leaders of culture for prevention and response to Gender-Based Violence in Nigeria through the strengthening of grassroots organisations.”
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