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Obaseki Vs Shaibu: Tinubu, Okorocha, Other Govs Who ‘Fought’ Their Deputies

The ongoing feud between Governor Obaseki and his deputy, Philip Shaibu encapsulates age long history of political tussle between states principals and their second-in-command.’
The show of no love lost between Edo State Governor, Godwin Obaseki and his deputy, Philip Shaibu continued over the weekend during the state’s 32nd anniversary thanksgiving church service held at the Festival Hall, Government House on Sunday.
Both Obaseki and Shaibu have been at loggerheads over the latter’s ambition to contest the 2024 governorship polls in the state.
In an apparent move to wade off any show of public affection, security aides attached to Obaseki reportedly barred Shaibu from approaching the governor during the event. Again, the following day, on Monday, August 28, at the 60th anniversary of the Midwest Referendum celebration, Shaibu’s media aides were reportedly denied entry to the venue of the event, despite pleas from the deputy governor who later stormed out.
READ ALSO: PICTORIAL: Drama As Security Aide Denies Shaibu Access To Obaseki
All these developments only mean one thing, that both men are far from sheathing their swords even though the deputy governor had a few times downplayed their disagreement.
In the larger context, feuds between a governor and his deputy are not new to the Nigerian political space. Infact, since the return of democracy in 1999, several states have had their fair share of such battle royales.
In this piece, we highlight a few of those notable tussles between state governors and their second-in-command.
Bola Tinubu vs Femi Pedro
President Bola Tinubu as governor of Lagos State had a go with his then deputy, Otunba Olufemi Pedro.
Pedro was said to have got on the wrong side of his principal over Tinubu’s choice to back his Chief of Staff, Tunde Fashola, as his successor.
READ ALSO: Obaseki Vs Shaibu: Crisis Might Cost PDP Gov’ship Polls Next Year – Party Chieftains Cry Out
The animosity between both men forced the deputy governor to defect to the Labour Party and contest against his boss anointed heir, Fashola.
After the election, which he lost, Pedro got an impeachment notice from the House of Assembly. He promptly sent in his resignation letter, but the lawmakers were said to have rejected the letter leading to his eventual impeachment.
Rochas Okorocha vs Jude Agbaso & Eze Madumere
Former Imo State Governor, Rochas Okorocha, had two deputy governors for his two terms in office and fell out with both of them at different points.
Jude Agbaso was deputy governor of Imo State till March 2013 when he was impeached. It was said that Agbaso’s battle with his principal began when he challenged the then-governor for a second tenure, citing a supposed gentleman’s agreement that stipulated that Okorocha would rule Imo State for only four years. He was sent packing and summarily replaced by Prince Eze Madumere.
READ ALSO:How Shaibu Manipulated Edo Youth Council Election For Selfish Ambition – Gov Obaseki Fires Deputy
If Agbaso and Okorocha’s relationship was a political necessity, Madumere’s relationship with Okorocha was seen to be more cordial. However, he too fell out with his principal in similar circumstances.
Madumere was said to be against the choice of Okorocha’s son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as his successor. Miffed, Madumere threw his cap into the ring, creating a breakaway faction full of his loyalists in the All Progressives Congress.
Abdullahi Ganduje vs Hafiz Abubakar
When Prof Hafiz Abubakar resigned as the deputy of then-Kano State governor Abdullahi Ganduje on August 4, 2018, he said the decision was taken due to ‘irreconcilable differences’ on matters relating to governance and government operations.
He further stated he suffered “immeasurable and unjustifiable humiliation” for over two and a half years on issues of governance and the desire to keep government on track.
Though Ganduje denied those allegations, observers said the Ganduje’s feud with Abubakar began when the latter failed to disassociate himself from the governor’s predecessor, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso.
READ ALSO: Obaseki Vs Shaibu: PDP Leaders Knock Edo Deputy Gov Over Impeachment Saga
Obong Victor Attah vs Chris Ekpenyong
Former Akwa Ibom State Governor, Obong Victor Attah’s not-so-cordial relationship with his then deputy, Dr. Chris Ekpenyong, degenerated to the point that the latter was impeached.
Despite efforts by the then President Olusegun Obasanjo and the PDP to halt the impeachment, the state House of Assembly voted to remove Ekpeyong in June 2005.
Ayodele Fayose vs Abiodun Aluko
Governor Ayo Fayose was alleged to have instigated the removal of his deputy, Abiodun Aluko in 2005.
The state House of Assembly impeached Aluko after finding him guilty of 16 offences. The lawmakers claimed all the offences were grounds for impeachment.
Isa Yuguda vs Garba Gadi
Alhaji Garba Gadi was said to have crossed the red line with his principal, Isa Yuguda, owing to the latter’s refusal to defect to the PDP from the ANPP that brought them to power.
Gadi was impeached but later re-instated by a High Court in Bauchi due to irregularities in the proceedings leading to his impeachment.
Olusegun Mimiko vs Ali Olanusi
Former Ondo State Deputy Governor, Alhaji Ali Olanusi, was said to have enraged his principal, Olusegun Mimiko when he defected to the All Progressives Congress instead of joining him in the Peoples Democratic Party.
He was impeached by the state House of Assembly in 2015 but two years later, a court declared the impeachment illegal and restored Olanusi to his office. But it was too little too late for him as his tenure with Mimiko had already elapsed.
PUNCH
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[OPINION] Jan 1 Resolutions: Why I Write What I Write

By Festus Adedayo
As I write this, I am listening to a line of the song of my favourite Jamaican reggae music superstar, Peter Tosh. It is a 1979 track entitled Jah Seh No, in his Mystic Man album. When life becomes too convoluted for me to comprehend, when it seems I am running mad, I run into Tosh’s embrace. But, running to Tosh for an embrace is problematic. Tosh himself was like a madman. He was unconventional, an iconoclast who didn’t see life from the prism of the living. A devout adherent of the Rastafari faith, he was highly spiritual, was a poet, philosopher and a staunch defender of African rights. At some point, life broke Tosh’s will, long before his assassination on September 11, 1987, aged 42, in Kingston, Jamaica. It would appear that his musical preachment made little impact. He was repeatedly assaulted by Jamaican police and once had his skull cracked by them. The charge was his illiberal smoking of marijuana. So, in this track, Tosh bore his frustration with orthodoxy and the system thus: “Must Rastas bear this cross alone and all the heathens go free? Must Rastas live in misery and heathens in luxury? Must righteous live in pain and always put to shame? Must they be found guilty and always get the blame?
Tosh’s Jamaica of 1979 bears similarities with today’s Nigeria. Jamaica wore, like an apron, significant economic instability. This led to intense poverty and inequality driven by global economic shocks, domestic policy choices, capital flight, and political violence. The aftermath was massive hopelessness.
The attendant hopelessness in Jamaica fired the muse of reggae musicians. They saw naked poverty as catalysts for their songs. For instance, in 1976, Maxwell Smith, known professionally as Max Romeo & The Upsetters Band, sang in Uptown Babies Don’t Cry, about a little lad hawking Kisko, a popular brand of ice pops, on Kingston streets and shouting “Kisko pops! Kisko pops!”. He also sang about another lad who, as Star newspaper vendor, shouted, “Star News, read the news!”. They were embroiled in existential survival, said Romeo, and “help(ing) mummy pay the fee, for little junior to go to school.” For Tosh, in his Get Up, Stand Up, Jamaicans must stand up for their rights while Bob, apparently frustrated by the system, in Time Will Tell, sang confidently that ”Jah would never give the power to a baldhead to come crucify the dread.”
But the Jamaican governmental and political leadership, epitomised by Edward Seaga and Michael Manley, kept on taking advantage of the people’s hopelessness. Nigeria of today is yesterday’s Jamaican mirror on the wall. The hopelessness in the land has the capacity to break the most impregnable will. Everything seems to be upside down. Seaga and Manley are replicated in Bola Tinubu and Abubakar Atiku. Or Peter Obi and other scavengers for power.
MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: Can Tinubu, Our Eddie Kwansa, Now Come Home?
Everything is shrouded in a fog. Hope of retrieval of country from the jaws of political carnivores recedes by the day. This year, prelude to election year, will even be worse. Foes will stab friends and friends will stab foes, not in the back, but in their very before. War has begun, says So-kple-So. That line reminds me of Ghanaian Akan poet, Kojo Senanu’s poem, “My Song Burst” in the A Selection of African Poetry, authored by him and Theo Vincent, which recited that Akan war song.
Physical or psychological repression is writ large. Impunity reigns like a malevolent incubus. Those are actually not the ailment. The disease is the Nigerian people. The way Nigerians’ minds have become warped, significantly captured and compartmentalized into a binary, is mind-boggling. Never have Nigerians’ minds operated in a gross profile as this. Tribe, religion, and political parties determine where everyone stands. No one sees rot and maggots but opportunities. Everyone is running a rat race to take a bite of Nigeria’s carrion. Our sense of judgment has been significantly recalibrated. When I read comments by some otherwise knowledgeable and brilliant people on visible rots in the polity, I feel I am falling into depression. Yet, a part of me warns not to take Nigeria seriously. If you run mad and then die, Nigerians would piss on your graveside.
Many times, I have toyed with the option of abandoning this thankless ritual of column-writing which I began in 1998. It is a killing ritual for which, not only don’t you get paid but you are insulted for daring to have a voice. Maybe I could find sanity in silence and abandonment of my voice? After all, Reno Omokri and Daniel Bwala have found redefinition in becoming the biblical Lot’s wife. But my mind tells me I would face hell on earth and would even not rest in peace. But the truth is, where I stand has potentials of running me mad. Permit me to be immodest, those who know me know I have an ecumenical spirit that cannot hurt a fly. But when I sit behind my laptop, I am like a possessed Yoruba deity of smallpox called Sonpona. Chaos, otherwise known as upside-down, which Fela said has its meaning too, is meaningless to me. Everywhere I turn, I see chaos and my head spins, threatening to explode. Even when I cannot totally extricate myself from the rot in the land, I am grieved like a pallbearer. Yet, another part of me tells me that order and chaos are Siamese, built into a profile by the Omnipotent.
MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: Abulu, The Prophetic Madman, At Akure Summit
As 2025 spun into oblivion, I stood to make a New Year resolution. But before I did this, I checked the literature of resolutions. It offers no comfort. Over a century ago, specifically on January 1, 1887, Rudyard Kipling, English journalist and novelist, attempted to drill into the philosophy of resolutions. In a timeless poem which explored the human desire to make New Year resolutions and the failure that attends it, he gave a tribe of New Year resolution makers a short-lived hope. He did this in a poem he entitled Little-Known Poem on New Year’s Resolutions. Billions of people in the world make resolutions on New Year’s Day. But, said Kipling, there are trials and tribulations in resolutions. In seven short stanzas, Kipling took readers on a journey. He begins by listing vices he wants to give up. They hung on him like an apparition. Chief among the vices were alcohol, gambling, flirting, and smoking. But in each of the stanzas, as he proposes a resolution, he proposes contrary sentences that nullify the resolutions and even justifying their reversals.
Matthew Wills, in his Why New Years Falls on January 1st: Why do we celebrate the beginning of the New Year on the first of January?, took the world on a journey on the frivolities of January 1st. Julius Caesar, he said, is why. The eponymous Julian calendar, said Matthew, began in Mensis Ianuarius (or Januarius) 45B.C. The month of January, he further reminded us, is named after the Roman god called Janus. Janus is a god who had two faces. While one faces the future, the other faces the past. Janus was however perceived, according to Wills, as “the god of beginnings, endings, and transitions, or, more prosaically, doors and passageways.”
Among the Yoruba, just like Jews’, the agricultural season marks the beginning of the year. For them, the newness of a year is defined by their philosophy of time, which they also approximated in the saying, the next season is here so, don’t eat your yam seedling, «Àmódún ò jìnnà, má jẹ isu èèbù rẹ». Season and time, to the Yoruba, are expressed in an embodiment of words like àkόkὸ (time around), ìgbà (season) and àsìkò (specific season) which they most times deploy interchangeably. The people also have sayings which speak to their conception of time. For instance, late professor of philosophy and my teacher at the University of Lagos, Sophie Oluwole, in one of her works, “The Labyrinth Conception of Time as Basis of Yoruba View of Development” published in Studies in Intercultural Philosophy (1997), cited Yoruba saying to illustrate this. “Tí wón bá ńpa òní, kí òla tèlé won kí ó lo wò bí won o ti sin ín (when today is being killed, tomorrow’s attendance at the murder scene is necessary so that it could see where the corpse of today is buried and for it to know how it too would be interred). The two other Yoruba sayings Oluwole cited to illustrate time and season are, one: “ogbón odún ni, wèrè èèmí ni” (this year’s wisdom is next year’s folly) and “Ìgbà ò lo bí òréré, ayé ò lo bí òpá ìbon” (a life span cannot exist ad infinitum; it is not vertical, and is unlike the straightness of the barrel of a gun).
MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: Ted Cruz’s Genocide, Blasphemy And Ida The Slave Boy
These were all I reflected upon as I proposed to make a 2026 Resolution. The self-imposed road of a columnist I tread is a lonely, hard road strewn with briers and thorns. I remember the sermon of another Jamaican reggae great, Jimmy Cliff. It is a hard road to travel and a rough road to walk, he counseled. Many times, you are lonely, dejected and rejected on this road. You open your mouth to speak but wordless words ooze therefrom. Just as Tosh lamented in his “Must Rastas bear this cross alone and all the heathens go free?” volunteering anti-establishment opinion is like carrying a cross. Many times, I am inundated by family and friends to turn apostate of my belief. They fear death or state castration. Can’t the world see? Don’t they see the pains, grits and uncertainty on this road? Don’t they know that there is lushness, flourish and plenty on the other side? If I neglected these for a carapace-hard travel, I thought I would be hailed. No. Why is one who chose this lonely road the demon? And those who sup in the bowl of destruction heroes? Why? No response. Only echo of my own silent voice.
In this dejection, Audre Geraldine Lorde came to my rescue. Lorde was an American professor, philosopher, feminist, poet and rights activist. She was also a self-described Black lesbian. Lorde got romantically involved with Mildred Thompson, American sculptor, painter and lesbian she met in Nigeria during FESTAC 77. In a paper she delivered at the Modern Language Association›s “Lesbian and Literature Panel,” Chicago, Illinois, December 28, 1977 with the title, The Transformation of Silence into Language and Action, Lorde gave insight into the pains she encountered on account of her beliefs: “I have come to believe over and over again that what is most important to me must be spoken, made verbal and shared, even at the risk of having it bruised or misunderstood.”
It could also mean pain or death, but she said, “learning to put fear into a perspective gave me great strength” and that “I was going to die, if not sooner, then later, whether or not I had ever spoken.” Gradually, said Lorde, “I began to recognize a source of power within myself that comes from the knowledge that while it is most desirable not to be afraid, my silences had not protected me.” She died of liver cancer in 1995.
Yes, this is a rough, lonely road. It could be excruciating when you see friends, especially ones in government, desert you because they don’t want to associate with you. You walk alone like a deranged alchemist. Some even ask why, with your endowment and ascription, you live comparatively like a pauper. Your views are criminalized. Where you stand is not popular. But both madman Peter Tosh and lesbian Audre Geraldine Lorde give the will to trudge on in the New Year, regardless. Lorde was loud in my head with her admonition. After her initial apprehension of a mastectomy resulting from a breast cancer, she said: “I was going to die, sooner or later… My silences had not protected me. Your silences will not protect you…. What are the words you do not yet have? What are the tyrannies you swallow day by day and attempt to make your own, until you will sicken and die of them, still in silence? We have been socialized to respect fear.”
There and then, I made a bold vow, a New Year resolution: I will continue to speak truth to power. Regardless.
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What I Saw After A Lady Undressed Herself — Pastor Adeboye

General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), Pastor Enoch Adeboye, has recounted a remarkable experience in which he said a woman was miraculously healed after prayers.
Adeboye shared the testimony while speaking at the RCCG annual gathering, describing the incident as a clear demonstration of divine intervention and the power of prayer.
According to the cleric, the incident occurred during a visit to a city where he had checked into an undisclosed hotel.
READ ALSO:Pastor Adeboye To Lead Prayers For Nigeria
He said the lady approached him, greeted him and insisted on following him to his hotel room despite his objections.
“I told her, ‘Please don’t put me into trouble, I can pray for you here,’ but she insisted on following me,” Adeboye recounted.
He said that upon getting to the hotel room, the woman revealed the condition that prompted her persistence.
READ ALSO:How RCCG Pastor Absconded With $8,000, Marry New Wife In US — Pastor Adeboye’s wife
“When she pulled her dress up, what I saw shocked me. Her body was covered with scars,” he said.
Adeboye explained that he immediately began to pray for the woman, adding that he did not mind being loud during the prayers.
“I began to pray for her, and before I knew it, all the scars were gone,” he said.
The RCCG leader described the experience as a powerful testimony of faith, stressing that it reinforced his belief in prayer as a tool for healing and transformation.
News
Missing N128bn: SERAP Demands Probe Into Power Ministry, NBET Expenditures

The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has urged President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to immediately order an investigation into allegations that more than N128 billion in public funds is missing or has been diverted from the Federal Ministry of Power and the Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading Plc. (NBET), Abuja.
The allegations are contained in the latest annual report of the Auditor-General of the Federation, published on September 9, 2025, which highlighted multiple cases of financial irregularities, undocumented payments, ents and suspected diversion of public funds across both institutions.
In a letter dated January 3, 2026, and signed by SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, the organisation called on President Tinubu to direct the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, alongside relevant anti-corruption agencies, to promptly probe the findings and ensure accountability.
SERAP stressed that any individual found culpable should be prosecuted where sufficient admissible evidence exists, while all missing or diverted funds should be fully recovered and paid back into the national treasury.
READ ALSO:SERAP Drags Akpabio, Tajudeen To Court Over Alleged Missing N18.6bn NASS Complex Project Funds
The group further urged the president to deploy any recovered funds to address the deficit in the 2026 budget and help ease Nigeria’s growing debt burden.
According to SERAP, Nigerians continue to bear the consequences of entrenched corruption in the power sector, which has contributed to persistent electricity shortages, frequent transmission line failures and unreliable power supply nationwide.
The organisation argued that addressing corruption in the sector would significantly improve access to regular and uninterrupted electricity.
The civil society group described the allegations as a grave breach of public trust and a violation of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), Nigeria’s anti-corruption laws and international obligations, including the United Nations Convention against Corruption.
READ ALSO:SERAP Drags RMAFC To Court Over Proposed Salary Hike For Political Office Holders
Detailing the audit findings, SERAP noted that the Ministry of Power failed to account for over N4.4 billion transferred to the Mambilla, Zungeru and Kashimbilla project accounts, with no evidence provided on how the funds were utilised.
The Auditor-General expressed fears that the money may have been diverted and recommended its recovery.
The report also revealed that the ministry paid over N95 billion to contractors for various projects without documentation or proof that the projects existed or were executed.
Additionally, more than N33 million was reportedly spent on foreign travels for the minister and aides to attend international events in Abu Dhabi and Dubai without required approvals from the Secretary to the Government of the Federation or the Head of Civil Service.
READ ALSO:SERAP Sues NNPCL Over Alleged Failure To Account For Missing N825bn, $2.5bn
Further concerns were raised over unaccounted expenditures, including over N230 million on the GIGMIS platform and more than N282 million paid as non-personal advances to staff beyond statutory limits, all without adequate documentation.
At NBET, the Auditor-General uncovered multiple cases of irregular contract awards and payments. These include over N427 million in contracts awarded without evidence of procurement advertisements, more than N7.6 billion transferred into purported sub-accounts of unnamed beneficiaries, and over N9.3 billion paid to Egbin Power Plc without documents to authenticate the transactions.
The audit also cited payments exceeding N8 billion made without proper record-keeping, over N420 million paid to ineligible consultants without evidence of services rendered, and more than N1.1 billion spent as extra-budgetary expenditure without approval from the Minister of Finance or the National Assembly.
READ ALSO:SERAP Kicks As Bill To Jail Nigerians Who Don’t Vote Is Proposed
Other questionable expenditures highlighted include payments for vehicles without due process, unapproved legal fees, undocumented staff welfare packages, and consultancy services not captured in approved budgets.
SERAP warned that if decisive action is not taken within seven days of the receipt or publication of its letter, the organisation would consider legal steps to compel the government to act in the public interest.
Citing constitutional provisions, SERAP reminded President Tinubu that Section 15(5) of the Constitution mandates the abolition of corrupt practices, while Section 16 obliges the government to ensure that the nation’s resources are managed to promote the welfare and happiness of all citizens.
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