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[OPINION] AI vs HI: The Imperfection In Excellence

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Tunde Odesola

When citizens exasperatedly say ‘Nigeria is a plane on autopilot’ or when they dismissively say ‘Nigeria na cruise’, they are disclosing much more than the words reveal. They are lamenting a nation whose humanity has shattered, leaving a truckload of iciness in its wake. Both expressions often stem from a place of discontent, subtly bemoaning a country’s slipping from the realm of Human Intelligence into a domain submerged by the mechanicality of Artificial Intelligence.

With these two sentences, Nigerians are mourning the absence of empathy, that precious virtue Shakespeare christened “the milk of human kindness,” which is lacking in today’s governance, coupled with its replacement by apathy, that malevolent spirit of indifference. Beneath both expressions lies a deep frustration with a leadership culture increasingly divorced from human feeling, equity, democratic dividends, common sense, and accountability.

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The emerging reality recalls the Yoruba proverb about the hunter who, in pursuit of a rat, sets fire to the forest that provides food and shelter.

Those who insist that Nigeria is flying on autopilot are not wrong. From the mangled highways of crippling economy to the blood-soaked fields of banditry and terrorism, calamity envelopes the nation’s landscape like harmattan haze. Yet, while the storms rage below, the political pilots in the cockpit assure passengers that all is well, aware that suffocating inflation will not ‘let the poor breathe’.

Their defence of the current state of affairs rests on three familiar syllogisms. First, that previous democratic administrations wrecked the aircraft and handed over a damaged machine. Second, that repairing a nation in free fall requires patience and time. Third, that despite the turbulence, Nigerians have been enjoying the dividends of democracy over the past three years. These syllogistic excuses don’t boom from the loudspeakers of Aso Rock alone; they thunder from the megaphones of every state governor and from the gongs of local government councils across the nation.

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Whether these propositions are profound truths or convenient excuses is a matter on which empty stomachs, grieving families, kidnapped victims, and the unemployed hold very different opinions. However, what holds dear to the people’s hearts is for governments at the three tiers to wear a human face and provide security, employment, welfare and infrastructure.

The latest brazen kidnapping of 46 schoolchildren, toddlers and teachers in the Ahoro-Esiele and Yawota areas of Oriire community in Oyo State calls for the nation’s political leadership to step into the cockpit,  get hold of the gears, and move the aircraft from auto-pilot to human-pilot.

Aside from the noise and empty assurances of safety that attend each kidnapping in the country, the Bola Tinubu administration must, as a matter of emergency, collaborate with the legislature and state governors to speed up the creation of state police, purchase sufficient sophisticated arms, and provide adequate welfare for security forces. In its barbarity, the bandits’ beheading of the male teacher abducted along with toddlers and pupils at the Oriire school is the worst of abductions.

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It strongly behoves the three tiers of government to rechannel energy and refocus vision. For instance, the multibillions of taxpayers’ money spent yearly on sending pilgrims to Jerusalem and Mecca on religious jamborees can be used to improve the country’s security. It goes without saying that the executive, legislative and judiciary arms of Nigeria are dens of corruption.

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A nation that allocates in its 2026 appropriation budget the sum of N135.22 billion for electoral lawsuits and earmarks N900 billion for conducting the next general elections is on autopilot, powered by Artificial Intelligence. Both budgetary provisions do not reflect humanity in the intelligence that informed them. How does a government allocate funds to future elections and litigations when the country is crackling under terrorism and banditry attacks, and soldiers at the frontlines lack superior arms to outrun terrorists? Nobody hears about the return of unspent budgetary allocations to the federal purse after the Umaru Musa Yar’Adua era, when a minister of health and others were jailed for not returning N300 million of unspent 2007 budget funds to the national treasury.

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In today’s Nigeria governed by apathy, however, the monthly salary and allowances of each senator are N1.06 million. This is the gospel according to the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, the government agency responsible for monitoring national revenue accruals, disbursing funds from the Federation Account, and determining fair revenue-sharing formulas among the federal, state, and local governments. RMAFC even gave a laughable breakdown of the salary earned by each Nigerian senator.

It runs thus: Basic Salary: N168,866.70; Constituency Allowance: N422, 166.66; Vehicle Fuelling/Maintenance: N126, 650; Domestic Staff: N126, 650; Personal Assistant: N42, 216.66; Entertainment: N50,660; Utilities: N50,660; Newspapers: N25,330; Wardrobe: N42,216.66; and House maintenance: N8,443.33. Between what the RMAFC says Nigerian senators earn and the stupendous lifestyles they live lies the albatross of corruption. Is RMFAC saying Nigerian senators break skulls and limbs during elections to earn N1.06 million monthly? Nigerians are still awaiting the resignation of EFCC Chairman, Ola Olukoyede, who, upon sighting the weight of evidence against former Kogi Governor, Yahaya Bello, vowed that he would resign if he “did not see the case through”.

Addressing a news conference, Olukoyede, who looked angry, thundered, “Do you know how much has been lost to corruption in this country? If we allow this thing to go this way, I don’t have the moral right to run after anybody, to say I want to investigate anybody in Nigeria. We (had) better proscribe the EFCC!”

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Today, Bello is on his way to the same Senate.

So, isn’t Nigeria truly on autopilot? Don’t you agree that “Nigeria na cruise”? Nigerian political leaders have replaced their Human Intelligence with Artificial Intelligence, putting a wedge between service and delivery, replacing the warmth of humanity with the iciness of artificiality.

On the other side of the Artificial Intelligence coin lies Human Intelligence. Currently, there are growing concerns over the global widespread use of Artificial Intelligence. Scholars, students and workers are afraid that AI dominance would lead to job loss, uncreativity, laziness, an increase in crime, pollution, etc.

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Indian-born American journalist, political commentator, and author, Fareed Zakaria, began his university education at Yale and ended it with a PhD at Harvard. Zakaria is the host of CNN’s Fareed Zakaria GPS, and he writes a weekly column for The Washington Post. The 62-year-old is also the editor of Newsweek International and an editor at large of Time.

Recently, he delivered a graduation speech at Bard College, New York. He warned his audience from the outset. “I need to give you a trigger warning. I’ve noticed in this commencement season (that) some graduation speeches have provoked a few boos from students. So, I should probably warn you that I am about to utter the two most provocative letters in the English Language today: AI”

READ MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: [OPINION] IGP Disu: Inside The Rotting Walls Of Zone II

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Not a few boos greeted Zakaria’s opening shot. But he went on all the same. Before I elaborate on his seminal speech, I will distil Zakaria’s central argument in one sentence: The rise of Artificial Intelligence should not make us fear becoming obsolete; it should make us rediscover what makes us uniquely human. He said, “People naturally ask: What will be left for human beings to do?” But perhaps that is the wrong question. The better question is: “What does AI tell us about all the things that we humans already do, and do — distinctively and irreplaceably?” The answer, I think, is profoundly hopeful.”

In the view of the erudite scholar, humans, over the decades, have wrongly equated intelligence with calculation, memory, logic, analysis, and pattern recognition. He argues that AI is beginning to outperform humans in these areas, and asserts that Human Intelligence is not merely analytical. For him, HI also includes emotional understanding, moral judgment, empathy, intuition, social awareness, imagination, and consciousness.

According to him, the human brain is a three-pound miracle that consumes roughly 20 watts of power while AI requires gigantic data centres, consumes enormous energy, funds, and occupies vast physical structures, yet the human brain effortlessly performs tasks such as understanding context, reading emotions, recognising intention, navigating social situations, understanding irony and ambiguity all of which remain difficult for machines.

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Hear Zakaria, “Your three-pound brain is sitting quietly inside your skull, using less energy than a laptop charger. And yet it can do things that still baffle machines. A toddler can recognise a face instantly in poor lighting, understand tone and emotion, navigate a crowded room, learn language socially, infer intentions, and grasp context — all effortlessly.”

Like leaders at the three tiers of government in Nigeria, AI can write about grief, describe fear and generate commiseration letters to the families of the abducted, but Artificial Intelligence cannot mourn, fear death, fall in love, feel regret, or experience loneliness. Zakaria believes that a machine can simulate emotion, but a human actually experiences it.

The scenario above is similar to Nigerian governments seeing people merely as statistical figures for taxation, voters for elections, and citizens in need of a ruler because the DNA of their reasoning is artificial.

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Art matters because of the artists. Politicians matter because of the masses. Not in Nigeria, however. One of the speech’s most powerful insights is about creativity, where Zakaria argues that people do not value art solely because of the final product. They value art because it emerged from human life, it carries human struggle, and embodies human experience. He asserts that when we read Charles Dickens, Toni Morrison, and Gabriel Marquez, we are entering another consciousness. We care about the suffering, hope, doubt, and imagination behind the words. The creator matters as much as the creation.

Nigerian leadership does not carry the people along. It does not humanise. It dehumanises in its response to kidnappings, the provision of infrastructure and measly minimum wage to workers.

Imperfection is a virtue, not a vice, says Zakaria. This assertion is arguably the deepest theme in the speech. The prolific writer uses the Kintsugi, the Japanese art of repairing broken pottery with lacquer mixed with powdered gold, silver, or platinum. Instead of hiding the cracks, kintsugi highlights them, and the crack becomes part of the object’s beauty rather than a defect to conceal. Kintsugi is rooted in the Japanese aesthetic of Wabi-Sabi, which finds beauty in imperfection, simplicity, ageing, incompleteness and impermanence. Kintsugi philosophy says that a thing is not less valuable because it has been broken. In fact, it may become more beautiful because of its story.

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READ MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: Adeleke: Crime Cannot Dethrone Apetu And Enthrone Oluwo

Contrarily, imperfection is a vice in Nigerian governance as political leaders see themselves as gods, excellencies, before whom the people must bow. Unlike Kintsugi, Nigerian politics always pretends that break never happens, hiding kidnap casualty figures, cooking the books, forgetting “the crack, at times, let the light in.”

Turning the conventional AI fear upside down, the popular journalist says man should not be worried that machines are becoming too human, rather man should be worried that humans are becoming too machine-like. He sees this already happening through obsession with productivity, optimisation, efficiency, branding, performance metrics, etc. In trying to compete with algorithms, people risk losing spontaneity, compassion, authenticity, and emotional depth.

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A life devoted solely to efficiency, discipline and functionality may lose love, intimacy, moral courage and human connection, so says Zakaria, who submits that a perfectly optimised life can be a tragic life.

Explaining that human greatness emerges from suffering, the Indian-American recalls that some of Beethoven’s most compelling symphonies were composed when he was almost totally deaf. “A machine may someday write a technically flawless symphony. But it will never know the anguish of Beethoven, who composed his Ninth Symphony — one of the greatest pieces of music ever written — when he was almost completely deaf. When we listen to the Ninth Symphony, what moves us is not simply the arrangement of notes. It is the sorrow, perseverance, and triumph of a composer determined to create transcendent sounds that he would never hear,” he says. Zakaria maintains that human suffering is not merely an obstacle to overcome, it is often the source of wisdom and greatness.

Beethoven’s homily is not for the Nigerian political leader. It should be told to the Marines. Suffering ke? Nibo? Tufiakwa! The earth is for Nigeria’s political class, and the fullness thereof.

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Zakaria also asserts that human relationships are irreplaceable. Technology, according to him, offers connection without intimacy, communication without community, companionship without commitment, whereas human beings need friendship, recognition, affection, dignity, and love. He says excessive reliance on technology can deepen loneliness rather than resolve it. Everything is replaceable in the eyes of Nigerian politics. Integrity being the first.

He told the graduates that the future belongs to those who cultivate human qualities, saying that instead of competing with AI, they should develop qualities AI cannot possess, such as judgment, wisdom, courage, trustworthiness, forgiveness, friendship, humour, compassion, etc.

The paradox running through the entire address is that the stronger AI becomes, the more valuable humanity becomes. While many assume AI diminishes human importance, Zakaria argues the opposite. As machines master logic, efficiency, and analysis, society should rediscover the value of emotion, morality, creativity, relationships, authenticity, and imperfection.

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Both on political and personal levels, the employment of Human Intelligence in taking critical decisions or arriving at breakthroughs is far more desirable than the sole use of Artificial Intelligence. However, the two can produce astounding results when combined in wise measures.

Email: tundeodes2003@yahoo.com

Facebook: @Tunde Odesola

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OPINION: An Agenda For Yoruba Oba, Leaders

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By Lasisi Olagunju

On Friday, November 1, 1878, a decisive war was fought in the north-eastern corridor of Yorubaland. History remembers it as the Jalumi War. It was that one-day battle that permanently halted the southward march of the Fulani towards the sea.

One of the bitterest engagements of that war was fought in a place called Iba, a few kilometres off the Ikirun-Offa Road.

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I remembered that episode of Yoruba history when the oba of the town, the Eburu of Iba, Oba (Prof) Adekunle Okunoye, invited me to deliver his tenth coronation anniversary lecture last Thursday. We agreed on the topic: ‘Old Crowns, New Worlds: Obas and the Future of Indigenous Leadership in Yorubaland.’

I told two friends about the assignment, and their responses were the same: how safe could that journey be with the Fulani around? They refused to accompany me. I did not find their apprehension amusing. That Osun State community is a shouting distance from Kwara South, with its blisters of insecurity. Imagine bandits from the north invading a gathering of Yoruba kings.

I could have told Kabiyesi that there was another assignment. For a reporter, there is always another deadline and a reason to postpone one journey for another. But then I asked myself whether it was divine design or mere coincidence that a major cultural event was taking place in that community at the very moment the aggressor of the nineteenth century appears to have resumed the abandoned campaign to penetrate and plunder Yorubaland.

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Why are armed men from the north ravaging the peace of the Yoruba often without resistance? Why are they killing the old and abducting the young from communities that had known peace for almost two centuries? How have the Yoruba become so vulnerable at a time when a Yoruba man is President and Commander-in-Chief of Nigeria?

Eminent historian Professor Banji Akintoye, in ‘The Yoruba People: Profile of the Foremost Black Nation’ (2022:95), quotes equally eminent Professor Wande Abimbola as lamenting in exasperation, “in elite circles”, that “the British could not, and did not, conquer us Yoruba, but now Nigeria is conquering us.”

Professor Abimbola’s observation deserves careful reflection. I read it through the lens of the fourteenth-century North African thinker, Ibn Khaldun. In his Muqaddimah, Khaldun argues that every successful society carries within itself the seeds of decline. He calls the force that makes a people great ‘asabiyyah’ —group solidarity, social cohesion and a shared sense of purpose. It is this collective spirit that builds civilisations and sustains them through adversity. It worked for the Yoruba generations that fought the Fulani wars of the 19th century.

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Yet prosperity and comfort can gradually erode solidarity. Men who inherit power often forget the hardships through which it was won. A further reading of Ibn Khaldun tells me that as asabiyyah weakens, societies become vulnerable to more cohesive, more determined challengers. Dynasties, Khaldun warned, have life cycles just as men do. The question confronting the Yoruba today is whether the insecurity engulfing their homeland is merely a failure of the Nigerian state or evidence of a deeper erosion of Yoruba asabiyyah.

In the past, a full Oba River was never an excuse for turning down the oba’s invitation. Now, something worse than a full, furious flood stands on the way of the Yoruba traveller. Should it be so bad that in the 21st century, there would be a part of the fatherland that a citizen would be afraid to go? In Yorubaland, offspring of the house does not knock before crossing the threshold; besides, a child should never dread his father’s home. So, I was there, in Iba, on Thursday to heed the king’s summon.

READ MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Boko Haram Comes South

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The assignment turned out to be more than a lecture. It became an opportunity to reflect on an institution many have repeatedly buried but which stubbornly refuses to die: the Yoruba throne. For more than a century, prophets of modernity have predicted the disappearance of kingship. Colonialism was supposed to finish it. Democracy was expected to replace it. Globalisation was thought capable of making it irrelevant. Yet the palace remains.

But as what? A king without kingship. A ruler stripped of the sword but still burdened with his people’s expectations of protection in a time of war.

The lecture and the discussions in Iba were not merely about the past. They were also about the anxieties of the present. There were about forty obas at the event. I looked at them; they asked questions, I answered. We looked at one another. We found no magic with which to retrieve the peace of the past. It is gone.

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A friend who hailed from Ogbomoso agonised over the recent mass kidnap of kids and teachers in her homestead. She sent me a staccato of messages conveying her fears and frustrations. She recalled what she encountered in that part of Yorubaland four years ago:

“I was in Ipapo in Oke Ogun, in 2022 for a research on the farmer-herder crisis. The town itself had about 70 per cent Hausa-Fulani population and the Yoruba residents were constantly harassed by these people. When we tried to have focus group discussions with them, we observed that as soon as any Hausa-Fulani passed, they either went quiet or carefully measured their responses. In the mosque, northerners were at the front and the Yorubas stayed at the back to pray. There was a demarcation. One of us was a Muslim who went into the mosque to pray; he briefed us on what he saw.

“These things had been brewing for long. The warning signs were ignored. What was overlooked has now come full blown in Yorubaland. These towns — Ipapo, Otu, Sepeteri — had always been terrorised. During that research, the only place that was clean of Fulani torment was Igangan. When we got to Sepeteri, the people told us which roads to take, which ones to avoid and the time to travel. It was tales of woe – and fear – throughout.”

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Listening to her, I found myself wondering what the old Yoruba political order would have done in such circumstances.

The oba of old handled such situations as war commander. He was a lion. His authority was measured not by the ferocity of his roar but by the peace enjoyed by those under his care. He stood watchful and composed, a steady presence in turbulent times, unshaken when storms gathered over the land. That is why the Yoruba say: “Ibi tí kìnìún bá tọ̀ sí, ẹranko tó bá bá ibẹ̀ lọ kò so ríire.” Where the lion marks with its urine, any animal that passes through the place is doomed.

Such was the authority of the oba. But that was in the past. T. A. A. Ladele’s ‘Igbi Aye Nyi’ tells us of that transition from the substance of power to its abject opposite. The novel laments: Omi lọ ľáyé, pètèpétè l’o kù/ Oba lọ l’ayé, àworán l’ọbá dà (The spring water has gone; mud remains/ Kingship has departed; only its image survives).

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One oba asked me how the past could be salvaged? I asked if there had ever been a river that flows backward. The challenge before today’s oba is not how to recover lost political power. That era is gone. The challenge is how to recover moral authority. A throne respected for integrity, restraint and service will remain relevant. A throne converted into a business venture may survive physically but lose its soul.

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I told the gathering of traditional rulers that the oba of the future must be more than a custodian of rituals and of beautiful regalia. He must be a custodian of relevance. He must understand tradition without becoming trapped by it. He must embrace innovation without becoming uprooted. He must be educated without becoming alienated. He must speak the language of ancestry and the language of technology.

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I told them the oba must be an instrument of development, cultural renewal and community advancement. He should champion education, encourage enterprise, support social cohesion and serve as a voice of moderation in moments of tension. The palace should become more than a residence; it should become a living classroom.

We also discussed obas and politics.
Should an oba openly participate in partisan contests? I told them no. The oba is a citizen. He has opinions. He votes where the law permits him to vote. But the throne belongs to everybody. The palace must remain a place where supporters of opposing parties can sit together. Once a king becomes identified with one faction, he risks turning subjects into opponents.

Political victories come and go. The throne is expected to outlive them all.

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Which brings me back to Jalumi.
If Jalumi was fought to halt an external threat to Yoruba existence, today’s threat is different. It comes on motorcycles instead of cavalry; with kidnappers instead of imperial armies. Yet the challenge remains the same: can Yoruba institutions still mobilise society in moments of danger?
The answer to that question may determine whether the throne remains merely a monument to history or a participant in shaping the future.

It is true that the obaship institution has lived through threats that threatened its existence. But survival alone is not enough. The palace faces a challenge our ancestors never imagined. That challenge is modernity, or what J. D. Y. Peel called olaju.
The danger is not technology. The danger is forgetting who we are. Odò tí ó bá gbàgbé orísun rẹ̀ yóò gbẹ. A river that forgets its source will dry up. The same is true of a people.

The modern oba’s battlefield is no longer the theatre of war. It is the frontier of ideas, organisation, intelligence and community resilience.

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The future will not belong to societies imprisoned by tradition. Neither will it belong to societies ashamed of their heritage. It will belong to those wise enough to carry old crowns into new worlds.

The challenges of our age demand more than nostalgia. You cannot fight today’s AK-47 war with yesterday’s amulets. A Yorubaland that will survive the present existential threats must learn to hunt today’s hare with today’s hound. The wisdom of the ancestors remains invaluable, but the ancestors themselves taught adaptation. After all, a river that refuses to bend to the landscape never reaches the sea.

And perhaps that is the real agenda for the oba – and for Yoruba leaders in general.

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As we discussed the place of the throne in today’s insecurity, a striking intervention came from the North. The Emir of Argungu, Alhaji Muhammad Samaila Mera, urged district heads, village heads and ward heads in Kebbi State to organise active community responses to banditry. He asked his people to match bandits’ arms with arms, gun with gun. He asked them to cure madness with madness. His point was simple: criminals thrive where communities are vulnerable, fragmented and fearful.

READ MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: An Epidemic Of Sorrow

Whether one agrees entirely with the Emir’s prescription is not the issue. The larger lesson is that a traditional ruler should not be a ceremonial spectator while his people live under siege. He must think. He must strategise. He must convene. He must use the moral authority of the throne to organise society against danger.

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That, perhaps, is what the modern oba must become.

The oba of old rode at the head of armies. The oba of today cannot do that. The Constitution has taken away the sword, but it has not taken away the voice. It has not taken away influence. It has not taken away legitimacy. It has not taken away the capacity to bring hunters, farmers, traders, youth leaders, religious authorities, security agencies and community organisations to one table.

My point is that in an age of insecurity, the king must be more than a custodian of festivals and traditions. He must be the community’s chief thinker, chief strategist and chief mobiliser. He must understand the changing realities of his domain, encourage intelligence gathering, strengthen social cohesion and help transform frightened populations into organised communities.

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Jalumi was won not merely because brave men fought. It was won because leaders recognised a threat, understood its implications and mobilised society to confront it.

Every generation has its own Jalumi.
The weapons change. The battlefield changes. The enemy changes.
But the need for leadership does not. That is why the future throne cannot afford to sleep, even if the old powers now reside in the pouch of the one who commands troops from Abuja.

Now, a spur away from the oba and their future. If the president has inherited the powers the oba once wielded, should he not also inherit the obligation that came with those powers?

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The first duty of government is security. Everything else comes after that. Roads, bridges, rail lines and airports are useful only when citizens are alive and free to use them. History ultimately judges rulers not by the grandeur of their projects but by the safety of their people.

If the old oba was measured by the peace of his kingdom, if he rose and fell with his people’s security, the modern president cannot escape the same test. In a season of fear, protection is the highest form of leadership. The leader who secures his people earns their gratitude; the one who fails is remembered like Alaafin Aole under whom Yorubaland became an empire of refugees.

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Ohanaeze Ndigbo Bans Monarchical Titles In Edo

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The Edo State chapter of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide has banned the use of unauthorized Igbo traditional titles such as Ezeigbo, Ezendigbo, Igwe, and similar monarchical designations outside recognized traditional institutions in Igboland.

Addressing journalists during a press conference in Benin, the state secretary of the group, Mr. Emmanuel Ofodu, said the directive follows a resolution of the organization’s General Assembly held on April 9, 2026, which according to him, applies to all Igbo communities in Edo State, the wider Diaspora, and across Nigeria.

He said that the creation or operation of parallel traditional leadership structures outside Igboland is not only culturally invalid but also allegedly inconsistent with a prior court ruling referenced as Suit No. B/290/2015.

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Ofodu aɗded that the only constitutionally and traditionally recognized authorities in Igboland have the mandate to confer such titles, warning that any individual or group involved in unauthorized coronations or installations would be acting in violation of both cultural directives and legal pronouncements.

READ ALSO: Two Governors Behind Plan To Destroy Ohanaeze Ndigbo – Secretary-General

He noted that the statement also reaffirmed cooperation with Edo State’s established traditional authority, including loyalty to the Oba of Benin, Ewuare II, and other recognized traditional rulers across Edo North and Central senatorial districts.

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He urged security agencies, government authorities, and the public to treat any unauthorized use of such titles as invalid, insisting that enforcement of the directive is necessary to preserve cultural order and prevent inter-communal tensions.

He further emphasized that Igbo residents in Edo State should operate under recognized community frameworks, including town unions and the state chapter of Igbo Community Union, in line with broader coordination by Ohanaeze Ndigbi.

Speaking on the nationwide voter registration mobilization, he said the group announced the commencement of a statewide civic mobilisation campaign aimed at boosting participation in the ongoing voter registration exercise conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

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According to the Edo State leadership, “the registration window scheduled to close in July 2026 is a critical opportunity for eligible citizens to update their records, obtain Permanent Voter Cards and strengthen political participation ahead of future elections.

He appealed to all Igbo residents aged 18 and above to register, update their details where necessary, and ensure full participation in the electoral process.

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He described voter participation as essential to civic influence, stating that “numbers determine representation in a democratic system” and urging eligible voters not to miss the registration window.

He said that the Ohanaeze Ndigbo s directives on traditional title regulation and voter registration are aimed at strengthening unity, ensuring lawful cultural practices, and enhancing political participation among Igbo residents in Edo State.

READ ALSO: Two Governors Behind Plan To Destroy Ohanaeze Ndigbo – Secretary-General

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He further reaffirmed the group’s commitment to peaceful coexistence with host communities and adherence to existing traditional and administrative structures in the state.

Speaking also, the state legal adviser of the group, George Igbokwe, said the decision to proscribe such titles stemmed from the incidence that happened in South Africa where some of their sons were taking different titles.

The message sent to Edo Chapter is to disseminate the information from their last executive meeting where the issue of some Igbo people in the diaspora take the title of Eze Ndigbo or Eze Igbo in their various places of business.

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“The Ohanaeze Ndigbo noted that it has caused several problems in Ghana, in South Africa, in Amsterdam and other parts of the world.

“So they have put their feet down in conjunction with the Council of Traditional Rulers of Ndigbo that, that Eze Ndigbo or Eze Igbo or performing the duties of Eze Ndigbo in any form or manner should be totally and permanently proscribed and prohibited”, Igbokwe said.

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World Ocean Day: Edo Coastal Communities Lament Loss Of Fish Species, Others

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Fishing communities in the coastal areas of Ovia North-East Local Government Area of Edo State have lamented the disappearance of fish species in their rivers, blaming multinational companies’ extractive activities, climate change, and harmful fishing practices.

They spoke during an event organised by the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) to mark this year’s World Ocean Day in Ekewan community, Ovia North-East Local Government Area.

Participants drawn from Gelegele, Inikorogha, Iboro, Ikoro and Ekewan communities said that due to some harmful activities taking place on their rivers, many species of fish they used to catch 20 to 30 years ago are no longer available.

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They added that the few species left now require fishermen to travel long distances before making catches.

READ ALSO: 200 Gelegele Community Residents Benefit From TEAAF Free Medical Care

Obon Gardan from Iboro community lamented that crude oil spills in the river, which have persisted for years, have negatively affected fishing activities in the area.

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He urged the government to empower fishing communities with fishing nets, engine boats, hooks and other equipment, just as free fertilisers are provided for farmers.

Divine Subotie from Inikorogha community said that although there were some practices among local fishermen that were harmful to fishing activities, coupled with river pollution and climate change, the dialogue had opened her eyes to many issues.

Until now, I never knew that when we fish in a particular area, we need to allow the fishes some time to reproduce and mature before returning to the same spot to fish again. So, I will go back and tell my community people this. If only they agree to allow such a period of rest, the fish population will grow. This will also benefit us,” she said.

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A cross section of participants at the event.

READ ALSO: GMOs: HOMEF Trains Gelegele Farmers, Urges Them To Embrace Agroecology

Regina Awowo from Gelegele community, while appreciating HOMEF for organising the event, urged the government to assist the communities through empowerment programmes and other support initiatives.

Timothy Sibete, Chairman of Ekewan community, described the programme as an eye-opener and urged the organisation not to relent in its advocacy for climate justice and public enlightenment.

He said that before the event, he never knew that some fishing practices were harmful to humanity, adding that the dialogue had broadened his understanding of such practices.

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Earlier in his remarks, Stanley Egholo, Project Lead for Fossil Politics at HOMEF and Coordinator of the FishNet Alliance Network, said the significance of the event was to celebrate the efforts of artisanal fishers in the area.

“At the FishNet Alliance, we focus more on artisanal fishing and also kick against exploitative activities by multinational oil corporations,” he said.

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Egholo advocated community-driven government policies, stressing that: “Policies must be driven from the community level. People must make inputs from the grassroots into whatever laws govern our oceans and water bodies.

“It should not just be for governments to make laws that are not community-related and that do not serve the interests of the people. Government must consider community inputs in whatever laws are made to regulate oceans and other water bodies.”

He also called for an immediate transition from fossil fuel extraction to renewable energy.

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“That is the solution. Not the false solutions being promoted by some corporations that are also benefiting from environmental degradation,” he added.

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