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OPINION: Ambition Without Plans

By Suyi Ayodele
President Olusegun Obasanjo said Tinubu’s government came to power without a plan. The response from the Villa is the number of people who committed suicide under the government headed by Obasanjo. When one reads such base responses from the president’s handlers, one begins to wonder what happened to the antecedents of those guys in the Villa!
If Obasanjo accused the government of being without a plan, what could have been a better response than to give the retired General the plans the government had initiated and executed? If it is true that more people died under the Obasanjo regime, must the Tinubu administration struggle to beat that record?
And without holding brief for Obasanjo, how on earth would Aso Rock want to convince the dullest of humanity that more people committed suicide in the government where a bag of rice was sold for N3,500 and a litre of fuel at N87 than in a government where a bag of rice is now N115,000 and a litre of fuel is N1,200?
Do we need a Professor Kunle Ogunbameru or an Emile Durkheim, or any clinical psychologist, to tell us that there would be more cases of depression when the people cannot afford basic things of life than when there is abundance of life?
Poets and cartoonists are the most ‘dangerous’ users of language. They hide meanings in terse phrases, symbols and metaphors. Even at that, poets speak too much in their few words. You must be deep enough to understand their messages.
I am close to one of them, a poet. He retired from the University of Benin precisely on June 4, 2023, after a teaching career that spanned 43 years. Professor Tony Afejuku is loud on any issue. He is not the type who is afraid to take a stand on any matter. The one known as No-Paddy-for-Jungle, is equally not bothered if his position is the most unpopular. Afejuku tells you that truth is never a popular phenomenon.
But one thing I find strange about the Itsekiri poet is that in most critical moments, when you expect him to be elaborate, he gives you a few poetic lines and moves on. At an academic seminar a few years back, someone lied openly against him. All of us present expected an outburst. We were shocked when Afejuku simply responded by saying; “Everything passes”, laughed heartily, and moved on to discuss the merits and demerits of the presentation for the day.
I confronted him at the end of the exercise. I asked why he did not defend himself against the lie. He laughed again and asked me if I knew that the man lied. I affirmed that, adding that everyone present knew. Then he responded: “No one defends a lie. Lie always lies against itself.” Events that followed in the subsequent weeks after that encounter confirmed Afejuku’s position that lies go around in a vicious circle.
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This is not the best of times for the Emilokan apologists as the government they invested their trust in keeps disappointing them. I honestly feel their frustration in their futile attempt to wake up a dead horse that the government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has turned out to be. My sincere sympathy, however, goes to the few among the president’s men who have come to realise that what they supported in 2023 is a typical Oja okunkun (goods purchased in the dark).
One of the Tinubu Abobakus (those who must die with the king), a friend, sent me one of their usual lines a few days ago. The message is about the Sokoto-Badagry ‘Superhighway’, another elephant project of the Federal Government.
The author of the message accused those who had in the past criticised President Tinubu’s Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road project, but who had not said anything about the Sokoto- Badagry Road, 24 hours after the project was announced, as suffering from “Selective Amnesia.”
My friend forwarded the message to me because in his estimation, I fall into the category of those suffering from “selective amnesia”. He could not summon the courage to say that directly (probably because of the age difference and our past relationships); I nevertheless got his message. In my response, I simply highlighted the message and wrote: “This is permanent idiocy.” The exchange happened last Saturday. I am shocked that he has not responded their usual way! Strange!
I have reflected on the purpose of that message and several others like it that the President’s men send from time to time to those who are not in their sinking boat. I keep wondering why these folks think that because Tinubu is their god, he must also be god to other fellows! Who thinks that way?
“The Lie” (1592), is a 13-stanza poem of a disputed authorship. But because of its similarities with the Elizabethan work like “The discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana”. the other work of Sir Walter Raleigh (1553-1618), a British soldier, writer and explorer, the poem was ascribed to him.
The poet employed the instrumentality of literature to dwell on the political, social and economic situations of that era. He knew that his efforts would never be appreciated by the political class and their hangers-on, he therefore deliberately embarked on a “thankless errand” to tell those in power their wrong policies and how such affected the lives of the average people. Raleigh publicly accused the political locusts of his time of lying in all they did.
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The main message of Raleigh in “The Lie” is that writers have one sole responsibility, to wit: expose the truth irrespective of if that will sit well with the rulers or not. For every writer, who has adopted the mantra of truth as his take-off, Raleigh, in stanza one of the poem, says, must say to himself: Go, soul, the body’s guest, /Upon thankless errand;/Fear not to touch the best;/The truth shall be thy warrant/ Go since I needs must die,/And give the world the lie/.
Raleigh encouraged writers to: Say to the court, it glows/And shines like rotten wood. To the church the message is: Say to the church, it shows/What’s good, and doth no good: He had this for the locust political class: Tell men of high condition /That manage the estate, /Their purpose is ambition, /Their practice only hate; /And if they once reply, /Then give them all the lie.
God bless the immortal Sir Walter Reigh! His 15th century words remain relevant in 21st century Nigeria, where the ambition of the president is the only thing that runs the affairs of over 200 million people. Ours is a country where the government lies every second and expects everyone to believe. Whoever settles for the voyage for truth is labelled the ‘enemy’ of the president as if ‘friendship’ with the president brings food to the tables of the poor! How encouraging therefore is the immortal injunction to give them all the lie!
One analysis of “The Lie”, says “It imagines a courtier telling his servant (the soul also the poem) to visit allegorical figures and actual members of court to tell them uncomfortable truths about themselves and, if they object, ‘to give them the lie’, or accuse them publicly of being untruthful.” This mission of telling truth to power is what most of the hallelujah orchestra of the government lacks.
And because they don’t have the courage to tell their master the “uncomfortable truth”, anyone who attempts to do that on their behalf is seen as suffering from “selective amnesia.” We find figures like that in virtually all segments of the nation. The Aso Rock Villa, for instance, dedicated the whole of last week to attacking the media and President Obasanjo for telling truth to power.
At a time in our history when the deaf can hear the loud noise of agony in the land, those in power and their promoters hear nothing. It was not The Guardian that instigated the video where people openly asked the military to take over the power.
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The newspapers merely issued a warning that those in government should retrace their steps and ease the pain in the land because the people are at the point where a military intervention would be a welcome development.
A reasonable government that does not tell itself the lies it tells the people, will read that stuff and reflect on it. But that is not the case here. But for what would possibly be the reaction of the public, The Guardian would have been closed. Most nauseating is the feeling that a once ‘progressive’ journalist is the one leading the charge against truth and the media! Why must Afejuku’s theory of “Lie always lies against itself” be fulfilled in this government?
It is the same act of lying to itself that brought about last week’s cabinet change by President Tinubu. One of the things that baffle me about the guys who defend this government, and its policies is how they do that without feeling personally inane!
Where is the change in that cabinet reshuffle of last week? Is it that we now have a reduction in the cost of governance, or we have people with fresh ideas coming to the government? We complained that the monkey of this government is squatting too much, the government sold the monkey and used the proceeds to buy a dog, the king of squatters (a ní òbo ńlósòó, wón gbé òbo tà, wón f’owó r’ajá; ajá fúnra é baba ìlósòó)!
I read the list of the ‘new’ ministers and Tony Robbins, the United States’ author, coach and public speaker’s famous quote: “By changing nothing, nothing changes”, rushed through my head. A medical doctor who made no impact in the Ministry of Health was asked to go and manage the Ministry of Education and they want us to accept that as a change!
Out of 45 ministers, the president sacked five, employed seven, so that we now have 47 ministers. Of the old remaining 40, he changed 10 from one ministry to the other and retained 30 in their previous ministries; yet we expect to see an improvement in the way this government runs our affairs? You retained a whole 30 flat-footed figures on the same spots and moved 10 equally lack-lustre, unenterprising individuals to new fields all in the name of change? Why would the world not laugh at us?
Tell an average Emilokan that what happened in the cabinet reshuffle was a ruse; a trick, wile and outright deception by a clueless government that “came to power without a plan”, and the response you get is “you are an Omo Obasanjo”!
Why is it difficult for those who are ‘free’ from “selective amnesia” to realise that it is wasteful if the Benin-Ekpoma-Auchi-Okene-Lokoja-Abaji-Abuja Expressway remains unmotorable, for the government to start the construction of the Sokoto-Badagry superhighway?
How come they cannot comprehend the simple logic that a serious government would first fix all highways with huge vehicular movements like the Lagos-Ibadan, Benin-Ore-Ijebu-Ode-Lagos, Ibadan-Ilorin and many others before talking about Coastal highways?
How on earth is it difficult for the Emilokans to note that the restructuring of the Ministry of Niger Delta to the Ministry of Regional Commissions as President Tinubu did last week is just for political reasons the same way he created the Ministry of Livestock the other time?
Who would explain to these Tinubu’s clappers that pairing the North-East, North-West and North-Central Development Commissions with the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) is a recipe for chaos?
How do we convince them that the Niger Delta would never accept, after many years of marginalisation, a situation where the resources meant for their region, would be shared with regions that bring nothing to the table? Why won’t one want to be labelled an “Omo Obasanjo” in this circumstance, when it was the same Obasanjo who conceived the idea of the NDDC in the first instance?
Permit me to close with the great English poet of his time, Alexander Pope (May 21, 1688-May 30, !744), who says: “Blessed is he who expects nothing, for he shall never be disappointed.” I had no doubt in my mind, when the idea of a cabinet reshuffle was first mooted, that it would bring nothing. One beautiful thing about Tinubu’s Presidency is that it is highly predictable! The Presidency can lie to itself that it has carried out a cabinet reshuffle; the average reasonable mind knows nothing has happened. With the ruse called a change, Nigerians, I counsel here, freely, should brace up for another season of NOTHINGNESS!
News
[OPINION] Rivers: The Futility Of Power And The Illusion Of Victory
By Israel Adebiyi
Power is a strange thing. To some, it is a crown that dazzles; to others, it is a sword that conquers. Yet history, both ancient and modern, is replete with reminders that power is fleeting, fragile, and often fatal to those who cling to it without wisdom. Nigeria’s Rivers State has, in recent months, provided a theatre where this truth has played out in its rawest form, a play in which the actors ranged from elected governors to godfathers in high places, from lawmakers turned pawns to a weary citizenry who bore the bruises of political combat.
As you may have learnt, the democratically elected Governor Siminalayi Fubara is back in the saddle. What a traumatising six months it must have been for the man who thought being the Chief Security Officer of his state truly makes him the man in charge. What a tormenting time it must have been for the legislature, those who, entrusted with making laws, would rather sink the ship of state than allow Fubara to sail. And what excruciating experience it must have been for the people of Rivers themselves: to have their choice nearly swapped for a civilian in khaki, to watch their lives held hostage by political gladiators in a power struggle that never had their welfare at heart.
At the centre of this drama stood the godfather, one who straddles Abuja and Port Harcourt, ministering to the Federal Capital Territory while seeking to lord it over Rivers, unchallenged. His triumphs and setbacks are well-documented, but the bigger question remains: what has the political elite learnt from all this? From potential godsons, to godfathers, to supporters, to the rest of us, the truth is painfully clear, no one wins in a state of anarchy, not even the chest-beating King Kong.
The Rivers imbroglio reinforces a timeless principle: governance does not happen in chaos. The seat of power may be occupied, but when the instruments of state are weaponised against one another, the business of the people suffers. Schools do not function, hospitals languish, investments are scared away, and trust in government crumbles. A peaceful atmosphere is the precondition for governance, for no policy, no matter how well-crafted, can thrive in the soil of instability.
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In this sense, what happened in Rivers is not new. History shows us that the vanity of power games leaves behind a trail of ruins. Rome, mighty and invincible, crumbled not because its armies lost their strength but because its leaders indulged in intrigues, conspiracies, and betrayal, weakening the republic from within. In Africa, the ghosts of Liberia’s civil war and Sierra Leone’s dark decade still whisper lessons of how political egos, once unchecked, descend into rivers of blood where the people are the ultimate casualties.
Even in more stable democracies, we see shades of this futility. Recall the Watergate scandal in the United States: an overreach of power that forced President Nixon’s resignation, not because America lacked laws, but because one man believed his political survival was above the rule of law. In Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe’s prolonged hold on power may have begun with promises of liberation but ended with economic collapse and national despair. In all these, the lesson is the same: unchecked power, exercised without restraint, consumes itself.
The real victims of Rivers’ crisis are not the gladiators in high office; they will always find soft landings. The true casualties are the people, the market woman in Port Harcourt whose business was disrupted by endless protests and palpable fears, the civil servant whose progress and commitment are beclouded by uncertainties, the student whose classroom leaks under the rain because the funds for renovation are trapped in political crossfire.
What is often forgotten in the heat of power play is that governance is not an abstract exercise; it is the daily bread of the people. When leaders quarrel, roads go untarred, hospitals go unequipped, and children go unfed. To reduce governance to a chessboard of egos is to mortgage the people’s welfare for vanity. This, tragically, is the recurring story in Nigeria’s democratic experiment.
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Philosophers have long wrestled with the meaning of power. Shakespeare, in Macbeth, captured it as “a walking shadow, a poor player that struts and frets his hour upon the stage and then is heard no more.” The story of Rivers is a fresh Nigerian adaptation of this drama. For months, power appeared to belong to one, then another, and then another still. Yet in the end, it was revealed that no one truly wielded power in its purest sense, because power without legitimacy, without the consent of the governed, and without the peace to implement vision, is no power at all.
The futility of the Rivers crisis holds lessons for Nigeria as a whole. Across our federation, godfatherism continues to haunt governance. From Lagos to Kano, from Anambra to Oyo, the tussle between political benefactors and their protégés has become a recurring decimal. Rarely do these battles end in progress for the people; more often than not, they end in paralysis.
The comparison need not be far-fetched. Look at Kenya, where post-election violence in 2007 consumed more than 1,000 lives and displaced hundreds of thousands. The fault line was political ego, the refusal to let the people’s will stand unchallenged. It took the Kofi Annan-led mediation to restore peace. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, decades of instability trace back to leaders who personalised power, treating the state as property and the people as pawns.
Rivers may not have descended into outright war, but the undertones of instability remind us that democracy is not guaranteed; it must be guarded. When politicians play roulette with the rule of law, they court a descent into chaos that ultimately swallows everyone.
The Rivers episode should compel us to reflect on the foundations of Nigeria’s democracy. For too long, politics has been driven not by institutions but by personalities. Our allegiance is more to godfathers than to constitutions, more to individuals than to principles. Yet sustainable governance is only possible when the rule of law, not the whims of men, governs the game.
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What does this mean in practice? It means state assemblies must not be reduced to errand boys of powerful interests. It means governors must respect their oaths of office, governing for all, not just for loyalists. It means party structures must operate with transparency, giving room for dissent without retribution. Above all, it means citizens must rise in defence of their democracy, insisting that their mandate cannot be traded on the altar of ego.
The Rivers drama may be easing, but the scars remain. It was a sobering reminder that power, when divorced from service, becomes poison. That democracy, when stripped of rule of law, becomes anarchy. That in the final analysis, no one truly wins when the people lose.
From the godfathers to the godsons, from the lawmakers to the electorate, we must all acknowledge a shared truth: we are losers when power games eclipse governance. The real triumph is not in who sits in Government House, but in whether that House delivers schools, hospitals, jobs, and peace.
Let Rivers be a lesson to Nigeria: that power is not an end in itself, but a means to service. That peace is not weakness, but strength. And that the greatest legacy any leader can leave is not monuments of ego, but institutions that outlast them.
For if Rivers has taught us anything, it is that governance cannot happen in a state of anarchy, and the futility of power is revealed when its pursuit leaves the people broken. Let us, therefore, rise to build a democracy where power serves the people, not the other way round.
News
NYSC Deploys 1,900 Corps Members To Bauchi State
The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), has deployed 1,900 corps members to Bauchi State for the 2025 Batch ‘B’ Stream II orientation exercise.
Mr Kufre Umoren, NYSC State Coordinator, told journalists on Tuesday in Bauchi, that registration would be conducted from Sept. 24 to Sept. 26, at the NYSC Permanent Orientation Camp, Wailo in Ganjuwa Local Government Area of the state.
He said the swearing-in ceremony of the corps members is billed for Sept. 26, and the orientation exercise would end on Oct. 14.
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Umoren said each of the corps members would be allowed into the camp after being adequately certified to be genuine graduates.
He said discreet screening of the corps members would be conducted to guard against intrusion or impersonation.
“Registration dates have been announced to the corps members, and they are advised to adhere strictly to all camp rules and regulations.
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“Defaulters will be sanctioned in accordance with the scheme’s extant rules,” he said, warning the scheme frowned at late-night journeys and urged corps members to avoid it for their own safety.
While urging them to be punctual, diligent, and comply with dress code, Umoren warned that defaulting corps members would be sanctioned.
News
Ife Not Origin Of Yoruba Race, Says Oluwo
The Oluwo of Iwo in Osun State, Oba Abdulrosheed Akanbi, has disputed the claim that Ile-Ife is the origin of the Yoruba race.
The royal father said the culture of the race is not in the ancient town of Ife, long noted as the origin of the Yoruba people.
Oluwo, who made this known in a video shared on his Facebook page on Tuesday, spoke in his palace while bestowing a chieftaincy title on one of his subjects.
Flanked by his Chiefs, Oluwo said Ife was not the origin of the Yoruba race, adding that people were living in the town before Oduduwa conquered the city and became its ruler.
He said the language spoken in ancient Ife was not the same as the common Yoruba language, restating his readiness to bring back the correct historical accounts of the Yoruba race.
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“Ife is not the origin of the Yoruba race. Those people don’t speak our language. Their language is different. They refer to God as Eledumare, and there is nothing like Eledumare in the Yoruba language. What we have is Olodumare.
“Ife people will always say Olofin, and if you ask them what the meaning is, they will tell you it means the owner of the palace, and what that means in Yoruba is ‘Alaafin’. Ile-Ife has no Yoruba culture.
“I am the ‘Arole Olodumare because I am here to tell you the true history. Iwo is where you can get the real history that was not even documented.
“Whatever I am telling you now, you must keep it because death can come anytime. I am not scared of death because it is inevitable,” Oluwo said in the Yoruba language.
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The origin of the word ‘Yoruba’ often leads to controversy. The most recent one being the face-off involving the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi and Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Akeem Owoade, over a Chieftaincy title of Okanlomo of Yorubaland, allegedly bestowed on Ibadan-based businessman, Chief Dotun Sanusi by Ooni.
The PUNCH reports in August that the Ooni had bestowed the title on Sanusi during the unveiling of 2geda, an indigenous social media and business networking platform, at Ilaji Hotel, Ibadan.
But in a statement signed by his media aide, Bode Durojaiye, the Alaafin declared that no traditional ruler other than him has the authority to confer a title covering the entire Yorubaland. He issued a 48-hour ultimatum to the Ooni to revoke the title or “face the consequences.”
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Reacting to Alaafin’s ultimatum, the Ooni’s spokesperson, Moses Olafare, said the monarch had directed him to ignore the Alaafin’s outburst and leave the matter “in the court of public opinion.”
“We can not dignify the ‘undignifyable’ with an official response. We leave the matter to be handled in the public court of opinion, as it is already being treated.
“Let’s rather focus on narratives that unite us rather than the ones capable of dividing us. No press release, please. 48 hours my foot!” he wrote on his Facebook page.
(PUNCH)
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