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OPINION: For Predatory Alájogbé And Derelict Alájobí

By Suyi Ayodele
There are two sociological concepts that define the Yoruba cosmology on peaceful coexistence. The first is Alájobí (shared progeny or blood tie), and the other is Alájogbé (co-residentship). In Yoruba worldview, the two concepts, sociologists say, “are not mutually exclusive but function together to create a stable society.”
While Alájobí establishes a person in their specific origin, Alájogbé widens the horizon by teaching individuals to live peacefully and harmoniously with people of diverse backgrounds and opposing views – either political or religious. This in essence means that in a society, Alájobí’s interest must take into account the values of the Alájogbé so that no interest is sacrificed for the other
The situation in Yorubaland today is that many feel failed on both fronts. They complain that the Alájobí in power appears distracted by political calculations while communities bleed. At the same time, they accuse some foreign Alájogbé elements of abusing the generosity of their hosts by turning forests into sanctuaries of terror, farms into killing fields and highways into corridors of fear. Such conduct violates the very covenant of neighbourliness on which peaceful coexistence rests.
Hospitality is a sacred Yoruba virtue, but it is not a licence for predation. The stranger who is welcomed into a home is expected to honour the rules of the household. When some guests repay kindness with violence, they endanger not only their victims but also the long tradition of trust that made their presence possible. The lesson is simple: the Alájobí must not neglect his duty of protection, and the Alájogbé must not abuse the privileges of hospitality. A society survives only when both obligations are honoured.
This is for the Alájobí orchestra who says that because President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a Yoruba man, all Yoruba men and women must support him. Under the watch of Tinubu, something that has never happened in the entire South happened in Yorubaland. The decapitation of the kidnapped Mathematics teacher from Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State is something very new to the Yoruba race.
Until the unfortunate beheading of Mr. Michael Oyedokun, we thought that random decapitation of citizens was an exclusive preserve of the North. That incident was not the only strange happenings in the South-West under the Presidency of Tinubu. Kidnapping of school children has never been our lot in Yorubaland until the penultimate week in Oriire, Oyo State. Again, the North holds the patent to school children kidnap. Yorubaland is now sharing the trophy.
But when it happened in our land, it got worse. While the depraved minds of the North who make school children kidnapping their pastime would always go after secondary school children, the ones who took our children into captivity 17 days ago went after pupils in the nursery and primary school! There in the forest or whatever, we have children as young as two to three-year-olds held in conditions which no-one can fully decipher yet.
Yet, the Alájobí proponents are not seeing this stranger than strange occurrence as happening under the watch of our ‘own brother’ in whom we are expected to be well pleased. When one’s relation is on top of an orange tree, the wise men of my place say that one will not eat the unripe sour oranges (Ará ile eni kìí wà l’órí osàn kí ènìyàn mu kíkan). The question to ask these tiwan ntiwa (our own is our own) clappers is: what benefit has Yorubaland derived from the presidency of our son-of-the-soil such that we must all break bones and spines to support his second coming?
What has the Tinubu Presidency done differently to show that the man cares about our security or the security of any Nigerian for that matter? Has it not been politics all through? Has he taken the pain, as a Yoruba man who must be supported by all, to visit the relations of the victims of the Oyo kidnap? Are the you-don’t-have-light-here people of Jos, Plateau State, not better off given that President Tinubu visited them, at least even if the presidential jet that conveyed him to Jos had barely taxied to a halt when the president hopped in for the return journey to Abuja?
Two weeks ago, precisely on May 19, 2026, writing under the title: “Afenifere and Fulani siege on Yorubaland”, on this page, I questioned why Afenifere found it convenient to lay the blame of insecurity in Yorubaland on the governors of the South-West region while it insulated the almighty Federal Government. I pointed out that only the President controls the State security architecture.
Many commenters argued that even at that, the state governors should still do something about insecurity. I read those comments and I asked: what exactly should Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State in whose state those children and teachers have been taken hostage, have done in this circumstance?
The answer came over the weekend with the ‘powerful’ security delegation President Tinubu sent to the Oriire area of Oyo State over the unfortunate kidnap of those helpless toddlers and their minders. The delegation was led by no other person than Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser (NSA) to the President. He was accompanied on the farce called security visit by the Chief of Staff (CoS) to the President, Femi Gbajamibiala, and a host of other security personnel.
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I may be wrong. But I have the strong conviction that Governor Makinde’s earlier visit to the area obviously prompted the President to send the ‘high-powered’ delegation! Before then, the Presidency had been silent like the proverbial raffia-palm farm stream. I watched Makinde as he interacted with the relations of the kidnap victims and I felt so sad. The picture of the husband of the kidnapped principal holding the governor as if Makinde holds the solution to the immediate return of the victims has refused to go away.
I held my breath as a grandmother, whose four grandchildren and daughter-in-law are in the kidnappers’ den, begging profusely, for the governor to help bring back her grandchildren. I saw the I-am-doing-my-best look on Makinde’s face and the graphic picture of a man going through a mental torture over what he has limited or no immediate control over played in my head. Then, I asked again: What can Makinde do in this circumstance when the man who holds the key to the nation’s security architecture that can be scrambled to go for the rescue is busy playing politics.
I say politics, a dangerous one for that matter, because all Tinubu is doing about the Oyo school kidnap is nothing but bloody politics. I read the post by the Lagos night soil man, Joe Igbokwe, the Special Adviser to the Lagos State Governor on Dirty Gutter and Drainages, where he alluded that the Oyo kidnap is linked to the 2027 second term bid of Tinubu.
I don’t know how much shamelessness is sold for in Nnewi, Igbokwe’s countryside in Anambra State. But it is crystal clear that the very day Joe decided to move to the sugarcane plantation of Tinubu in Bourdillon Street was the very day the old fella threw the last modicum of self-worth in him into the Atlantic!
But for that, how on earth would a supposedly responsible father like Igbokwe be so insensitive to write that: “If kidnapping school children and their teachers is a strategy to stop President Tinubu from winning the 2027 elections, you have failed woefully. Light and darkness have no meeting point. It is a poor strategy that is dead on arrival.”
So, in the entire calamity that the kidnap of those toddlers and their teachers, including the unfortunate summary execution of Oyedokun through decapitation portends, all Igbokwe sees is the 2027 ambition of his paymaster, Tinubu. And if we may join the issue with him, has it occurred to Igbokwe that those victims were kidnapped less than 24 hours after Governor Makinde declared his presidential ambition?
Is the Igbo-Yoruba naturalised Igbokwe reading between the lines? If another warped mind were to follow the line of argument he advanced in his most unfortunate post, would such a person not conclude that the kidnapping was orchestrated to embarrass Makinde or frustrate his political ambitions? Is that what Igbokwe is suggesting?
If we go back a little over a decade, was it not a similar pattern with the Chibok girls, who were abducted shortly after President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan declared his bid for a second term in 2014? Who benefited politically from that tragedy? Who were the gainers and who were the losers?
READ MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Like Oyedokun, We Are All Decapitated
Why, for God’s sake, must we continue to share the same civic space with people who reduce every human tragedy to political calculation? Why do we have, operating on the same orbit in this country, men and women who think like human beings and others who seem determined to behave otherwise?
When you have figures like Igbokwe as principal players in the Tinubu’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), one cannot but be suspicious of the moves and body language of the President when issues that require his immediate decisive actions are at play. This is why I feel personally sad and scandalised that while our children are in the forest and at the mercy of the elements and criminals, the man we elected as our head hunter is busy dancing palongo (uncoordinated dance steps) in the political arena! It is most unfortunate; it is most unthinkable. Sadly enough, that is the reality. I will explain.
I watched a TV programme on Sunday, May 31, where the presenter said that Tinubu was in Lagos. I calculated the distance from Lagos to Ogbomoso and it came to 246 kilometres. Then I asked: why did Tinubu have to send a delegation to Oriire instead of going there himself? How does the President set his priorities?
The fact, a very incontrovertible one, is that Nigerians did not vote for the NSA or the Chief of Staff to the President. Nigerians voted, or were said to have voted for Tinubu as President and Commander-in-Chief (C-in-C) of the Armed Forces. If anyone should lead the charge for the rescue operation, it should be the C-in-C himself. The parade is Tinubu’s; he alone can shout the order! If anyone ought to be in Oriire, Tinubu was the one because he was the one elected to carry out such an assignment more so that he was even in Lagos when the delegation moved to Oyo State!
His staying back in Lagos while he sent some babariga-wearing errand boys to Oriire leaves a bad taste in the mouth. At the risk of sounding insolent, it is crass insensitivity; it is very unfeeling! It is part of the deadly politics of the moment at the expense of the lives of innocent children and their minders!
Again, and more worrisome, is the fact that the Presidency delegation had a morbid fear of the insecurity pervading the entire landscape. This is why our NSA, in company with the best of our security personnel, had to travel to Oriire by helicopter! That the delegation abandoned the road for the air is very instructive.
If the one who controls the nation’s security architecture lacks faith in the security of his aides on our roads, then we are cooked, salted and barbecued at the same time. This is akin to Aso Rock Villa abandoning the epileptic National Grid for a N10-billion solar power so that while the rest of us wallow and waggle in òkùnkùnbirimùbirimù (absolute darkness), our President can pick a dropped needle at 1.00am in Aso Rock.
The way and means by which the Tinubu’s delegation got to Oriire is not the dangerous politics here. The most troubling of the entire charade is the fact that the NSA team did not contact or have any interaction with Governor Makinde or the Chairman of Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State! The delegation completely sidestepped the governor.
The claim that that the Oyo State Commissioner for Education, Olusegun Olayiwola, represented the governor when the Ribadu team came was, and is not exactly true. The fact of the matter is that is that since the kidnap took place, Olayiwola had been in Oriire to monitor events there before the team arrived!
READ MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Afenifere And The Fulani Siege On Yorubaland
A lot has been written about this unfortunate breach of protocol and crass political pettiness since Sunday. And the Presidency, very unusual of its media handlers, has not been able to respond to the issue. How on earth do we allow politics to determine the fate of the lives of the victims that are in danger?
And this goes for the Makinde-is-the-chief-security-officer chanting gang. If Tinubu sent his NSA and his Chief of Staff to go to Oyo State to assess the situation, who is expected to brief them? Who is also expected to lead such a ’high-powered’ delegation to Oriire if not the governor? How do you sidestep the governor of a grieving state the way Makinde was sidestepped, and you expect the citizenry to take you seriously?
Granted, Makinde belongs to a different political party. Agreed, the Oyo State governor has indicated interest in Tinubu’s job. How, if one may ask, do these affect those hapless citizens in captivity? Where lies the humanity in us if even when lives are in danger, we still place political inclinations above the common good of the people?
I don’t know Nuhu Ribadu, the NSA, in person. All I know about him, I got through his official conducts as the head of the Economic and Financial Crimes commission (EFCC), where, to a greater extent, he did well. Going by that antecedent, I find his Sunday visit to Oriire without an atom of courtesy to Governor Makinde very uncomfortable.
That is not the picture Ribadu cut while in the EFCC. Men do change, so they say. I don’t want to be tempted to say it is unbecoming of his office as the NSA. Ribadu is answerable to the President. If sidestepping Makinde is one of the briefs the ex-police officer got from his principal, then we are in for the night of the long knives.
I know it is difficult in such a circumstance to abide by the ancient injunction that if one is sent on an errand like a slave, one should find a way to deliver it like a freeborn. Even at that, I pray for a day when everyone in positions of responsibility will be able to draw the line between self-worth and outright slavery. There are some briefs that one should not accept; the Oriire visit and its attendant breach of protocol is one.
As for Gbajabiamila, the Chief of Staff, I don’t think he could have done better than he did during the visit. As the head of the personal aides of the President, Gbajabiamila does not cut the picture of a man who can stand for what he believes in when the President is involved.
Again, like our wise men are wont to say: Tí ewé bá pé l’ára ose, á di ose (a leaf that is used to wrap soap for a long time has itself become soap). His mien at the palace of the Soun of Ogbomoso tells the story of a child who is ready to carry out the instructions of his father to the letter and also impress the father regardless of whose ox is gored! May God give us men of honour!
In all this, my heart goes to those little, innocent children in the forest. The picture of the mother with her toddler child begging the government to rescue them is enough testimonial that men of conscience are in short supply in this epoch. What can we do other than to pray that God will show mercy and rescue the victims, not only in Oyo, but all over the nation.
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OPINION: An Agenda For Yoruba Oba, Leaders
By Lasisi Olagunju
On Friday, November 1, 1878, a decisive war was fought in the north-eastern corridor of Yorubaland. History remembers it as the Jalumi War. It was that one-day battle that permanently halted the southward march of the Fulani towards the sea.
One of the bitterest engagements of that war was fought in a place called Iba, a few kilometres off the Ikirun-Offa Road.
I remembered that episode of Yoruba history when the oba of the town, the Eburu of Iba, Oba (Prof) Adekunle Okunoye, invited me to deliver his tenth coronation anniversary lecture last Thursday. We agreed on the topic: ‘Old Crowns, New Worlds: Obas and the Future of Indigenous Leadership in Yorubaland.’
I told two friends about the assignment, and their responses were the same: how safe could that journey be with the Fulani around? They refused to accompany me. I did not find their apprehension amusing. That Osun State community is a shouting distance from Kwara South, with its blisters of insecurity. Imagine bandits from the north invading a gathering of Yoruba kings.
I could have told Kabiyesi that there was another assignment. For a reporter, there is always another deadline and a reason to postpone one journey for another. But then I asked myself whether it was divine design or mere coincidence that a major cultural event was taking place in that community at the very moment the aggressor of the nineteenth century appears to have resumed the abandoned campaign to penetrate and plunder Yorubaland.
Why are armed men from the north ravaging the peace of the Yoruba often without resistance? Why are they killing the old and abducting the young from communities that had known peace for almost two centuries? How have the Yoruba become so vulnerable at a time when a Yoruba man is President and Commander-in-Chief of Nigeria?
Eminent historian Professor Banji Akintoye, in ‘The Yoruba People: Profile of the Foremost Black Nation’ (2022:95), quotes equally eminent Professor Wande Abimbola as lamenting in exasperation, “in elite circles”, that “the British could not, and did not, conquer us Yoruba, but now Nigeria is conquering us.”
Professor Abimbola’s observation deserves careful reflection. I read it through the lens of the fourteenth-century North African thinker, Ibn Khaldun. In his Muqaddimah, Khaldun argues that every successful society carries within itself the seeds of decline. He calls the force that makes a people great ‘asabiyyah’ —group solidarity, social cohesion and a shared sense of purpose. It is this collective spirit that builds civilisations and sustains them through adversity. It worked for the Yoruba generations that fought the Fulani wars of the 19th century.
Yet prosperity and comfort can gradually erode solidarity. Men who inherit power often forget the hardships through which it was won. A further reading of Ibn Khaldun tells me that as asabiyyah weakens, societies become vulnerable to more cohesive, more determined challengers. Dynasties, Khaldun warned, have life cycles just as men do. The question confronting the Yoruba today is whether the insecurity engulfing their homeland is merely a failure of the Nigerian state or evidence of a deeper erosion of Yoruba asabiyyah.
In the past, a full Oba River was never an excuse for turning down the oba’s invitation. Now, something worse than a full, furious flood stands on the way of the Yoruba traveller. Should it be so bad that in the 21st century, there would be a part of the fatherland that a citizen would be afraid to go? In Yorubaland, offspring of the house does not knock before crossing the threshold; besides, a child should never dread his father’s home. So, I was there, in Iba, on Thursday to heed the king’s summon.
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The assignment turned out to be more than a lecture. It became an opportunity to reflect on an institution many have repeatedly buried but which stubbornly refuses to die: the Yoruba throne. For more than a century, prophets of modernity have predicted the disappearance of kingship. Colonialism was supposed to finish it. Democracy was expected to replace it. Globalisation was thought capable of making it irrelevant. Yet the palace remains.
But as what? A king without kingship. A ruler stripped of the sword but still burdened with his people’s expectations of protection in a time of war.
The lecture and the discussions in Iba were not merely about the past. They were also about the anxieties of the present. There were about forty obas at the event. I looked at them; they asked questions, I answered. We looked at one another. We found no magic with which to retrieve the peace of the past. It is gone.
A friend who hailed from Ogbomoso agonised over the recent mass kidnap of kids and teachers in her homestead. She sent me a staccato of messages conveying her fears and frustrations. She recalled what she encountered in that part of Yorubaland four years ago:
“I was in Ipapo in Oke Ogun, in 2022 for a research on the farmer-herder crisis. The town itself had about 70 per cent Hausa-Fulani population and the Yoruba residents were constantly harassed by these people. When we tried to have focus group discussions with them, we observed that as soon as any Hausa-Fulani passed, they either went quiet or carefully measured their responses. In the mosque, northerners were at the front and the Yorubas stayed at the back to pray. There was a demarcation. One of us was a Muslim who went into the mosque to pray; he briefed us on what he saw.
“These things had been brewing for long. The warning signs were ignored. What was overlooked has now come full blown in Yorubaland. These towns — Ipapo, Otu, Sepeteri — had always been terrorised. During that research, the only place that was clean of Fulani torment was Igangan. When we got to Sepeteri, the people told us which roads to take, which ones to avoid and the time to travel. It was tales of woe – and fear – throughout.”
Listening to her, I found myself wondering what the old Yoruba political order would have done in such circumstances.
The oba of old handled such situations as war commander. He was a lion. His authority was measured not by the ferocity of his roar but by the peace enjoyed by those under his care. He stood watchful and composed, a steady presence in turbulent times, unshaken when storms gathered over the land. That is why the Yoruba say: “Ibi tí kìnìún bá tọ̀ sí, ẹranko tó bá bá ibẹ̀ lọ kò so ríire.” Where the lion marks with its urine, any animal that passes through the place is doomed.
Such was the authority of the oba. But that was in the past. T. A. A. Ladele’s ‘Igbi Aye Nyi’ tells us of that transition from the substance of power to its abject opposite. The novel laments: Omi lọ ľáyé, pètèpétè l’o kù/ Oba lọ l’ayé, àworán l’ọbá dà (The spring water has gone; mud remains/ Kingship has departed; only its image survives).
One oba asked me how the past could be salvaged? I asked if there had ever been a river that flows backward. The challenge before today’s oba is not how to recover lost political power. That era is gone. The challenge is how to recover moral authority. A throne respected for integrity, restraint and service will remain relevant. A throne converted into a business venture may survive physically but lose its soul.
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I told the gathering of traditional rulers that the oba of the future must be more than a custodian of rituals and of beautiful regalia. He must be a custodian of relevance. He must understand tradition without becoming trapped by it. He must embrace innovation without becoming uprooted. He must be educated without becoming alienated. He must speak the language of ancestry and the language of technology.
I told them the oba must be an instrument of development, cultural renewal and community advancement. He should champion education, encourage enterprise, support social cohesion and serve as a voice of moderation in moments of tension. The palace should become more than a residence; it should become a living classroom.
We also discussed obas and politics.
Should an oba openly participate in partisan contests? I told them no. The oba is a citizen. He has opinions. He votes where the law permits him to vote. But the throne belongs to everybody. The palace must remain a place where supporters of opposing parties can sit together. Once a king becomes identified with one faction, he risks turning subjects into opponents.
Political victories come and go. The throne is expected to outlive them all.
Which brings me back to Jalumi.
If Jalumi was fought to halt an external threat to Yoruba existence, today’s threat is different. It comes on motorcycles instead of cavalry; with kidnappers instead of imperial armies. Yet the challenge remains the same: can Yoruba institutions still mobilise society in moments of danger?
The answer to that question may determine whether the throne remains merely a monument to history or a participant in shaping the future.
It is true that the obaship institution has lived through threats that threatened its existence. But survival alone is not enough. The palace faces a challenge our ancestors never imagined. That challenge is modernity, or what J. D. Y. Peel called olaju.
The danger is not technology. The danger is forgetting who we are. Odò tí ó bá gbàgbé orísun rẹ̀ yóò gbẹ. A river that forgets its source will dry up. The same is true of a people.
The modern oba’s battlefield is no longer the theatre of war. It is the frontier of ideas, organisation, intelligence and community resilience.
The future will not belong to societies imprisoned by tradition. Neither will it belong to societies ashamed of their heritage. It will belong to those wise enough to carry old crowns into new worlds.
The challenges of our age demand more than nostalgia. You cannot fight today’s AK-47 war with yesterday’s amulets. A Yorubaland that will survive the present existential threats must learn to hunt today’s hare with today’s hound. The wisdom of the ancestors remains invaluable, but the ancestors themselves taught adaptation. After all, a river that refuses to bend to the landscape never reaches the sea.
And perhaps that is the real agenda for the oba – and for Yoruba leaders in general.
As we discussed the place of the throne in today’s insecurity, a striking intervention came from the North. The Emir of Argungu, Alhaji Muhammad Samaila Mera, urged district heads, village heads and ward heads in Kebbi State to organise active community responses to banditry. He asked his people to match bandits’ arms with arms, gun with gun. He asked them to cure madness with madness. His point was simple: criminals thrive where communities are vulnerable, fragmented and fearful.
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Whether one agrees entirely with the Emir’s prescription is not the issue. The larger lesson is that a traditional ruler should not be a ceremonial spectator while his people live under siege. He must think. He must strategise. He must convene. He must use the moral authority of the throne to organise society against danger.
That, perhaps, is what the modern oba must become.
The oba of old rode at the head of armies. The oba of today cannot do that. The Constitution has taken away the sword, but it has not taken away the voice. It has not taken away influence. It has not taken away legitimacy. It has not taken away the capacity to bring hunters, farmers, traders, youth leaders, religious authorities, security agencies and community organisations to one table.
My point is that in an age of insecurity, the king must be more than a custodian of festivals and traditions. He must be the community’s chief thinker, chief strategist and chief mobiliser. He must understand the changing realities of his domain, encourage intelligence gathering, strengthen social cohesion and help transform frightened populations into organised communities.
Jalumi was won not merely because brave men fought. It was won because leaders recognised a threat, understood its implications and mobilised society to confront it.
Every generation has its own Jalumi.
The weapons change. The battlefield changes. The enemy changes.
But the need for leadership does not. That is why the future throne cannot afford to sleep, even if the old powers now reside in the pouch of the one who commands troops from Abuja.
Now, a spur away from the oba and their future. If the president has inherited the powers the oba once wielded, should he not also inherit the obligation that came with those powers?
The first duty of government is security. Everything else comes after that. Roads, bridges, rail lines and airports are useful only when citizens are alive and free to use them. History ultimately judges rulers not by the grandeur of their projects but by the safety of their people.
If the old oba was measured by the peace of his kingdom, if he rose and fell with his people’s security, the modern president cannot escape the same test. In a season of fear, protection is the highest form of leadership. The leader who secures his people earns their gratitude; the one who fails is remembered like Alaafin Aole under whom Yorubaland became an empire of refugees.
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Ohanaeze Ndigbo Bans Monarchical Titles In Edo
The Edo State chapter of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide has banned the use of unauthorized Igbo traditional titles such as Ezeigbo, Ezendigbo, Igwe, and similar monarchical designations outside recognized traditional institutions in Igboland.
Addressing journalists during a press conference in Benin, the state secretary of the group, Mr. Emmanuel Ofodu, said the directive follows a resolution of the organization’s General Assembly held on April 9, 2026, which according to him, applies to all Igbo communities in Edo State, the wider Diaspora, and across Nigeria.
He said that the creation or operation of parallel traditional leadership structures outside Igboland is not only culturally invalid but also allegedly inconsistent with a prior court ruling referenced as Suit No. B/290/2015.
Ofodu aɗded that the only constitutionally and traditionally recognized authorities in Igboland have the mandate to confer such titles, warning that any individual or group involved in unauthorized coronations or installations would be acting in violation of both cultural directives and legal pronouncements.
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He noted that the statement also reaffirmed cooperation with Edo State’s established traditional authority, including loyalty to the Oba of Benin, Ewuare II, and other recognized traditional rulers across Edo North and Central senatorial districts.
He urged security agencies, government authorities, and the public to treat any unauthorized use of such titles as invalid, insisting that enforcement of the directive is necessary to preserve cultural order and prevent inter-communal tensions.
He further emphasized that Igbo residents in Edo State should operate under recognized community frameworks, including town unions and the state chapter of Igbo Community Union, in line with broader coordination by Ohanaeze Ndigbi.
Speaking on the nationwide voter registration mobilization, he said the group announced the commencement of a statewide civic mobilisation campaign aimed at boosting participation in the ongoing voter registration exercise conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
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According to the Edo State leadership, “the registration window scheduled to close in July 2026 is a critical opportunity for eligible citizens to update their records, obtain Permanent Voter Cards and strengthen political participation ahead of future elections.
He appealed to all Igbo residents aged 18 and above to register, update their details where necessary, and ensure full participation in the electoral process.
He described voter participation as essential to civic influence, stating that “numbers determine representation in a democratic system” and urging eligible voters not to miss the registration window.
He said that the Ohanaeze Ndigbo s directives on traditional title regulation and voter registration are aimed at strengthening unity, ensuring lawful cultural practices, and enhancing political participation among Igbo residents in Edo State.
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He further reaffirmed the group’s commitment to peaceful coexistence with host communities and adherence to existing traditional and administrative structures in the state.
Speaking also, the state legal adviser of the group, George Igbokwe, said the decision to proscribe such titles stemmed from the incidence that happened in South Africa where some of their sons were taking different titles.
“The message sent to Edo Chapter is to disseminate the information from their last executive meeting where the issue of some Igbo people in the diaspora take the title of Eze Ndigbo or Eze Igbo in their various places of business.
“The Ohanaeze Ndigbo noted that it has caused several problems in Ghana, in South Africa, in Amsterdam and other parts of the world.
“So they have put their feet down in conjunction with the Council of Traditional Rulers of Ndigbo that, that Eze Ndigbo or Eze Igbo or performing the duties of Eze Ndigbo in any form or manner should be totally and permanently proscribed and prohibited”, Igbokwe said.
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World Ocean Day: Edo Coastal Communities Lament Loss Of Fish Species, Others
Fishing communities in the coastal areas of Ovia North-East Local Government Area of Edo State have lamented the disappearance of fish species in their rivers, blaming multinational companies’ extractive activities, climate change, and harmful fishing practices.
They spoke during an event organised by the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) to mark this year’s World Ocean Day in Ekewan community, Ovia North-East Local Government Area.
Participants drawn from Gelegele, Inikorogha, Iboro, Ikoro and Ekewan communities said that due to some harmful activities taking place on their rivers, many species of fish they used to catch 20 to 30 years ago are no longer available.
They added that the few species left now require fishermen to travel long distances before making catches.
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Obon Gardan from Iboro community lamented that crude oil spills in the river, which have persisted for years, have negatively affected fishing activities in the area.
He urged the government to empower fishing communities with fishing nets, engine boats, hooks and other equipment, just as free fertilisers are provided for farmers.
Divine Subotie from Inikorogha community said that although there were some practices among local fishermen that were harmful to fishing activities, coupled with river pollution and climate change, the dialogue had opened her eyes to many issues.
“Until now, I never knew that when we fish in a particular area, we need to allow the fishes some time to reproduce and mature before returning to the same spot to fish again. So, I will go back and tell my community people this. If only they agree to allow such a period of rest, the fish population will grow. This will also benefit us,” she said.
A cross section of participants at the event.
READ ALSO: GMOs: HOMEF Trains Gelegele Farmers, Urges Them To Embrace Agroecology
Regina Awowo from Gelegele community, while appreciating HOMEF for organising the event, urged the government to assist the communities through empowerment programmes and other support initiatives.
Timothy Sibete, Chairman of Ekewan community, described the programme as an eye-opener and urged the organisation not to relent in its advocacy for climate justice and public enlightenment.
He said that before the event, he never knew that some fishing practices were harmful to humanity, adding that the dialogue had broadened his understanding of such practices.
Earlier in his remarks, Stanley Egholo, Project Lead for Fossil Politics at HOMEF and Coordinator of the FishNet Alliance Network, said the significance of the event was to celebrate the efforts of artisanal fishers in the area.
“At the FishNet Alliance, we focus more on artisanal fishing and also kick against exploitative activities by multinational oil corporations,” he said.
READ ALSO: Oil Extraction Gelegelegbene Residents Lament Pollution, Heat Waves
Egholo advocated community-driven government policies, stressing that: “Policies must be driven from the community level. People must make inputs from the grassroots into whatever laws govern our oceans and water bodies.
“It should not just be for governments to make laws that are not community-related and that do not serve the interests of the people. Government must consider community inputs in whatever laws are made to regulate oceans and other water bodies.”
He also called for an immediate transition from fossil fuel extraction to renewable energy.
“That is the solution. Not the false solutions being promoted by some corporations that are also benefiting from environmental degradation,” he added.
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