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OPINION: Igboho, Kanu And The Heroic Igwe Before Tinubu

By Festus Adedayo
As Eze Ogube Nnem Olo Kingdom in Enugu state, Lawrence Agubuzu, stood before him last week, President Bola Tinubu must be fascinated by his bravery. He had been there before. Igwe Agubuzu was delivering a goodwill message at the 2026 National Traditional and Religious Leaders Summit on Health held at the State House Conference Centre in Abuja. The president sat, cocooned by a panoply of power and no-smiling aides and operatives.
Standing confidently before the microphone, the Igwe asked Tinubu to release Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). He offered alternatives. He could return him to Kenya, where his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, arrested and extradited him to Nigeria. According to the Igwe, Kanu’s continued detention is stoking the fire of quarrels and agitations among youths in the southeast.
Though he didn’t say as much, Igbo tend to see the Nigerian state as a reincarnate of British overlords whom his people fought to a standstill. It was along this narrative that Igwe Agubuzu accused Yorubas of revered monarch, the Ooni of Ife, of hypocrisy. “This same Imperial Majesty is arranging to confer a very high honour on Sunday Igboho, who, in my own part of Nigeria and the South-East, we see him as a counterpart of Nnamdi Kanu,” Agubuzu said.
Tinubu himself possesses such Agubuzu bravery. I once witnessed one of such. In January 2013, power surge had turned sections of the palace of Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III, the Alaafin of Oyo, into smouldering ruins. Leaders after leaders came to commiserate with the foremost monarch remarkable for his brilliance. A few days after, leaders of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) were in the palace. They were led by its then National Chairman, Chief Bisi Akande; National Leader, Tinubu; Governor Abiola Ajimobi and many others.
When Tinubu was handed the microphone, just like the Igwe, he spoke the unthinkable and the unpleasant. While what the world saw reported the second day in the media was Tinubu’s statement that “The most unfortunate thing has happened, and we are here to sympathize with our host. We sympathize with the people of Oyo as the custodian of the great history of the Yoruba race,” Tinubu broke the calabash of dried corn (Igbagangan) into unrecognizable pieces. He said, in Yoruba, “Kabiyesi, we are here as your children. We know that no palace got burnt. You just wanted to see your children and we are here.” There was pin drop silence. What was Tinubu insinuating? Kabiyesi merely looked at him with superfluous wonderment. He who begets a murderous child will have to back the child.
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Chinua Achebe was one of the first post-colonial Nigerian writers to open the curtains for a global peep into the heroism of the Igbo race. In his 1958 famous book, Things Fall Apart, Achebe didn’t only portray pre-colonial Igbo society as sophisticated, the book became a canvas with which he painted a people’s structured culture, complete with their tradition, dignity and laws. Pre-colonial Igbo society indeed had heroes.
Last Wednesday, in Igwe Agubuzu, there was a reenactment of those Igbo acts of bravery. The internet immediately went abuzz with a viral video of the traditional ruler. The Igwe had looked at Tinubu in the face and delivered what he said was the candid voice of his Igbo people. It was a refreshing departure from the familiar face of Igbo leadership which kow-towed before power for a morsel to fill its stomach. Coincidentally, I was in the Southeast about this time. From every nook and cranny of Igboland last week, Agubuzu was garlanded as an archetypal hero of his people who, unlike other leaders, spoke truth to power unafraid.
However, there are two kernels of Igwe’s submissions that needed interrogation. While he conflated Sunday Igboho’s agitation with Kanu’s, the second is the general call for Kanu’s release which, I confirm, is an agitation that has gained currency in Igboland.
Nnamdi Okwu Kanu and Sunday Adeniyi Adeyemo, famously known as Sunday Igboho, have points of convergence. Both born during and immediately after post-war period of 1967 and 1972, they are products of the long-held acrimony of their people against the skewed foundation of the Nigerian state. They are both self-determination activists who believe in the advocacy for an independent Yoruba and Igbo nations and freedom from the manacles of the federation of the Nigerian state.
Kanu, British-born, through his advocacy for the independence of Biafra from Nigeria, founded the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), which has now been proscribed. Igboho, on the other side, a barely literate thug of Oyo State who equally terrorized the people of Oyo by snatching their lands, morphed into his current activism during the tyranny of Fulani herdsmen who made life miserable for the people of the northern part of the state. His notoriety had earlier been established during the life-Modake war, in which he fought as a mercenary.
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Igboho’s fame rose in January 2021 when, upon the brutal murder of one Dr. Aborode, he gave an ultimatum to Fulani herdsmen to vacate Ibarapa area of the state. He enforced this decree. Full stop. While both Igboho and Kanu preach violent seizure of power from oppressors of their people, their modus operandi differ. Igboho’s anger and violence were directed solely at the oppressors of his people. Kanu’s are not. While in the southeast, I stumbled on baffling statistics of Kanu’s Igbo people who have been violently unalived, either directly by his orders or through his body language.
There are obvious systemic wrongs done Nnamdi Kanu and his Igbo people by the Nigerian state. They indeed haven’t been forgiven for the “sins” of the civil war. On Kanu, it is common sense that no responsible nation could stand by watching the level of animalism his advocacy has turned into. His ancestral home in Afaraukwu Ibeku, Umuahia, Abia State, was raided by the Nigerian military on multiple occasions, most notably on September 2017, in what the Nigerian Army described as “Operation Python Dance II”. The invasion followed widely circulated images of IPOB leader inspecting members of the Biafra Security Service (BSS) dressed in combat uniforms, which his followers celebrated as a counterweight to the State Security Service (SSS). This was a blatant affront to Nigeria’s sovereignty.
Again, in February 2020, soldiers surrounded Kanu’s family home as he prepared to bury his parents, leading to renewed tension in the area. There were alleged killings on that occasion.
Since 2012 when Kanu began his violent advocacy, thousands of his own brothers and sisters have been killed and sources of livelihood castrated. A pathetic case of a Lagos-based businessman from Enugu who came home in 2021 is always recalled with dread running down spines. He had gone to the Amechi Road, Awkunanaw Enugu area on a Monday and was shot dead by Kanu’s bloodthirsty IPOB/ESN hounds. Igbo policemen killed within the period must be in their hundreds. His five-year sit-at-home order has led to tremendous economic asphyxiation of his people. On the sixth day of assumption of office, precisely on June 5, 2023, the Enugu government, under Governor Peter Mbah, moved IPOB and Simon Ekpa-led IPOB faction known as Auto Pilot heavily. It resulted in the root of that malady in the Coal City. Till today, a substantial part of the Southeast is still under the excruciating hold of that Kanu pronouncement.
At various times, Kanu breathed fire, proclaimed violence and killing like a psychopath. In September 2015, in a heated address he delivered to the World Igbo Congress in Los Angeles, he thundered, “we need guns and we need bullets to prosecute war against Nigeria.” In same 2015, shortly after Dr. William Kumuyi, General Superintendent of the Deeper Christian Life Ministry, like all clergy, proclaimed the continued unity of Nigeria, Kanu threatened the old man’s life for what he said was his audacity. “Pastor Kumuyi should be stoned and dealt with thoroughly if he comes to Aba for his planned crusade,” he said.
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In another instance in 2017, a video of his blowing hot and proclaiming open death threat to ex-Nigerian president, Olusegun Obasanjo, went viral. This same Obasanjo had received threats from his own people for his Igbo-centric persuasion. Reacting to growing threat that Kanu’s IPOB posed to Nigeria, Obasanjo had told a gathering in Abuja that everything humanly possible must be done to stop IPOB. In a reply to the ex-president, as he talked to a gathering of supporters in his Afaraukwu Ibeku home, Kanu asked IPOB to eliminate Obasanjo and his lineage if any harm comes to him. In another viral video, he was seen boasting to his followers that he was ready to march to Abuja and return with President Buhari’s head, as they cheered him on.
On some other documented occasions, this same Kanu had said, “Nigeria should prepare for war, we are coming to annihilate you, my secret service are already studying the zoo and strategizing” and “If you find anybody in your village asking after Radio Biafra, kill the baboon Hausa, Fulani or Yoruba bastard. Let them keep searching as we keep tweeting for #Biafra.”
Other ethnic groups, even his own Igbo people of Enugu, received his deathly rhetoric: “Niger Deltans,” he once said, “are cowards; we know what to do to them. Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta, Rivers, Edo, and Cross Rivers states are our territory, and anybody who tries to oppose us will be crushed.”
So also are rhetoric such as, “Yoruba Pentecostalism is the reason why Fulanis are invading us today” and “Any army they (the Federal Government) send to Biafraland will die there. None will return alive, even if it requires sacrificing my people I will do it.”
On several occasions, Kanu called for attacks and killing of Yoruba people and destruction of their properties and businesses in Lagos. Its height was during the EndSARS riots when he specifically called for the burning and destruction of key infrastructure in Lagos. In 2020, he announced the creation of a non-state sanctioned paramilitary organization called the Eastern Security Network (ESN) which essentially coordinated the killing of his own Igbo people.
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Xenophobic Attacks: Oshiomhole Tells FG To Retaliate Against South African Companies In Nigeria

Senator Adams Oshiomhole has called on the Federal Government to retaliate against South African businesses operating in Nigeria following the recent attacks on Nigerians in South Africa.
Speaking during plenary on Tuesday, Oshiomhole said the Federal Government should consider revoking the working license of South African owned companies such as MTN and DSTV.
He argued that Nigeria must respond firmly to what he described as persistent hostility against its citizens.
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“I am not going to shed tears. If you hit me, I hit you. I think it is appropriate in diplomacy. It is an economic struggle,” Oshiomhole said.
He argued that while some South Africans accuse Nigerians of taking their jobs, Nigerians should return home and take over employment opportunities created by major South African companies operating in the country, including MTN and DSTV.
“When we hit back, the President of South Africa will not only talk but will also go on his knees to recognise that Nigeria cannot be intimidated.
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“We will not condone any life being lost. If a crime has been committed under the South African law they have the right to bring any such person to justice, but to kill our people as if we are helpless, we will not allow that,” Oshiomhole added.
DAILY POST reports that several Nigerians in South Africa have reportedly been attacked, and their businesses destroyed, in ongoing xenophobic attacks in the country.
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IGP Orders Officers Display Name Tag On Uniform, Gives Update On State Police

The Inspector General of Police, IGP, Tunji Disu, has ordered all police personnel to always have their name tags on their uniforms for easy identification.
Disu disclosed that only police personnel who are undercover are exempted from displaying their name tags.
Speaking on Tuesday, Disu said: “All police officers should have their name tags. All of us on the high table have our names apart from the undercover among us so if you look at all the Commissioners of Police we have our name tags, so it’s not our standard.
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“All the Commissioners of Police are here and that is why we called this meeting, we have list of things like this that we will want to discuss with the Commissioners of Police, we have told them earlier and we will still let them know that every that happens within their area of jurisdiction falls under their control.”
On the issue of state police, the IGP said: “Since we got the signal that the Federal Government of Nigeria intend to establish State Police and since we are the federal police, we decided to take the bull by the horn and put down our own side of what we believe on how the state police should be run.
“A lot of things were taken into consideration, a lot of comparative analysis was done and it has been transmitted to the National Assembly.”
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Court Orders SERAP To Pay DSS Operatives N100m For Defamation

The High Court of the Federal Capital Territory has ordered a non-governmental organization, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, SERAP, to pay N100 million as damaged to two operatives of the Department of the State Services, DSS, for unjustly defaming them in some publications.
The court also ordered SERAP to tender public apologies to the defamed officers,
Sarah John and Gabriel Ogundele, in two national newspapers, two television stations and its website.
Besides, the organization was also ordered to pay the two operatives N1 million as cost of litigation and 10 percent post-judgment interest annually on the judgment sum until it’s fully liquidated.
Justice Yusuf Halilu of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory gave the order on Tuesday while delivering judgment in a N5.5 billion defamation suit instituted against SERAP by the DSS operatives.
The judge found SERAP liable for unjustly defaming the two DSS operatives with allegations that they unlawfully invaded its Abuja office, harassed and intimidated its staff, in September 2024.
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In the offending publication on its website and Twitter handle, SERAP alleged that the two operatives unlawfully invaded and occupied its office with sinister motives.
The judge held that the publication was in bad taste especially from an organization established to promote transparency and accountability, as nothing in the publication was found to be truthful.
The DSS staff had listed SERAP as 1st defendant in the suit marked CV/4547/2024. SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, was listed as the 2nd defendant.
In the suit, the claimants – Sarah John and Gabriel Ogundele – accused the two defendants of making false claims that they invaded SERAP’s Abuja office on September 9, 2024..
Counsel to the DSS, Oluwagbemileke Samuel Kehinde, had while adopting his final address in the mater urged the judge to grant all the reliefs sought by his client in the interest of justice.
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He admitted that although the names of the two claimants were not mentioned in the defamation materials, they had however established substantial circumstances that they are the ones referred to in the published defamation article by SERAP on its website.
The counsel submitted that all ingredients of defamation have been clearly established and the offending publication referred to the two officials of the secret police.
However, SERAP, through its counsel, Victoria Bassey from Tayo Oyetibo, SAN, law firm, asked the court to dismiss the suit on the ground that the two claimants did not establish that they were the ones referred to in the alleged defamation materials.
She said that SERAP used “DSS officials” in the alleged offending publication, adding that the two claimants must establish that they are the ones referred to before their case can succeed.
Similar arguments were canvassed by Oluwatosin Adefioye who stood for the second defendant, adding that there was no dispute in the September 9, 2024 operation of DSS in SERAP’s office.
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He said that since SERAP in the publication did not name any particular person, the claimants must plead special circumstances that they were the ones referred to as the DSS officials.
Besides, he said that there is no organization by name Department of State Services in law, hence, DSS cannot claim being defamed adding that the only entity known to law is National Security Agency.
The claimants had in the suit stated that the alleged false claim by SERAP has negatively impacted on their reputation.
The DSS also stated, in the statement of claim, that, in line with the agency’s practice of engaging with officials of non-governmental organisations operating in the FCT to establish a relationship with their new leadership, it directed the two officials – John and Ogunleye – to visit SERAP’s office and invite them for a familiarization meeting.
The claimants added that in carrying out the directive, John and Ogunleye paid a friendly visit to SERAP’s office at 18 Bamako Street, Wuse Zone 1, Abuja on September 9 and met with one Ruth, who upon being informed about the purpose of the visit, claimed that none of SERAP’s management staff was in the country and advised that a formal letter of invitation be written by the DSS.
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John and Ogundele, who claimed that their interactions with Ruth were recorded, said before they immediately exited SERAP’s office, Ruth promised to inform her organisation’s management about the visit and volunteered a phone number – 08160537202.
They said it was surprising that, shortly after their visit, SERAP posted on its X (Twitter) handle – @SERAPNigeria – that officers of the DSS are presently unlawfully occupying its office.
The claimant added, “On the same day, the defendants also published a statement on SERAP’s website, which was widely reported by several media outfits, falsely alleging that some officers from the DSS, described as “a tall, large, dark-skinned woman” and “a slim, dark skinned man,” invaded their Abuja office and interrogated the staff of the first defendant (SERAP).
John and Ogundele stated that “due to the false statements published by the defendants, the DSS has been ridiculed and criticised by international agencies such as the Amnesty International and prominent members of the Nigerian society, such as Femi Falana (SAN)”.
“Due to the false statements published by the defendants, members of the public and the international community formed the opinion that the Federal Government is using the DSS to harass the defendants.”
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They added that the defendants’ statements caused harm to their reputation because the staff and management of the DSS have formed the opinion that the claimants did not follow orders and carried out an unsanctioned operation and are therefore, incompetent and unprofessional.
The claimants therefore prayed the court for the following reliefs: “An order directing the defendants to tender an apology to the claimants via the first defendant’s (SERAP’s) website, X (twitter) handle, two national daily newspapers (Punch and Vanguard) and two national news television stations (Arise Television and Channels Television) for falsely accusing the claimants of unlawfully invading the first defendant’s office and interrogating the first defendant’s staff.
“An order directing the defendants to pay the claimants the sum of N5 billion as damages for the libellous statements published about the claimants.
“Interest on the sum of N5b at the rate of 10 percent per annum from the date of judgment until the judgment sum is realised or liquidated.
“An order directing the defendants to pay the claimants the sum of N50 million as costs of this action.”
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