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OPINION: June 12 And Its Casualties, 32 Years After

Published

4 weeks ago

June 8, 2025

By Festus Adedayo

On Thursday this week, it will be 32 years of that June 12 phenomenon. On July 9, 1998, the lifeless body of a young man adorned the front page of the Nigerian Tribune. The tear-jerking, bloodied body decorated the front pages of many other Nigerian newspapers like manacles in the hands of a convict. He had been shot dead by the police in Abeokuta, Ogun State. It was during a Southwest-wide protest against the perceived murder in detention of Chief MKO Abiola, winner of the June 12, 1993 election. The lifeless young man was one of the countless lives Nigeria propitiated at the grove of military despotism. It was the sacrifice to have the freedom of today.

According to Nigerian newspapers’ edition of that day, students, workers, apprentices, bystanders were felled by police bullets. It was like the June 1976 protest by black school children in Soweto, South Africa which led to minimum of 176 dead and estimated 700 felled, with over a thousand people injured. The report said, in Lagos, about 40 lives were lost. Fourteen in Idi-Araba, 4 at Oshodi, 3 at Oworonshoki, and 2 at Ojodu. Unconfirmed sources told reporters that ten lives were lost at Mushin and ten at multi-million Naira Lagos abattoir area at Oko-Oba. In Ibadan, police dispatched five persons to their untimely graves at the Bodija estate area and three at the Bodija market. Perceived military apologist, Arisekola Alao’s Bodija building was in turn damaged by the protesters, leading to the death of two of them. In Abeokuta, the palace of the Alake of Egbaland was looted and torched. The monarch’s staff of office, beaded crown and royal umbrella were looted as well. A tyre warehouse belonging to one Alhaji Fatai Gbemisola was set ablaze with vehicles vandalized in their hundreds.

The above should remind one that life usually comes in binaries – good/bad; poor/rich; live/die and so on. Orlando Owoh, Yoruba Kennery music singer, perhaps had this binary in mind when he sang that beneath the sweet apple of the pineapple lies its lacerating pine. “Opon oyinbo fi dundun se’wa, oro inu e t’o egbeje” he sang. Owoh could as well have been talking about Nigeria’s binary, of yesterday’s June 12 struggle and today’s civil rule.

The repercussion of the election annulment by General Ibrahim Babangida was colossal. Hundreds of Nigerians were murdered while uncountable suffered collateral deaths. Many got imprisoned; livelihoods were lost, destinies got truncated and many never recovered their well-being, even till today. Many children and dependant of the dead had their destinies stymied by the crisis. On July 7, 1998, with General Sani Abacha obdurately soldiering on, in spite of widespread calls on him to release Abiola from prison and honour the people’s electoral wish, Abiola’s death was announced.

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The casualties of June 12 were legion. Business colossus, Alfred Ogbeyiwa Rewane, was one of them. Nicknamed Osibakoro by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Rewane was a staunch member of the Action Group political party and chairman of the AG-controlled Western Region Development Company. In the 1990s, as the military bared their fangs, Rewane was the refuge and sponsor of politicians and activists who desired what we eventually have today. His Lagos home was NADECO’s meeting venue. At Rewane’s memorial in 2000, late Chief Bola Ige recalibrated an earlier funeral oration he delivered in Warri at Osibakoro’s burial when he said, “The freedom we actually enjoy in Nigeria today must be credited, in good measure, to the self sacrificing disposition that (Rewane) displayed consistently…Osibakoro provided the progressive Nigerian politics with the sinews to fight the good fight…he stood up as a comforter of the family of the detained, those under house arrest, those in jail or those forced into exile…he never missed a chance to support all who were on the barricades. He had unwritten pact for instance with the guerrilla press.” On October 6, 1995, shortly after celebrating his 79th birthday, Osibakoro was brutally assassinated by agents of General Abacha at his residence in Ikeja, Lagos. They were never found.

In 1994, armed gunmen stormed activist and human rights lawyer, Gani Fawehinmi’s Lagos law chambers at Anthony Village. Two of his guards were defaced with bullets but unbeknown to the messengers of death, Fawehinmi was away. Beko Ransom-Kuti was also about this time programmed to be eliminated. His 8, Imaria Close home was torched when he could not be found. Same fate befell Ayo Opadokun. His Yaba home was raided and burnt. But for providence, NADECO chairman, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman would have been dead. His Chevrolet car was sprayed with a hail of bullets which shattered its windscreen but he miraculously escaped unhurt. In February 1996, affable publisher of The Guardian newspaper, Alex Ibru, was shot and lost an eye in the process. Earlier, his newspaper house had been burnt by yet unknown arsonists.

Either self-imposed or providence’s grim retribution, on January 17, 1996, a plane carrying Abacha’s son and 13 others developed engine fault and crashed in Dausayi village in Kano. Thereafter, bomb blasts began to boom in Nigeria like rockets. On January 29, 1996, NTA news alleged that Wole Soyinka was the mastermind of terror activities in Nigeria with Today, Kaduna-based newspaper, accusing NADECO activists of being behind the terror. Many got killed by the coldblooded military regime of Abacha. The list is exhaustive and includes Rear Admiral Babatunde Elegbede, Dr. Sola Omatsola, Toyin Onagoruwa, Alhaja Suliat Adedeji and Mrs. Bisoye Tejuosho. Chief Abraham Adesanya escaped death by the whiskers when his car was sprayed with bullets while the likes of Chiefs Olu Falae, Olabiyi Durojaiye were detained.

Earlier, on October 25, 1993, a Nigeria Airways Flight WT470 was hijacked by four Nigerian boys who were riled by the annulment of the June 12 election. They were Richard Ogunderu (19), Kabir Adenuga (22) Razaq Lawal (23) and Benneth Oluwadaisi (24). They called themselves members of the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy (MAD). Three members of Ernest Shonekan’s Interim National Government (ING) were on that flight. They were Brigadier-General Hafiz Momoh, Prof Jubril Aminu and Rong Yiren, the vice president of China. They initially planned to divert the plane to Frankfurt, Germany but shortage of fuel made them to detour to Diori Hamani International Airport in Niamey, Niger after the planned landing at N’Djamena, Chad and Gabon was disallowed. In Niamey, they made their demands: de-annulment of the June 12 election, re-investigation of the murder of Dele Giwa and the mysterious crash of a Lockheed C-130 Hercules that claimed 160 lives. It was believed to be a deliberate killing of the soldiers by the Babangida government.

Nigerian journalism also suffered casualties of the June 12 war. Apart from millions lost to shutting down of newspaper houses’ operations for months, many journalists were detained and jailed by the Abacha regime. They fell victim of the Detention of Persons Decree No 2 which allowed for indefinite, incommunicado detention of citizens; the Offensive Publications Decree No 35 of 1993 which gave the military government latitude to seize any publication it deemed likely to “disturb the peace and public order of Nigeria” and the Treason and Treasonable Offenses Decree No 29 of 1993 which was later used in 1995 by a special military tribunal to convict Kunle Ajibade, Chris Anyanwu, George Mbah and Ben Charles Obi as “accessories after the fact of treason”. Their crime was reporting an alleged coup plot. Niran Malaolu, Deputy Editor of The Diet newspaper, was also imprisoned on December 28, 1997 after being convicted in July 1998 to 15 years in prison, alongside 95 others, for participating in a coup to topple the Abacha government.

Chief Frank Kokori, former General Secretary of The Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) was also a major force in the June 12 election struggle. But for him, Abacha would have possibly succeeded in his life presidency ambition. Kokori locked down Nigeria during the crisis by deploying his NUPENG in pursuit of democratic struggles. He was detained by Abacha and died miserably and dejected in Warri on December 7, 2023. There are a thousand and one other casualties of the June 12 crisis that this piece cannot possibly capture. I went into the above chronology to remind Nigerians, especially the youths of today, that the civilian government we have enjoyed in the last 26 years came with weeping, wailing, deaths and gnashing of the teeth.

The sacrifices of June 12 remind me of John Pepper Clark-Bekederemo’s The Casualties. It was a poem written about the Nigerian civil war that raged between 1967 and 1970. Record has it that an estimated 100,000 military casualties and between 500,000 and 2 million Biafran civilians died. It was a period of tragedy and atrocity. Clark began this famous poem with the lines, “The casualties are not only those who are dead./They are well out of it;” nor are casualties “only those who lost/Persons or property, hard as it is.” Rather, he said, the casualties are the “emissaries of rift/So smug in smoke-rooms they haunt abroad/They do not see the funeral piles/At home eating up the forests/They are wandering minstrels who, beating on/The drums of the human heart, draw the world/Into a dance with rites it does not know.”

The casualties, as Clark lyricized in that poem, are not those who died in the June 12 war, either as ancillary or intended victims. They are the hidden and multifaceted victims of the war who extend beyond the frontiers of those directly affected. The casualties today are the Nigerian people. They include Nigerians who are unlucky (yes!) not to have died from the war but are today grappling with the castles they built in their minds about a democratic rule which, 26 years after, has turned into myths.

Fast-forward to 32 years after. Last week, Nigerian president, Bola Tinubu, responded to sons, brothers, sisters, kinsmen and countrymen of those casualties of the June 12 war who voted him into office. They had asked for accountability on the trillions of Naira of their money being spent on construction of the Lagos-Calabar highway. In a tone similar to Babangida’s “we’re not only in office but in power,” at the heat of criticism of his inhuman rule, Tinubu also said last week: «Don›t listen to those critics. They don›t know what they›re talking about. If they don›t like the road or if it›s too expensive for tolling for them, they could go to Idumota.” While Abacha and Babangida scoffed at us, victims of June 12, with guns, Tinubu does with Nebuchadnezzar arrogance.

The question all of us, the casualties, should ask is, is what we have today all our fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers and contemporaries fought and died for? Did Rewane die to have a government that would spend N15.6 trillion “to tame the Atlantic” for a road project which did not go through any competitive bidding, and the contract awarded on a single-source basis, thus contravening the Public Procurement Act and Environmental Impact Assessment Act? Did he die to have a beneficiary of his death speak glowingly about Sani Abacha’s business partners, the Gilbert Chagourys and their Hitech Construction company, as a “symbol of courage and commitment” and openly acknowledge them as “my partner in daring”? Did those young boys risk their lives to hijack a plane for a democratic Nigeria, only to have Nigerians, 32 years after, have a government that carries on as if hunger, anger, starvation, hopelessness that rule the airwaves are not unusual?

More importantly, a very apposite question to ask is, 26 years after we got civil rule, is Nigeria a democracy? Leading scholar in democratic studies, Prof Larry Diamond, in a keynote at the conference “20 years of democracy in Nigeria: 1999-2019,” held at the St. Antony College, University of Oxford, on December 6, 2019, said Nigeria, as it is today, is a semi-democracy. Or anocracy. Prof Wale Adebanwi, in his Introduction to the book, Democracy and Nigeria’s Fourth Republic ( 2023) which he edited, described semi-democracy and anocracy as “a form of government that mixes democratic and autocratic attributes.” Robert Mattes has also described semi-democracy as a “hybrid regime” while some scholars call it “flawed democracy/regime”. The description of such government by the Economic Intelligence Unit is that, it is a “poorly functioning government, often with corrupt elected officials and officials otherwise unaccountable to the citizenry”.

Following in the saying that the one on whose head a coconut pod is smashed to access its milky fruit often doesn’t partake of its eating, how many of the children of Rewane, Ige, Opadokun, Ransom-Kuti, Ndubuisi-Kanu, Elegbede, Omatsola, Onagoruwa, Suliat Adedeji, Tejuosho, Abraham Adesanya, Falae, Durojaiye and many more who gallantly fought the military to a standstill in the June 12 war, are beneficiaries of this government? Rather, the toads of the war fought by those Nigerians above 32 years ago are Nigerians’ tormentors of today in power. Are the lives of children of these June 12 warriors even better? If the dead can see, will the casualties be happy with Nigeria where they are now? If there is another June 12 war to be fought today, will anyone stick their necks in a fight against establishment?

Anyway, happy June 12, Nigerians. Like the boring refrain of a dirge, government will again declare a public holiday on Thursday and we will be fooled with voodoo statistics showing us as a happy people. But, are we really happy?

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OPINION: APC’s Leprosy Versus ADC’s Scabies

Published

1 hour ago

July 8, 2025

Editor

By Suyi Ayodele

When an elderly supporter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu tried to start a conversation about the opposition coalition party, African Democratic Congress (ADC), its membership and the ‘betrayal’ by the Acting National Secretary of the party, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, I politely turned down the conversation. Rather, I referred him to one of the lessons we learnt in our days about Ikú (Death) and how he lost the power to kill all princes.

The short story is clear in my head. I cannot remember the exact Ifa verse that speaks to the story, but I know it is derived from Òyèkú Méjì, the second biggest Odù, one of the 16 corpus of Ifá. The story is about the wife of Ikú called Olójòùngbodo and how she sold out her husband.

Worried about how Ikú was going about killing other people’s children, the elders of the community sat down to find a solution to the problem. Ikú had killed all the princes in the land leaving only Ayùnré. Should Ayùnré die, there would be no prince to be crowned Oba, and the kingdom will go into extinction. So, the elders took counsel and concluded that the woman’s pant is the closest item to her way of life, and decided that they would entice Olójòùngbodo, Ikú’s wife.

Early in the morning, the time of the morning my people call ìjímùjí (when one can barely see the lines on one’s palm), they sent some elders to meet Olójòùngbodo with gifts. The woman crawled out of her husband’s bed and met with the elders. She accepted the precious gifts and asked them what they wanted. The elders said they needed to know those food items that were forbidden to Ikú.

Without wasting time, Olójòùngbodo told them that her husband, Ikú, must not eat eku (rat), eja (fish), and a kind of vegetable known as ebòlò (very green with sweet aroma). The elders added more gifts and went away.

A few days later, the community called for a feast. All the elders were invited. Ikú was given a special table. He felt good by the special treatment. Two beautiful virgins were asked to serve him. Ikú savoured the delicacies given to him in the best carved calabashes. He ate, drank enough palm wine, belched and gave the closing remarks. Then he departed. The elders waited.

When the day for Ikú to kill Ayùnré came, the entire town was on edge. Morning came, and afternoon followed. It was dusk and the sun set. Yet nothing happened. The night crept in and there was no wailing from the palace. Prince Ayùnré was hale and hearty. Then another day broke, and the elders rejoiced, the people rolled out the drums; it was a celebration galore. The people rescued their kingdom from the grips of Death. They sustained the throne and the kingship lineage as Ikú could no longer kill the crown prince.

Permit me for reliving my childhood countryside years here. There were many lessons learnt; many of them learnt on the streets. The elders of those years were full of wisdom. They used parables, folktales and proverbs; all elements that combined to sharpen our sense of hermeneutics, to teach us the basic truth about life. The overall effect is that most ‘village boys’ of my era turned out to be streetwise.

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Being an ará oko (yokel) -a derogatory term to describe someone from the interior- has its own advantages. In fact, one should be proud to be called an ará ìlú òkè (someone from the countryside). Those from the countryside have an edge over the ‘happening’ boys of the urban centres. One of such is that the storm that will fling the urban man is the one the countryside guy will savour as refreshing wind from the excruciating heat!

I draw inspiration from my native background today to counsel President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the recent happenings in the nation’s political scene. Lasisi Olagunju, while doing a forensic analysis of Zainab Buba Galadima’s interview with Seun Okinbaloye on Saturday, called it a ‘storm’ (see Olagunju’s “From the North, ‘a storm is coming’”, published in the Nigerian Tribune on Monday, July 7, 2025). I see what is coming as being more serious than a storm.

Earlier on Sunday, July 6, 2025, two prolific columnists with the Tribune Titles, Festus Adedayo and Taiwo Adisa (both wrote in Sunday Tribune) dwelt on the same topic using different routes to get to the market of socio-political commentaries. I read Adedayo’s “ADC: Death, Onikoyi and hunter’s pouch”. I juxtaposed it with Adisa’s “APC, ADC, and some unhelpful narratives”, and I added Olagunju’s piece referenced above. Done, I came to Zainab’s conclusion that they “are not good reviews. It is bad; it is really bad.”

Adedayo alluded to ‘Death’ in his headline. I got scared by that name. Death (Ikú), in one of the stories I heard early in life as stated above, was once human, and he is more than the phenomenon that takes people away from the planet earth. Death does more than that; he ends plans, he eclipses people’s visions and aspirations. He is powerful, deadly, vicious, and mean!

But as powerful as Ikú is, he has his flaws, his weaknesses. Death, like most men of power or men-in-power, is also vulnerable. Ancient tradition teaches us that the greatest flaw of Death is his belief that everyone around him loves him and will die for, and with him. How wrong, how shallow Death could be to assume that he cannot be defeated.

Make no mistakes about it. The only Death in Nigeria’s political firmament today is President Tinubu. He is the rallying point for all those who aim to gain political power. He is equally the one-man squad that visits the homes of his enemies with deadly portions. He visited the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and planted seeds of internal destruction there. He went after the Labour Party (LP) and gave them eternal discord. For every seed of wahala Tinubu planted in the opposition, he left enough fertilizer to nourish it. The President has demonstrated, in the last two years, that he has all it takes to ruin the farms of those who share boundaries with him.

But in the last one week, it appears that the owners of the political IOUs are back to collect not only their invested capital but the accruing interests or capital interests. The formation, or rather, the consolidation of the opposition coalition against the re-election bid of Tinubu in 2027 with the coming on board of the ADC last Wednesday appears to be the greatest challenge the Tinubu political dynasty has ever faced in its political odyssey.

The reactions from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and members of the Tinubu’s government to the ADC coalition reminds me of the old man and the leftover pounded yam. The old man, the saying goes, says he is not pained that someone else ate the leftover pounded yam, but he keeps removing his clothes ready for a fight over the same food he calls useless (kòdùn mí, kòdùn mí, àgbàlagbà únbó èwù ní èèmefà nítorí iyán àná). Many of Tinubu’s ‘friends’ who have spoken against the ADC coalition said that the party would amount to nothing. Ironically, they refuse to rest, eat popcorn and lick ice cream! If the coalition is useless, why bother about it?

One of the narratives against the coalition is the aspersions cast on the person of the Acting National Secretary of the ADC, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola. Today, Aregbesola is regarded as a betrayer and a Yoruba outcast. In all honesty, no one in his right mind will lift a finger in defence of Aregbesola. He is not alone. I find it appalling that any common man would want to defend any politician given what these locusts have done to our collective wellbeing as a people!

I shared the Ikú story above with the elderly Tinubu man. I told him that Aregbesola should be one of their least worries. Rather, Tinubu and his men should look inwards. How many Aregbesola are in the house? How many Olójòùngbodo are sharing the same bed with the Jagaban? If indeed Aregbesola is a betrayer, can we ask Ikú (Tinubu) what he was doing, and where he was, when his wife crawled out of his bed to meet with the enemies?

Ikú, in Yoruba cosmology, is a very rich deity. This is why they say a kìí wá orí tì nílé Ikú (heads are not in short supply in Ikú’s abode). If that is so, what did Tinubu deny Aregbesola such that the enemies could entice him with gifts to join the coalition? The Ikú fable teaches us that every strongman must pay attention to his household. This is what Tinubu should do instead of listening to the clappers telling him that the coalition is nothing.

Again, Tinubu should also know that it is not every prince that Death can kill. When Tinubu, like Ikú, went after the opposition and decimated them with governors being compelled to join the APC, what did he expect? That the people would sit by and allow him to run Nigeria to a one-party State? What type of strategy is that; one that will leave nothing even for the fowls of the air to glean and eat? When APC was displaying that sense of rapacity for power, did it not expect a reaction from the people? What Tinubu is getting today from the ADC is exactly what the people of yore did when Ikú killed all the princes of the land but one! Our elders are right when they posit that the owner of the hut will not allow it to be pulled down by hostile neighbours.

And if we may go down a bit, what is ADC doing today or going to do tomorrow that the APC did not do in the past? Before Tinubu became the sole proprietor of the APC, did he not betray a whole clan? Where is Afenifere today? Where are the founding fathers of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD)? How did AD die, or who pierced the heart of the party with the long poisonous knife of betrayal? How many former loyalists of President Tinubu are in some nondescript corners today licking their wounds?

It is rather unfortunate that Nigeria is at a stage when the likes of Aregbesola, Rotimi Amaechi, Atiku Abubakar, Nasir el-Rufai and other hawks are the topics of discourse in our political system. That itself is a big shame! But when you have two terrible items to choose from, is it not true that the people will look for the lesser of the evils?

Ask me a million times. I will tell you that the APC and its twin evil brother, the ADC, are leprosy and scabies. And this again, reminds me of one of the songs by the hunters during rites of passage for a departed hunter (Eré ìsípa ode) about leprosy and scabies.

During those dirge possessions, especially when it got dark, the lead chanter would warn that the non-initiates should retire home as the hunters’ masquerade had nothing good to offer. Once the chief chanter raised the song: Èté òhun èyi, abiyamo yàn kàn h’ómo rè (between leprosy and scabies, let mothers choose one for their children), we knew that the time to go home had come.

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This is the exact song the political class is singing for Nigerians today. The choices before us as represented by the ruling APC and the coalition ADC, are leprosy and scabies. My elders say the gun births no good child because just as the pellet kills, the bullet kills also. Either APC or ADC, it is the same skin of the cobra; it cannot be used to sew waist amulets (awo oká ni, kò seé rán ìbànté)!

However, one beautiful thing about the ADC to me is the way the David Mark group has left the moribund PDP for the former governor of Rivers State and current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FTC), Nyesom Wike. Like my former boss is wont to say the thing sweet my belle!

Now, Wike has the entire PDP to play with. The coalition has solved the problem of the despicable promise to remain in the PDP and work for Tinubu in 2027 for him! What a man, what a character! Since the ADC unveiled its plan on Wednesday last week, Wike has been running here and there like Sisyphus in Hades, bashing, castigating and insulting every leader of the group. Wike, like the proverbial dog with skin rashes, has spoken against the coalition more than the APC Itself. There are no names he has not called those behind the coalition. Yet he says the coalition will fail! Shouldn’t Wike be happy that he has succeeded in taking over the PDP; why is he whining by the nanosecond like a common egbére (goblin)?

This is one of the problems I think President Tinubu should address as he navigates the political terrain ahead of 2027. My late mother, God repose her soul, had a saying: “Ajá tó je omo è, a kìí té òkú tìí (you don’t ask a dog that eats its puppy to guard a corpse). If Tinubu and his supporters are looking for betrayers, let them look inwards. A man who could bring the political party that gave him life to its knees would not blink twice before doing-in a mere generous benefactor like Tinubu. As an elder, the President should know that the house built with spittle will be wrecked by dew!

I recommend that Tinubu should watch the Zainab interview. He should listen to the lady speak directly. The president should not rely on any executive summary of the interview by any of his aides. He has a lot to benefit from it. The material is not the usual stuff from the Villa’s lying band; it is different from what any of the bootlickers around him in Aso Rock can offer

Zainab Buba Galadima warned that 2027 “is going to be the toughest battle he (Tinubu) will ever see. It is going to be the toughest.” I have no point to counter that. The only addition here is that it should not be lost on us that neither the coalition nor the APC is fighting for the welfare of the common man. Looking at the characters in both the APC and the ADC, one will easily conclude that the only unifying factor here is intrigue (rìkísí pa wón pò, wón di òré).

The opera season has opened. Nigerians should just locate the nearest popcorn sellers and ice cream joints, buy bagful and watch the unfolding season films. Then they can decide which one they prefer: the current leprosy or the coming scabies.

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Online Reports On Protest False, Intent To Tarnish Our Image – AAU Ekpoma

Published

11 hours ago

July 7, 2025

Editor

The management of Ambrose Alli University (AAU), Ekpoma, Edo State, has debunked recent online reports alleging a protest by students of the institution over exam delays, unpaid lecturers, and inaction by the university administration.

The institution described the claims as a “false narrative” allegedlybbeing peddled by “mischief makers” intent on undermining the university’s reputation for personal gains.

Speaking at a press briefing in Benin on Monday, Otunba Mike Aladenika,
Principal Assistant Registrar/Head of Information & Public Relations, AAU, Ekpoma, said what occurred at the main gate was not a protest, but rather a gathering of part-time students from the Directorate of Sciences and Humanities (DSH), who sought clarification on their academic programs.

“What happened that day was not a protest, but a gathering of part-time students who wanted to know their academic positions, but the management promptly responded to their concerns, providing further information and assurances that satisfied the students.

“There was no protest that warranted tension in the university, contrary to the erroneous report,” he added.

Aladenika further noted that those behind the online publication were previously instrumental in bringing about the now-defunct Special Intervention Team (SIT) regime, stressing that they may be attempting to reignite tensions to destabilize the current administration.

“Clearly, the intention is to tarnish our institution’s reputation,” he said.

“The current administration, led by Acting Vice-Chancellor, Professor Sunday Olowo Samuel, inherited a deeply troubled part-time programme beset with challenges, including un-cleared staff claims and delayed examinations.

“These issues were largely as a result of poor funding over the past eight years and restrictive policies imposed by the SIT.

“Despite these obstacles, the administration has recorded substantial achievements in revitalizing the Directorate of Sciences and Humanities,” he added.

He disclosed that the 2022/2023 first semester lectures, delayed by 11 months, commenced in March 2024 and were concluded with examinations in January 2025, adding that the second semester followed from February 26 to May 2, 2025, paving the way for the commencement of a new academic session.

Aladenika maintained that the institution has implemented a new result release policy, highlighting interventions by the Edo State Government.

“By implementing these changes, Ambrose Alli University Ekpoma demonstrates its commitment to improving academic processes and student experience.

“Beyond the faculties and departments sourcing alternative power supplies, the state government has announced plans to provide a 1.5-megawatt alternative power supply to support all sectors of our main campus.

“Additionally, the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund) will be installing a solar plant, a testament to our university’s prominence in the South-South region.

“Notably, Ambrose Alli University Ekpoma is the sole beneficiary of this initiative in the region,” he said.

“The Computer-Based Examinations (CBEs) for 100 Level students of the Directorate of Science and Humanities were processed and released within one week. All results for the 2023/2024 academic session are now available online,”

Aladenika, also said AAU, Ekpoma has entered into Memorandum Of Understanding (MOU) with a Chinese University for knowledge transfer and partnership.

“Furthermore, we’ve signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with a Chinese university, paving the way for technology transfer and exchange programs.

“This partnership will undoubtedly enhance our academic and research capabilities,” He concluded.

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Obi In Benin, Donates N15m To St Philomena School of Nursing Sciences

Published

12 hours ago

July 7, 2025

Editor

…says life without help to humanity, is not worth living

Former presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP), Peter Obi, on Monday, July 7, 2025, donated a sum of N15 million to St. Philomena School of Nursing Sciences, Benin, as support to the school’s ongoing project, saying “life without support or help to humanity, is not worth living.”

The former governor of Anambra State said For the future of the country, “we need to invest in you (students of nursing),” predicting that “by year 2030, the world will be short of nurses to work in the hospital,” due to the high demand.

Obi, who described health, education, and pulling people out of poverty as the most important investment in any nation, disclosed that due to the premium he placed on health particularly nursing, out of the 52 weeks in a year, he visits at least one health facility every week, stressing that this act of visit and donation is not politically motivated but what he had been doing even before he came into politics.

Obi said: “I’m here to support what you are doing. I’m here because, for the future of this country, we need to invest in you. Across Nigeria, I support over 50 school of nursing sciences. 52 two weeks of the year, every week I must visit a school of nursing sciences.

“My weekly visit to the schools is not because of politics, because people think it’s because of politics that I’m doing this, but no. I was doing this even before I came into politics.

“Life without support or help to humanity, is not worth living.

“Father didn’t ask me to come back; none of you called me to come back. I was the one who called Father last night that.

“You might not know what you’re studying now. By the year 2030, the world will be short of nurses to work in the hospital. Because healthcare is the most important thing today.”

He continued: “Like I always say, school is the most important investment you can give to humanity: number one, education; number two, health. It is said that a healthy nation is a wealthy nation. So, we must invest in health.

“The most important measurable developments are health, education, and pulling people out of poverty — and I am focused on all the three.

“You can’t talk about health without talking about the human capital infrastructure within it. The most important infrastructure in health are the nurses because they are the closest to the patients,” Obi added.

When asked his presidential ambition and his alleged alignment with the newly formed coalition, Obi declined comment while he noted: “When I arrived the airport this morning, the journalist asked me why I’m Benin, and I said to them please I’m not in Benin for politics. I’m in Benin to talk about the future of Nigeria.

“We the politicians spend too much time talking about politics while leaving the Nigerian children and people to suffer. This is not what I’m here for.”

On his part, Rev. Fr. Jerome Idebe, while appreciating Obi for the kind gesture, noted that the donation will go a “long way in completing the project we started years ago.”

He assured the former Anambra State governor that the funds will be rightly channelled towards the betterment of the school and the students.