Politics

‘Why RECs Are Reckless’ —Justice Uwais Report

Published

2 years ago

April 23, 2023

Last week’s declaration of All Progressives Congress, APC, governorship candidate in Adamawa State, Aisha Dahiru, popularly known as Binani, as governor-elect by the state Resident Electoral Commissioner, REC, Hudy Ari, against the stipulations of the law, has heightened concerns over the conduct of RECs and its implications on the electoral process.

Ari, who had no power under the Electoral Act 2022 as amended to do so, had gone ahead to declare the APC standard-bearer winner of the governorship election when the collation of results was still ongoing, creating tension in the polity.

The action had set in place what could have been a dangerous political stalemate, crisis and precedent until the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, invalidated it.

Section 25 of the Act empowered only the Returning Officer to declare the winner of an election at the state collation centre.

Law

Specifically, the law says: “The results of all the elections shall be announced by the: Presiding Officer at the Polling Unit; Ward Collation Officer at the registration area or Ward Collation Centre; Local Government or Area Council Collation Officer at the Local Government or Area Council Collation Centre; and State Collation Officer at the State Collation Centre.”

Since what happened in Adamawa didn’t only contravene the law, but also usurped the powers of the Returning Officer, there are worries over its symbolism in the country.

This is irrespective of INEC’s nullification of the action and the subsequent suspension of the REC, who is believed not to be ignorant of the position of the law as regards the declaration of results.

In the buildup to the general elections, Sunday Vanguard had, in a report titled: Tension over RECs, BVAs, Seven Other Issues, observed that neutrality of RECs was an issue of worry.

The alarm was premised on two factors: One was the suspected affiliation of some commissioners with interested parties. There was also the issue of capacity as some were found to be supervising elections for the first time.

“There are worries about some of its Resident Electoral Commissioners, RECs, who were accused of having affinities with parties. Questions have also been raised about some National Commissioners, who would be superintending over elections for the first time,” this paper observed in the report.

In 2008, the Justice Muhammadu Uwais Electoral Reforms Report shared a similar sentiment about the managers of Nigeria’s elections.

It observed: “The independence and impartiality of the country’s election management bodies, that is, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, State Independent Electoral Commissions, SIECs, and other institutions involved in election matters, have been questioned by the generality of Nigerians who submitted memoranda and made presentations during the public hearings of the Committee. INEC and SIECs have generally been adjudged as operating as appendages of the ruling party and the executive arms of government. This perception stems mainly from the mode of appointment of key officials of the EMBs and their funding which rests exclusively with the executive branch of government. The same perception of partiality, ineffectiveness and inefficiency affects the other institutions, especially the security agencies, critical for credible elections.”

To a large extent, what is now known as the failed ‘Adamawa coup’ has confirmed the fears highlighted in that report.

The development, which stands in a class of its own at a time INEC was accused of not playing by its rules during the presidential election, has once again brought to the fore the need to reform the Commission.

Since the first post-military rule election in 1999, calls for electoral reforms have followed the aftermath of every general election.

Controversy

This has majorly been precipitated by an unbroken cycle of controversial elections believed to have been caused by disregard for rules, weak institutions, infirm legal frameworks, poor political culture and excessive use of money among others.

For instance, in the report of the Uwais Electoral Reforms Panel submitted to President Umaru Yar’Adua, it was observed that outcomes of Nigerian elections have consistently degenerated.

“The 85-year-old history of Nigeria’s elections shows a progressive degeneration of outcomes. Thus, the 2007 elections are believed to be the worst since the first elections were held in 1922. The compelling need to embark on electoral reforms is thus obvious,” it stated.

Of the electoral reforms initiated since 1999, election stakeholders believe the Uwais Panel on Electoral Reforms stood out given its wide-reaching findings and recommendations.

It is believed that the events that necessitated the inauguration of the panel by the late President Umaru Yar’Adua in 2007, share many similarities with the conduct of the 2023 polls: They were as controversial as the conduct of the last exercise.

And the uproar that followed at the time was as deafening as the current outrage over the last elections’ outcome, forcing the President to constitute a 22-man panel headed by retired Justice Muhammadu Uwais.

With membership drawn from critical sectors including the media, academia, judiciary, and civil society, the committee went round the country, gathering opinions on how to improve the electoral framework.

The outcome of the 16-month exercise was a 297-page document titled: Report of the Electoral Reform Committee.
To date, its recommendations are adjudged the best proposals to ensure Nigerian elections no longer have credibility issues.

Some key excerpts gleaned from recommendations submitted to President Yar’Adua in December 2008, read:

Re-organisation of INEC

“INEC should be re-organized and re-positioned to ensure its independence and professionalism in the conduct of elections in the country.

“The 1999 Constitution should be amended to ensure that INEC becomes truly independent, non-partisan, impartial, professional, transparent, and reliable as an institution and in the performance of its constitutional functions. INEC should consist of: a board that formulates broad electoral policy and direction for the Commission; and a professional/technical election management team to handle the actual conduct of elections.

Funding of INEC

‘’Section 84 of the 1999 Constitution should be amended by adding subsection (8) to read as follows: The election expenditure and the recurrent expenditure of the Independent National Electoral Commissioners offices (in addition to salaries and allowances of the Chairman and members mentioned in subsection 4 of this section) shall be first charge on the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Federation.”

Composition of INEC Board

“The membership of the Board of INEC should consist of the following: A Chairman – who must be a person of unquestionable integrity; a Deputy Chairman – who must be a person of unquestionable integrity. However, the Chairman and Deputy must not be of the same gender; six persons of unquestionable integrity, two of whom must be women and 1 of whom must come from each of the six geo-political zones of the Federation; one nominee of Civil Society Organizations working in the area of elections and accredited by the proposed Political Parties Registration and Regulatory Commission; The National Judicial Council shall advertise all the positions, spelling out requisite qualifications.

Tenure of office

“The tenure of office of the members of INEC’s Board should be five years subject to renewal for another five years. At the national level INEC’s management team should consist of professional/technical/operational officers as follows: Secretary, Departmental Directors

“At the State level, the State Independence Electoral Commission ,SIECs, should be re-organized and incorporated within the structure of the INEC to form a single election management body for the country. The state level Secretariat of INEC should therefore consist of 37 Directors of Elections, one for each State and the FCT, appointed by INEC, trained and posted to states.

Security of Tenure of INEC Chairman and members

“The Chairman and members of the Board of INEC may only be removed by the Senate on the recommendation of the National Judicial Commission (NJC) by two-thirds majority of the Senate which shall include at least 10 members of the minority parties in the Senate. Section 155 of the 1999 Constitution should be amended to provide that the tenure of office of the Chairman and members of the Board of INEC shall be five years from the date of appointment, renewable only once.

“The process of renewal of the appointment of members of the Board of INEC shall be by the Senate on the recommendation of the NJC.

Conclusion of election disputes before swearing-in

“There is need to produce rules and procedures that enhance speedy disposal of election petitions. The law should shift the burden of proof from the petitioners to INEC to show that disputed elections were indeed free and fair and complied with the provisions of the Electoral Act. Rules of evidence should be formulated to achieve substantive justice rather than mere observance of technicalities.

“Elections to the office of President and Governors should be held at least six months before the expiration of their terms. A maximum of four months should be devoted to hearing petitions by the tribunals and another two months for hearing appeals by the Court of Appeal or Supreme Court. No executive should be sworn in before the conclusion of the cases against him/her. In the case of legislators, no one should be sworn in before the determination of the case against him/her. INEC should have no right of appeal.

Curbing violence

“There is the need to deal with incidents as well as the root causes of violence related to elections. Quite often, attention is focused on incidences without a longer-term view of how to address the root causes of the problem. For example, only sustainable, systemic reform measures can provide employment and curtail the profound phenomenon of youth unemployment, which feeds into, and fan violence related to elections.

“There is a need to effectively regulate the behaviour and actions of contestants, voters, officials, etc in the entire electoral process and to carefully frame rules and regulations covering all aspects of the electoral process. No stone should be left unturned in this regard. There is a need to effectively police the election process and enforce rules and regulations by assigning well-trained, impartial and honest law enforcement and security agents and agencies to help police and secure the electoral process.

Prosecution of Electoral Offences

“Amend Section 174 (c) of the 1999 Constitution such that the constitutional power of nolle prosequi vested in the Attorney-General of the Federation or of a state does not apply to electoral offences.

“Amend the Electoral Act 2006 to establish an Electoral Offences Commission to perform the following functions: enforcement and administration of the provisions of the Electoral Act; investigation of all electoral frauds and related offences. Coordination, enforcement and prosecution of all electoral offences; enforcement of the provisions of the Electoral Act

Date for elections

“Amend Section 26 of the Electoral Act 2006 to take away from INEC the power to fix dates for elections. Also, amend the Constitution to fix dates for elections which should hold at least six months before the date of swearing-in to provide adequate time for concluding all election petitions before swearing in of elected candidates.

“The presidential and gubernatorial elections should take place in the first week of November of the election year; Friday, Saturday and Sunday excluded in deference to the religious sensibilities of Muslims, Seventh-Day Adventists and Christians respectively.

“The elected chief executives should be sworn-in in May of the following year, an interval of six months to allow for the disposal of election petitions arising from the elections.

“National and State Assembly elections should take place in the second week of November and should be held two years after presidential and gubernatorial elections.”

Convinced that it had delivered a roadmap to credible elections, the panel concluded thus: “The Committee is convinced that the recommendations contained in this report are necessary and sufficient to improve the quality of our elections. To this extent, the Committee recommends that there should be urgency on the part of the President, the National Assembly, Governors, State Assemblies and others in effecting the constitutional, statutory, administrative and institutional changes required to achieve the desired effect.”

Unfortunately, the report, which was expected to herald a new era in election management, was hardly implemented by the Yar’Adua administration.

Ironically, successive administrations acknowledged the need for electoral reforms, but ignored the findings and recommendations, leading to questions on whether the government is truly serious about credible elections.

The consensus today is that the consequences of ignoring the report undermine the electoral process as witnessed in the conduct of the 2023 polls.
VANGUARD

Politics

Marafa’s Loyalists Quit APC, Cite Neglect Of Zamfara

Published

11 hours ago

August 29, 2025

Editor

Supporters of former Zamfara Central Senator, Kabiru Marafa, have announced their resignation from the All Progressives Congress, citing what they described as injustice, marginalisation and deliberate neglect of the state by the ruling party and President Bola Tinubu’s administration.

The group, operating under the aegis of the Senator Kabiru Marafa Consultative Forum, met in Kaduna on Wednesday and Thursday, August 27 and 28, 2025, to deliberate on the worsening political, security and developmental situation in the state.

At the end of the meeting, the forum issued a communique signed by its chairman, Bashir Mafara, secretary Mannir Tsafe, and seven others, formally announcing their exit from the APC.

The communique partly read, “After broad consultations and critical review of the prevailing circumstances, the political structure of Distinguished Senator Kabiru Garba Marafa OFR, CON across the 147 wards in Zamfara State unanimously resolved as follows:

“The entire structure with all its supporters hereby formally resigns from the All Progressives Congress in protest against the sustained injustice, mistrust, marginalisation, and deliberate neglect of Zamfara State and its people.

“That we shall, in due course, announce our next political direction, guided by the collective interest of the good people of Zamfara State.”

The group expressed concern over the deteriorating security situation in the state, pointing to official data and community reports on rising kidnappings and killings.

“The Federal Government of Nigeria, under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR, hasn’t been able to address the persistent and senseless kidnappings and killings of innocent citizens in Zamfara State, despite the explicit promises made during the 2023 presidential campaign.

“The situation continues to worsen, leaving communities devastated and hopeless,” they said.

The group claimed that reports indicate that out of the 4,722 people kidnapped over one year in Nigeria in 2024, 1,203 are from Zamfara State, followed by Kaduna State with 629.

It added that the Zamfara Circle Community Initiatives reported that 25 villages suffered attacks in one week after the just concluded by-election, with 145 people kidnapped and 21 killed.

The senator’s loyalists also accused the government of politicising insecurity for electoral gains.

On the alleged marginalisation of Zamfara in political appointments and projects, the communique added, “Despite the fact that Zamfara State was one of only two states in the entire North-West geopolitical zone that delivered victory to President Bola Tinubu during the 2023 presidential election spearheaded by Distinguished Senator Kabiru Garba Marafa OFR, CON as State Coordinator which the President himself categorically acknowledged during his speech shortly after his declaration as the winner of the 2023 election by INEC, the state has been sidelined in all facets of human developments including protection of lives and properties, infrastructural developments as well as fair representation in political appointments.

“The state was given only a Minister of State, while most states in the Northwest got two slots.

“But more unfair is the allocation given to the Southwest that corners the entire financial sector, with some states getting multiple ministerial slots and countless agencies.

“For example, Lagos state, where President Tinubu lost the election, has enjoyed overwhelming patronage in terms of appointments and developmental projects, underscoring the deliberate marginalisation of Zamfara state, where Mr. President won.”

The forum concluded by accusing the APC leadership of betraying its founding principles of fairness and justice.

“The above actions and omissions negate the fundamental principles of justice, fairness, equity and accountability upon which the APC was founded.

“Conscience demands that genuine progressives must stand for truth and resist injustice, no matter how uncomfortable,” it said.

Politics

Why I’d Choose Tinubu Over Obi – Adeyanju

Published

11 hours ago

August 29, 2025

Editor

Human rights activist, Deji Adeyanju, has explained why he would prefer President Bola Tinubu to Peter Obi if both men were to contest against each other in the 2027 elections.

Adeyanju, who spoke during an interview on Channels Television on Friday, said his position was not out of loyalty to the ruling All Progressives Congress, but a reflection of his personal convictions about democracy, tolerance, and political conduct.

“Why would somebody like me support the APC? Support the APC for what? If the opposition presents Peter Obi, I will vote Tinubu.

“This is because we cannot have a situation where, a man whose supporters cannot tolerate criticism, call people all sorts of names.

“Anybody who does not support their candidate is an enemy of Nigeria. Anybody that does not support the candidate has been paid, has been compromised in supporting the government.”

The activist rejected claims that he was working with the APC to weaken the opposition, insisting that his political interventions had always been consistent and independent.

He recalled that in previous elections he had voted for different candidates across party lines, based on what he described as his personal judgment of their suitability.

“I have never voted for a bad candidate in my view. In 1999, I voted for Obasanjo. In 2011, I voted for Goodluck Jonathan. In 2015, I voted for Jonathan again because I couldn’t support Buhari, and in 2023, I voted for Omoyele Sowore,” Adeyanju said.

According to him, his decision to oppose Obi stems largely from his experience with the behaviour of some of Obi’s supporters during the last election.

He alleged that many of them resorted to online attacks and intimidation of those with dissenting views.

“What we are saying is that we must sanitise our polity, that we cannot have a country where people who terrorise others who do not appreciate that people have their rights.

“Look at what they did to Joke Silva during the election. They had artists and Nollywood people supporting them. Nobody terrorised those people.

“But they terrorised that woman, and other people, because she decided to support Tinubu in the last election. People have the right, I have the right.”

Adeyanju stressed that opposition politics in Nigeria could only succeed if there was unity among the major players, warning that a divided front would always favour the APC.

He recalled that he initially found Obi’s candidacy “exciting,” particularly as it represented a chance for the South-East to aspire to the presidency. However, he said his enthusiasm waned as the campaign progressed.

“The idea of Obi’s candidacy excited me because the South-East has not produced a president since independence,” he said.

Adeyanju noted however, that he couldn’t reconcile with some of the things he observed in the movement.

He further argued that his activism over the years had been about defending democracy and free expression, even at personal cost. He noted that he had faced multiple arrests in the past under different administrations because of his advocacy.

“We have put our lives on the line for this country, for the preservation of democracy, at personal expense of prosecution. What kind of charges have we not faced in this country? At the time, I was almost charged with terrorism. They’ve charged me for all kinds of offences in this country,” he said.

He added that his decision to take a firm stance against Obi should not be mistaken for partisanship, emphasising that he remained committed to issue-based politics.

According to him, he is just expressing his views as a Nigerian. He noted that his opposition to Obi does not mean support for APC.

“Because we cannot have a situation in our country or in our polity where political extremism becomes the order of the day. And Nigerians are living witnesses to the things that eventually happened to the build-up of the last election,” he said.

Politics

Edo PDP Knocks Okpebholo Over ₦2.5b Donation To UBTH

Published

2 days ago

August 27, 2025

Editor

Edo State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has condemned the approval of ₦2.5 billion to the University of Benin Teaching Hospital by Governor Monday Okpebholo.

The Governor announced the approval on Tuesday when the new Chief Medical Director of the hospital, Idia Ize-Iyamu, paid a courtesy visit to him in Government House, Benin.

Ize-Iyamu had requested the state government’s assistance in constructing a world-class Paediatric Centre worth N2.5 billion which the governor approved.

However, the PDP, in a statement by its Caretaker Committee Publicity Secretary, Chris Nehikhare said the governor should have invested the money on state-owned hospitals instead of a federal institution.

The statement statement partly reads, “This misadventure is not only reckless but a glaring example of the 2027 election fixation and desperate eye-service politics that has defined Okpebholo’s almost one year in office.

“Edo people are being made to suffer while their resources are squandered on federal facilities that are not the primary responsibility of the state.

“We align with the position of the Association of Resident Doctors under Edo State Government Employment, who have openly decried this misplaced priority. Their statement exposes what Edo people already know, our hospitals are collapsing, yet the Governor prefers to chase cheap popularity.”

The PDP said that Stella Obasanjo Hospital, which was rebuilt with state funds, remained locked with less than a tenth in use, wondering why the ₦2.5 billion was not channelled there.

The statement added, “The Edo Specialist Hospital continues to cry for expansion and adequate support but has been ignored by a government obsessed with pleasing political benefactors and seeking headlines.

“The General Hospital in Abudu is no more than a mere patent medicine store, and yet, ‘₦2.5 billion that belongs to Odogwu is being given to Caesar.”

The PDP also noted that Edo doctors, who only recently suspended their strike, still have their legitimate demands unmet.

“Edo people obviously did not elect a Governor to act as a philanthropist to federal institutions. They elected a leader to fix our hospitals, build capacity, and ensure access to healthcare for all. By neglecting this sacred duty, Okpebholo has shown that he is unprepared, unserious, and out of touch with the realities of Edo citizens.

“We in the PDP demand that this decision be reversed and that urgent attention be given to Edo-owned hospitals which directly serve our people. Edo deserves working hospitals, not political monuments built with eyes on the 2027 elections.

“This is not leadership. This is a reckless waste. And Edo people will not forget,” the statement added.

Efforts to get the government’s response proved futile, as a top official, who pleaded anonymity, said that a response will come on Thursday.