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Gaza Or Jerusalem: Where Should Nigerians Be Found? [OPINION]

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By Lasisi Olagunju

If history were a child, the Yoruba would insist on calling it an Abiku. History keeps climbing the chimney and, in Wole Soyinka’s voice, yelling at us: “I am Abiku, calling for the first/ And the repeated time.” And with J.P. Clark’s opening glee, his entrance chant, history revels in “coming and going these several seasons.” Hundreds of years before Christ, a rampaging General called Alexander the Great from Macedonia staged what history recorded as the Siege of Gaza. Second century Greek historian and military commander, Arrian of Nicomedia, wrote on the last days of the siege. He also gave a gripping account of the massacre which followed the siege: “Their land now in the hands of the enemy, the Gazanians stood together and fought; so that they were all slain fighting there as each man had been stationed. Alexander sold their wives and children into slavery…” That mass murder happened in October 332 BC. This year, another trouble started in Gaza on October 7. Fifty-years ago, on October 6, 1973, Israel suffered a surprise attack launched simultaneously by Egypt and Syria. Those two Arab countries said they wanted to correct the ‘error’ of the six-day war of June 1967 in which they lost land and honour and prestige to small Israel. In 1967, Syria lost the Golan Heights to Israel; Egypt lost the Sinai Peninsula to Israel; the Palestinian people lost the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. It was those losses that provoked the 1973 war. And who won in 1973? History says both sides claimed victory but the real victor is the power occupying the occupied territories today.

On 7 October, 2023, Palestinian militant group, Hamas, launched a surprise, condemnable assault on southern Israel. Hundreds of innocent Israelis were killed. Israel has been fighting back with bombs and bullets. The entire Gaza is under a total siege. Israeli Defense Minister, Yoav Gallant, days ago told anyone who cared to listen that the strip would receive “no electricity, no food, no water, no fuel.” Suffering that measure are 2.2million souls who live there. Condemnable. And, in that cold announcement is a deja vu. At a postmortem of the six-day war of 1967, the then Prime Minister of Israel, Levi Eshkol, reportedly told his ministers his solution to the Arab problem in Gaza: “Perhaps if we don’t give them enough water they won’t have a choice…We’ll deprive Gaza of water, and the Arabs will leave.” This past weekend, Israel announced that it was about to begin a ground operation in Gaza to hunt down Hamas. It then ordered over one million Palestinian civilians living in northern Gaza to leave the place within 24 hours. The old people who live in today’s Gaza are refugees uprooted from the area that became Israel in 1948. The young ones there are their descendants. Both generations are about to be refugees again.

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That corridor called Gaza is a jinxed strip. The International Dictionary of Historic Places puts its date of first habitation as the 15th century BCE. The introductory paragraph of an 11 October, 2023 report by Reuters news agency tells the city’s grim history: “Gaza is a coastal strip of land that lay on ancient trading and marine routes along the Mediterranean shore. Held by the Ottoman Empire until 1917, it passed from British to Egyptian to Israeli military rule over the last century and is now a fenced-in enclave inhabited by over two million Palestinians.” The unjust fencing was done by Israel in 1994 for security and economic reasons. The barrier notwithstanding, the Gaza-Israeli border has continued to be a thunderclap headache to Israel because of extremist reactions to its ‘overlordship’ from the other side.

This 2023 war is not the first and won’t be the last. But then, you want to ask why this war and all the others before it? At the centre of it all is land, the breath that comes with it and the duties attached to its protection. The Jews believe they were promised and gifted the land called Israel by the ‘God of Israel’ and it is their sacred duty to keep it. Palestinians call the land Palestine and they claim it as a bequest to them from the God of their ancestors. They hold that the land, particularly Jerusalem, hosts holy sites and buildings entrusted to their care by God. Both sides won’t surrender it; they won’t betray their ancestors; they won’t sin against God. That is my summary of the problem and why it is a war that may last till (or lead to) the end of the world.

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While these historical racial rivals fight over their inheritance, should black Africa be divided between the warring two? Ghana and Kenya are officially with Israel; South Africa is with Palestine; Nigeria says it is neutral although its citizens are badly divided over the war. But the two fighting forces have zero respect for black people no matter how pious and religious we think we are. There are Afro-Palestinian people in Jerusalem. They suffer everything black South Africans suffered in apartheid South Africa. In a 2014 report, The Times of Israel reported that in spite of the strong identification of Afro-Palestinians with Palestine “there is nonetheless a degree of racial discrimination against them by the broader Arab population.” Also, writer and journalist, Charmaine Seitz, in a 2002 article published in Jerusalem Quarterly, said “some Palestinians still refer to those with dark skin as ‘abeed,’ literally translated as ‘slaves.’” Seitz was appalled that “racial slurs against blacks are oddly frequent in a society that has experienced its own share of prejudice and discrimination at home and abroad.” The discrimination is not from the Arab side alone. Israelis also loathe blacks mainly for the colour of their skin. A March 2018 report by Al Jazeera on the attitude of the Israeli state and its religious authorities to blacks comes to mind here. The title of that report is: “Black lives do not matter in Israel.” The author is not an Arab, not a Muslim. His name is David Sheen, a journalist from Canada but reporting from Israel and Palestine.

Twenty-three years ago, ‘mysterious’ musician, Lagbaja (Bisade Ologunde), told us to smile and laugh and be merry no matter what we were going through. That was at the beginning of this democracy. His song: ‘No Matter Condition, F’ẹyín ẹ’. I am not sure he would obey himself today. What has happened to Nigeria and its people is much more than what hit the Yoruba Akalamagbo and took laughter from its mouth. A newspaper screamed on Wednesday last week: ‘Naira plunges to $1,050; job losses, factory shutdown loom.’ This is October, not many people in this country are sure of what December will do to their jobs. However, despite the existential challenges ravaging Nigeria, I find it curious that what takes our time is much more than the post-election lightning striking the skies of Lagos and Yola. We’ve allowed into our discourse matters that should not concern us beyond what we feel as members of the human community. The war in the Middle East between Israel and Palestine is one of them. We are involved like the old man who carries a stranger’s load on his head and kicks his own down the hill.

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I told a senior colleague mid last week that the war between Palestine and Israel would become a Nigerian war. I told him that I prayed my reading would be wrong. I also told him that there had been relative calm so far in Nigeria because the casualty figures on both sides appeared to be gruesomely equal. I said the moment one side overtook the other and the news was out, we should expect terrible reactions here. One week into the war, the omens here are not good at all. Some Muslim groups held a rally in Ibadan on Friday in solidarity with Palestinians. They called the Arabs their brothers. RCCG’s Pastor Enoch Adeboye also last week sent a solidarity message to the State of Israel: “Hello my beloved brothers in Israel, I want you to know that we are praying for you, that all members of the Redeemed Christian Church of God all over the world are standing by you at this critical moment. The Almighty God, the Holy one of Israel, will give you absolute victory and give you permanent peace from now on in the mighty name of Jesus.”

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Ninety-eight percent of Israel won’t say Amen to the pastor’s prayers. They are not followers of Jesus Christ. The State of Israel which Nigerian pastors pray for has a population that includes Arab Muslims. The ‘Israel’ of today is not exactly the ‘Israel’ of the Bible. It is not just for cosmetic reasons that citizens of today’s Israel call themselves ‘Israelis’, not ‘Israelites’ that you find in the New Testament. Now, I go for available statistics. Real time data website, Wordometer, says the population of Israel, as of yesterday afternoon (15 October, 2023), is 9,214,951. Out of that figure, Jewish Virtual Library says the total Jewish population is 7,181,000 (73.3%). Jews say they practise Judaism although “roughly half (of them) describe themselves as secular and one-in-five does not believe in God” (Pew Research Centre; May, 2015). The State of Israel has 2,065,000 Arab people (21.1% of the population) out of which 1,728,000 are Muslims. This means that even among Arabs, there are Christians. The total number of Christians in Israel is just 184,400 (sbout two percent of the country’s population). The remainder of the people of that country are classified as ‘others’ and they include those “who identify themselves as Jewish but do not satisfy the Orthodox Jewish definition of ‘Jewish’”. Across the border in the State of Palestine, there are Palestinian Christians who suffer what Palestinian Muslims suffer from Israel. If Nigerian pastors would pray for their Christian brethren, they should include those in Palestine who are victims of attacks from extremist groups like Hamas in addition to restrictions and abuse from Israel. If Nigerian Muslims would rally for their brothers, they should not forget Arab Muslims in Israel who are exposed, like the Jews, to death from Hamas’ missiles.

As humans, we can pray for the innocent on both sides of this war. People who deserved to live are dead or dying. Many more will die today and tomorrow. Suffering and misery will continue to rule the streets until common sense forces a ceasefire. Both sides are grossly, grisly afflicted – that is what media reports tell us. “At local supermarkets, the shelves have become empty of some items, such as bread, batteries, milk, and eggs. With instructions telling people to have their safe rooms stocked for three days, people have grabbed what they can. Many workers do not come to work. A city usually full of tour groups has none. Many flights are canceled. People who had come on holiday or to see relatives have to scramble to find flights out, often with connections through countries they did not intend.” That was how Israel’s major newspaper, The Jerusalem Post, described the situation at the country’s capital last Tuesday. And it was just three days into the Israeli-Palestinian war. It is more than a week today; things are worse and may still get worse. On the Palestinian side, life is grimmer. Last Wednesday, Al Jazeera published a journalist’s personal experience of the war: “As I write this, I no longer believe we will get out of this alive. I woke from my sporadic sleep to the sound of the bombardment that has continued nonstop for the past four nights. Each day, we wake up in a different house. But each day the sounds and smells we wake to are the same…Early this morning, a blast blew in the windows, and I shielded my baby with my body and realised: No place is safe.”

Life is nasty and brutish for those gasping for life in Gaza without water and food – no thanks to Israel’s blockade. We should empathize with them and with victims of Hamas’ atrocious actions inside Israel. Our government has done very well by staying neutral and calling for peace. We should join the government in demanding an end to hostilities. We should abstain from justifying the evil of one side while excusing the other. The irony is that the supposed beneficiaries of our partisanship have near zero regard for us as members of the human community. The darker the skin, the more monkey the black person is to the Arabs and the Jews. If you’ve ever seen how villagers crack palm nuts, you would understand why the Yoruba say neither of the two stones involved in the cracking business is a friend of the nut. So, why are we taking sides? There are rallies across the world for peace and for a stop to attacks on the innocent, including women and children who have no share in this blame. That is where we should be found.

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OPINION: Time For The Abachas To Rejoice

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By Lasisi Olagunju

General Sani Abacha was a great teacher. He pioneered the doctrine of consensus candidacy in Nigeria. He founded a country of five political parties and when it was time for the parties to pick their candidates for the presidency, all the five reached a consensus that the man fit for the job was Abacha himself. Today, from party primaries to consensus candidacy; from setting the opposition on fire, to everything and every thing, Abacha’s students are showing exceptionally remarkable brilliance.

Anti-Abacha democrats of 28 years ago are orchestrating and celebrating the collapse of opposition parties today. They are rejoicing at the prospect of a one-party, one-candidate presidential election in 2027. Abacha did the same. So, what are we saying? Children who set out to resemble their parents almost always exceed their mark; they recreate the parents in perfect form and format. Abacha was a democrat; his pupils inherited his political estate and have, today, turned it into an academy. Its classes are bursting at the seams with students and scholars. Aristotle and his Lyceum will be green with envy, and very jealous of this busy academy.

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Like it was under Abacha, the opposition suffers from a blaze ignited by the palace. But, and this is where I am going: fires, once started, rarely obey and respect their makers.

My friend, the storyteller, gave me an old folktale of a man who thought the world must revolve around him, alone. One cold night, the man set his neighbours’ huts on fire so he alone would stand as the ‘big man’ of the village. The man watched with satisfaction as the flames rose, dancing dangerously close to the skies. But the wind had a scheme of its own. It hijacked the fire, lifted it, and dropped it squarely on the arsonist’s own thatched roof. By dawn, all huts in the village had become small heaps of ash.

Fire, in all cultures, is a communal danger; whoever releases it cannot control its path. The Fulani warn that he who lights a fire in the savannah must not sleep among dry grass, a wisdom another African people echo by saying that the man who sets a field ablaze should not lie beside raffia in the same field. Yet our rulers strike anti-opposition matches with reckless confidence, believing fire is a loyal servant that burns only the huts of opponents. They forget that power is a strong wind, and wind has no party card and respects none.

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When it is state policy to weaken institutions, criminalise dissent and have rivals crushed with the excuse of order, the blaze spreads quietly, patiently, until it reaches the bed of its maker. Fire does not negotiate; it does not remember or know who started it (iná ò mo eni ó dáa). In politics, as in the grassland, those who weaponise flames rarely die with unburnt roofs over their heads.

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The folktale above is the story of today’s ruling party. People in power think it is wisdom to weaken, scatter, or destroy opposition platforms outright. They have forgotten the ancient lesson of the village: When you burn every hut around you, you leave nothing to break the wind when it blows back. A democratic system that cannibalises opposition always ends up consuming itself. Our First Republic is a golden example to cite here. History is full of parties that dug graves for their rivals and ended up falling inside.

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Literature is rich with warnings about the danger of lighting fires; they more often than not get out of control. In Duro Ladipo’s ‘Oba Koso’, Sango is the lord of fire and ultimately victim of his fire. In Shakespeare’s ‘Macbeth’, we see how a single spark of regicide grows into a blaze of paranoia and bloodshed that ultimately consumes Macbeth himself. In D. O. Fagunwa’s Adiitu Olodumare, we see how Èsù lé̟̟hìn ìbejì is consumed by the fire of his intrigues; Chinua Achebe’s ‘Things Fall Apart’ shows a similar pattern with Macbeth: Okonkwo’s role in Ikemefuna’s death ignites a chain of misfortunes that destroys his honour and his life. In ‘The Crucible’, Arthur Miller’s characters take turns to unleash hysteria through lies, only to be trapped by the inferno they created. Ola Rotimi’s ‘The Gods Are Not to Blame’ and even Mary Shelley’s ‘Frankenstein’ echo the same lesson. Again and again, literature insists that those who start dangerous fires whether of ambition, deceit, violence, or pride, should never expect to sleep safely. Always, the tongue of the flames turns and returns home.

Abacha must be very proud that the democrats who fought and hounded him to death have turned out his faithful students. From NADECO to labour unions and to the media, every snail that smeared Abacha with its slime is today rubbing its mouth on the hallowed hallways of his palace.

Under Abacha, to be in opposition was to toy with trouble. Under this democracy, all opposition parties suffer pains of fracture. Parallel excos here; factional groups there. Opposition figures are in greater trouble. It does not take much discernment before anyone knows that Tiger it is that is behind Oloruntowo’s troubles; Oloruntowo is not at all a bad dog. But how long in comfort can the troubler be?

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In 1996, Professor Jeffrey Herbst of the Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University, United States, asked: “Is Nigeria a Viable State?” He went on to assert – and predict – that “Nigeria does not work and probably cannot work.” He said the country was failing not from any other cause but “from a particular pattern of politics …that threatens to even further impoverish the population and to cause a catastrophic collapse…” That was Nigeria under Abacha. We struggled to avert that “catastrophic collapse”; with death’s help, we got Abacha off the cockpit, and birthed for ourselves this democracy. Now, we are not even sure of the definitions of ‘state’, ‘viable’ and ‘viability’. What is sure is that the “particular pattern of politics” that caught the attention of the American in 1996, is here in 2025. As it was under Sani Abacha, everyone today sings one song, the same song.

Abacha died in 1998; Abacha is alive in 2025. It is strange that his family members are not celebrating. How can you win a race and shut yourself up? My people say happiness is too sweet to be endured. The default response to joy is celebration but we are not seeing it in the family of the victorious Abacha. Because the man in dark goggles professed this democracy, this democracy and its democrats have apotheosised Abacha; he is their prophet. They take their lessons from his sacred texts; his shrine is their preferred place of worship.

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“As surely as I live, says the Lord, every knee will bow before Me; every tongue will confess to God.” – Romans 14:11. Our political lords copied those words and, in profaned arrogance, read it to Nigeria and its terrorised people. Now, everyone, from governors to the governed, bows; their tongue confesses that the president is king, unqueriable and unquestionable.

When a man is truly blessed, all the world, big and small, will line up to bless him and the work of his hand. Governors of all parties are singing ‘Bola on Your Mandate We Shall Stand.’ In the whole of southern Nigeria, only one or two governors are not singing his anthem. Northern governors sing ‘Asiwaju’ better and with greater gusto than the owners of the word. In their obsessive love for the big man’s power and the largesse it dispenses, they assume that ‘Asiwaju’ is the president’s first name. They say “President Asiwaju.” The last time a leader was this blessed was 1998 – twenty-seven years ago.

Our thirst for disaster is unslaked. All that the man wanted was to be president; he became president and our progressive democrats are making a king out of him. And we watch them and what they do either in sheepish horror, complicit acquiescence or in criminal collusion. We should not blame the leader for seeing in himself Kabiyesi. That is the status we conferred on him. Even the humblest person begins to gallop once put on a horse. True. Humility or simplicity disappears the moment power unlimited is offered.

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The chant of the president’s personal anthem is what Pawley and Müllensiefen call “Singing along.” It is never a stringless act. Worse than Abacha’s Two-Million-Man March, we see two hundred million people, crowds of crowds, move together in one voice, bound by an invisible script and spell. We feel a ‘terrorised’ democracy where citizens learn, through bowing, concurring and context rather than conviction, to sing the song of the kingly emperor. People who are not sure of anything again discover that synchronised voices create safety, and belonging. They proceed to stage it as a ritual for economic and political survival.

The popular Abacha badge decorated the left and right breasts of many fallen angels. Collective chanting signalled loyalty and reduced individual risk. Under this regime of democrats, the badge will soon come, but the chant is louder and wider cast. Unitarised voices have become instruments through which power is normalised, and by which dissent is dissolved.

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Two years into this democracy in 2001, Nigerian-American professor of African history and global studies, Raphael Chijioke Njoku, warned that “new democracies often revert to dictatorships.” He was a prophet and his scholarship prescient. We are there.

There are sorries to say and apologies to drop. On September 8, 1971, Nigeria killed Ishola Oyenusi and his armed robbery gang members because they stole a few thousands of Nigerian pounds. Why did the past have to shoot them when it knew it would stage greater heists in the future? It is the same with Sani Abacha and his politics. Why did we fight him so viciously if this grim harbour was our destination? I do not have to say it before you know that the spirit of the dead is out celebrating its vindication.

American political scientist, Samuel Huntington, in his ‘The Third Wave’, lists four typologies of authoritarian regimes: one-party, personal, military and racial oligarchy. The last on this list (racial) we may never experience in Nigeria but we’ve seen military rule and its unseemly possibilities. The emergence of the first two (one-party and personal dictatorship) was what we fought and quenched in the struggle with Abacha. Unfortunately, the evil we ran out of town has now walked in to assert its invincibility. What did Abacha’s sons do that today’s children of Eli are not doing ten-fold? Democracy is a scam, or, at best, an ambush.

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Politicians have borrowed God’s language without His temperament. They have restructured the Presidential Villa into Nigeria’s Mount Sinai where commandments descend on tablets of gold bars. The whole country has become an endless Sunday service; the president sits on the altar, ministers and party chieftains swing incense burners, emitting smokes of deceit and self-righteousness; the masses kneel in reverence and awe of power. They look up to their Lord Bishop, the president, as he dispenses sweet holy communion to the converted – and dips the bottom of the stubborn into baptismal hot waters. We were not fair to Sani Abacha.

We cannot eat banana and have swollen cheek. But we can eat banana and have swollen cheeks. What will account for the difference is the sacrifice we offer to the mouth of the world. The words of the world rebuke absolute power. By choking the space for alternative voices, my Fulani friend said the ruling party is setting the whole political village ablaze, including the patch of ground on which its own structure stands. No parties or leaders survive the inferno they unleash on others. The flame of the fire the ruling party ignites and fans today will, inevitably, find its way home tomorrow.

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Ex-Nigerian Amb., Igali, To Deliver Keynote Address As IPF Holds Ijaw Media Conference

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invites general public to grace event

A former Nigerian ambassador to Scandinavian countries, Amb (Dr.) Godknows Igali, is billed to deliver a keynote address at the second edition of the Ijaw Media Conference, scheduled for Wednesday, December 17, 2025, in Warri, Delta State.

In a statement jointly issued by Arex Akemotubo and Tare Magbei, chairman and secretary of the planning committee respectively, said the conference, with the theme: ‘Safeguarding Niger Delta’s Natural Resources for Future Generations,’ speaks to the urgent need for responsible stewardship of the region’s land and waterways.

According to the statement, the conference will feature
Dr Dennis Otuaro, Administrator of the Presidential Amnesty Programme, as the chairman while a former president of the Ijaw Youth Council, Engr Udengs Eradiri, will deliver the lead presentation.

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The statement described Otuaro’s chairing the event as a reflection of the conference focus on policy, accountability and sustainable development in the Niger Delta.

According to the statement, both the keynote speaker and the lead presenter are expected to shape discussions on environmental protection, governance and the role of the media.

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According to the statement, the Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, Hon. Emomotimi Guwor, is expected to attend as Special Guest of Honour.

The statement further list Pere of Akugbene-Mein Kingdom, HRM Pere Luke Kalanama VIII, first Vice Chairman of the Delta State Traditional Rulers Council, as Royal Father of the Day, while Chief Tunde Smooth, the Bolowei of the Niger Delta, as Father of the Day.

Others include: Mr Lethemsay Braboke Ineibagha, Managing Director of Vettel Mega Services Nigeria Limited; Prof Benjamin Okaba, President of the Ijaw National Congress; Sir Jonathan Lokpobiri, President of the Ijaw Youth Council; Hon. Spencer Okpoye of DESOPADEC; Dr Paul Bebenimibo, Registrar of the Nigerian Maritime University, Okerenkoko; Chief Boro Opudu, Chairman of Delta Waterways and Land Security; and Chief Promise Lawuru, President of the Egbema Brotherhood.

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The organising committee said the conference is expected to bring together journalists, policymakers, community leaders, and researchers to promote informed dialogue and collective action toward protecting the Niger Delta for future generations.

 

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Okpebholo Pledges To Clear Inherited Salary Arrears, Gratuities At AAU

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Edo State Governor, Monday Okpebholo, has assured the management of Ambrose Alli University (AAU), Ekpoma, of his administration’s commitment to addressing accumulated unpaid salaries, gratuities and other critical challenges inherited from past administrations.

In a statement, Chief Press Secretary to the governor, Dr. Patrick Ebojele, said the governor gave the assurance when he received the Vice-Chancellor of the university, Professor (Mrs.) Eunice Eboserehimen Omonzejie, and members of her management team on a courtesy visit to Government House, Benin City.

Okpebholo, who congratulated the Vice-Chancellor and her team on their appointments, noted that their presentation underscored the depth of challenges confronting the institution.

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“From what you have outlined today, it is clear that Ambrose Alli University was on life support. I must commend the progress you have recorded so far since assuming the office,” the governor said.

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I am impressed by your efforts, and I want to assure you that in any way possible, this administration will support the university to reposition it and restore its lost glory.”

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Addressing the issue of accumulated salary arrears, the governor described the non-payment of staff salaries over several years as unfair and unacceptable.

It is not right for people to work and not be paid. The issue of unpaid salaries, pensions and gratuities running into billions of naira is something I will take as a project,” he said.

“These are issues inherited from the past government, and we will address them.”

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Okpebholo also acknowledged other concerns raised by the university management, including hostel infrastructure, accreditation-related challenges and facilities required for programmes such as Medical Laboratory Science.

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“This year’s budget is already at an advanced stage, but I expect that these critical needs will be properly captured in your budget proposals. Once that is done, we will see how best to move the institution forward,” he added.

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Earlier, the Vice-Chancellor, Professor Omonzejie, explained that the delay in paying a courtesy visit to the governor was due to a recently concluded accreditation exercise and the need to carry out a comprehensive assessment of the state of the university.

She noted that the university she inherited was in a moribund state, plagued by infrastructural decay, unpaid salaries and accreditation challenges, among others.

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Omonzejie expressed profound appreciation to Governor Okpebholo for what she described as “life-saving interventions” since his assumption of office.

According to her, the governor’s approval of an increased monthly subvention, restoration of affected staff to the payroll, support for graduating backlog medical students, improved security logistics, and the facilitation of road construction through the Niger Delta Development Commission have significantly revived the institution.

She also formally presented pressing needs requiring urgent attention, including accumulated unpaid salaries, pensions, gratuities and union deductions, as well as the construction of lecture theatres and hostels to enhance accreditation and expand student intake, particularly in the College of Medicine.

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