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OPINION: Again, Buhari Nails Femi Adesina To The Cross

Published

2 months ago

July 25, 2025

Editor

Tunde Odesola

By some indices of human assessment, such as professionalism, intellect, carriage, humility, handsomeness, etc., the erstwhile Special Adviser to President Muhammadu Buhari (of bitter memory), Mr Femi Adesina, was not cut from the same cloth as many of his colleague editors. There was the tale of a toad-eyed, bosomy and big-mouthed female editor of a weekend newspaper, whose pair of laser-sharp designer glasses could identify a ‘dollarful’ brown envelope in pitch darkness. She’s a Jebusite. Unhatable, oga Adesina is disarmingly different, however.

Meeting Adesina is like walking into a room scented with simplicity and kindness. Who can hate a pair of white eyes nestling on a cherubic black face with a signature haircut and an innocent smile? I can’t.

I once told the story of how I met editor Adesina. I’ll tell it a second time. Twice, I met Adesina in close quarters; twice, I learnt a lesson in humility. The first time I got in the Adesina orbit was around 15 years ago. It was at the Source, Ile-Ife, where his relative was getting married. He had invited the Publisher, Conscience International Magazine, Chief Abiola Ogundokun, who extended the invitation to Osun State newspaper correspondents, on the platter of comradeship.

Adesina didn’t turn water into wine at the marriage, which was held inside the compound of SS Peter and Paul Catholic Church, Lagere, Ile-Ife, but he fed us to our throats, just like Jesus fed the 5,000 multitude. While we were still picking our teeth and sipping drinks after the meal, Oga Adesina began to pack our used plates by himself, like a male servant, but some of us protested and managed to wring some of the plates from his grip. Oga Adesina, at the time, was the editor of The Sun newspaper while we were mere correspondents.

We were three correspondents at the party: The Nation state correspondent, but now the Alagbeda of Agbeda-Ijesa in Ilesa-West Local Government Area of Osun, Oba Adesoji Adeniyi; National Life state correspondent, Omo’ba Wale Olayemi, of Otan Ayegbaju, and my little self.

A Yoruba proverb says, “If the youngster knows how to wash his hands properly, he will have the opportunity to dine with elders.” Eldership is not always an index of age. Sometimes, position or competence confers eldership. Not too long after dining with elder Adesina, I was promoted to the position of news and politics editor of Saturday PUNCH, triggering my relocation to Lagos. I was later appointed group politics editor of the three PUNCH titles. That role came with its perks. One of them was an annual invite by the U.S. Consulate in Lagos to their July 4 media seminar marking America’s Independence Day.

I was a guest at one of such events when I came across The Sun newspapers’ top dog again. This time, a former editor of The PUNCH, Mr Gbemiga Ogunleye, was also present. An extraordinary mentor and exemplar, if Oga Ogunleye lived during the time of Sango, the god of thunder, a news shrine would have been erected in his honour. He would have been worshipped to date as Ogunleye, the god of news.

I was super excited to be at the seminar with industry giants. I looked forward to hearing divergent views from participants like Adesina, whose newspaper articles I was following, but with whom I’ve never had the opportunity to interact professionally. When Adesina finally spoke, nuggets of humility and intelligence dropped like precious stones from his lips.

The Adesina whom I knew wasn’t the same Adesina who served Buhari. I’m not talking about integrity here; his integrity remains his integrity, but I’m talking about a media guru who sits smugly and clings to the totem of Buhari while the burning train plunges downhill to doom. Adesina, in his heart of hearts, knows the disaster Buhari was, but, in order not to be seen as someone who spread the Buharian good news, which turned out as sad news, he has decided to carry the Buhari cross till he breathes his last.

In his 488-page book, “Working with Buhari: Reflections of a Special Adviser, Media and Publicity (2015 – 2023), Adesina says he left his good job at The Sun, where he earned three times more than what Buhari offered, describing his time in Buhari’s administration as national service.

While it is in Adesina’s rights to fetishise the shroud of Buhari, I feel his justification of Buhari spending undisclosed tonnes of pounds sterling on personal foreign medical trips while Nigerian hospitals were in a shambles was a slap on the face of Nigerians. It was a sin, too.

In the interview on Channels Television, Adesina said, “Buhari has always had his medicals in London, even when he was not in the office. So, it was not about the time he was president alone. He had always had it there,” adding that UK medical doctors had been managing Buhari’s health before his election in 2015 and were well acquainted with his medical history, making it unwise to change medical teams, mid-treatment.

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What the wise special adviser was saying was that Buhari, from birth, had never been sick, never been treated in a Nigerian hospital. As soon as he was born, herdsmen hoisted him on a cow, and off to London hospital they went.

Mr Special Adviser, stop feeding Ngerians with nonsense, please! It is a no-brainer that Buhari’s medical records lay in various military hospitals located in the states where he served, before his health became a national liability, after he snatched power.

Of course, you know, Mr Adesina, that Buhari had his QAmedical records in a few military hospitals where he received treatment as a middle cadre and senior officer. So, the same way he transferred his medical records abroad was the same way he should’ve transferred his medical records back to the country, upon assuming power in 2015, if his promise of change wasn’t a shortchange.

As a Christian, I expect Adesina to throw away the empty can of Buhari’s deodorant and not kick it about like a little village boy kicking a self-made ball of knotted rags. Buhari has gone to his grave with his innumerable leadership imperfections. Adesina should let him rest in peace, and not in pieces.

Nothing defines Buhari’s self-centredness and megalomania than his exposure by Aisha, his wife, and daughter, Zarah, in September 2017. Both mother and daughter intoned that Aso Rock clinic, meant to treat their breadwinner and his First Family, was shambolic, under Buhari’s very nose.

Zarah, in a series of Instagram posts, said, “More than N3bn budgeted for the State House clinic and workers there don’t have the equipment to work with? Why?” Where is the money going to? Medication only stocked once since the beginning of the year? Why? State House permanent secretary, please answer. Why isn’t there simple paracetamol, gloves, syringes… Why do patients/staff have to buy what they need in the state house clinic?”

Wait for her mother’s bomb. Aisha said, “…as you are all aware, Nigeria wasn’t stable because of my husband’s ill health. We thank God he is fully recovered now. If somebody like Mr President can spend several months outside Nigeria, then you wonder what will happen to a common man on the street?

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“(A) few weeks ago, I was sick as well; they advised me to take the first flight out to London. I refused to go. I said I must be treated in Nigeria because there is a budget for an assigned clinic to take care of us. I insisted they call Aso Clinic to find out if the X-ray machine was working; they said it was not working. They didn’t know I was the one who was supposed to be in that hospital at that very time.

“I had to go to a hospital that was established by foreigners, in and out 100 per cent. What does that mean? If something like this can happen to me, no need for me to ask the governors’ wives what is happening in their states.”

Sadly, it’s this incompetent Buhari that Adesina was defending after he had sucked the nation dry, treating himself at The London Clinic when he should have ensured the establishment of good hospitals back at home. For Buhari and the members of the ruling class, it was okay if diseases struck Nigerians dead on the streets, provided they could access adequate healthcare abroad.

Spending donkey’s years receiving treatment in a £3,500 per day elite clinic that caters for the British royal family and political leaders, exposes Buhari as a sailor without a compass. He was the soldier without a gun; an Ogun without iron; a Sango without thunder. Buhari was nothing.

But Buhari had a heart. He had a heart strong enough to push him to spend 225 days outside the country on medical trips, visiting no fewer than 40 countries since 2015. That was Adesina’s hero, whose reign amounted to zero in eight years.

I suspect that without realising it, Adesina was in a toxic relationship with Buhari, like a husband-and-wife abusive relationship, where the husband regularly beats the wife, but the wife soldiers on, wipes her face when a knock sounds at the door, smiles and opens the door, adulating her husband. Or, Adesina probably knew it but was encaged?

With his meagre earnings, where Mr Integrity got the money to fund his expensive healthcare treatment in one of the most expensive clinics in London should be a source of investigation for the EFCC, but corruption is fast killing Nigeria before Nigeria kills corruption.

I pity the Ipetumodu-born Adesina, but I don’t understand why his dove chose to fly with vultures. I put the Adesina kernel on a stone and smashed it with a stone, just to unravel why the tender earthworm crawled to the table salt. Questions popped up in my mind: Why do people smoke when they know smoking kills? Why do people traffic drugs to Saudi Arabia when they know what would happen to their necks? Why do people scream Christiano Ronaldo when they know Lionel Messi is the GOAT? Why?

Insecurity. Compensation. Disillusionment. Hypocrisy.

Email: tundeodes2003@yahoo.com

Facebook: @Tunde Odesola

X: @Tunde_Odesola

News

Ooni’s Palace Slams Oluwo Over ‘Ife Not Yoruba Origin’ Claim

Published

5 hours ago

September 24, 2025

Editor

The palace of the Ooni of Ife on Tuesday slammed the Oluwo of Iwo, Oba Abdulrosheed Akanbi, over his claim that Ile-Ife is not the origin of the Yoruba people.

Reacting to the comments, the Ooni’s spokesperson, Moses Olafare, dismissed the statement, saying, “No reasonable person will react to Oluwo’s comments.”

Oba Akanbi, known for his controversial views, had in a video posted on his Facebook page while conferring a chieftaincy title in his palace, insisted that “Ile-Ife has no Yoruba culture.”

Flanked by his chiefs, the Iwo monarch argued that the language spoken in Ile-Ife — widely regarded as the cradle of the Yoruba race — differed from mainstream Yoruba. He also questioned the use of certain expressions.

“Ife is not the origin of the Yoruba race. Those people don’t speak our language. Their language is different. They refer to God as Eledumare, and there is nothing like Eledumare in the Yoruba language. What we have is Olodumare.

“Ife people will always say Olofin. If you ask them the meaning, they will tell you it means the owner of the palace. But in Yoruba, that is Alaafin. Ile-Ife has no Yoruba culture.

“I am the Arole Olodumare because I am here to tell you the true history. Iwo is where you can get the real history that was not even documented,” he said, stressing his determination to preserve his version of history.

Debates over the origin of the Yoruba and the authority of monarchs to confer titles have long been contentious.

In August, The PUNCH reported a similar face-off between the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, and the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Akeem Owoade, over the title of Okanlomo of Yorubaland, allegedly conferred on Ibadan businessman Chief Dotun Sanusi by the Ooni.

The Alaafin, through his media aide Bode Durojaiye, insisted no traditional ruler other than him had the authority to bestow a title covering the entire Yorubaland. He issued a 48-hour ultimatum to the Ooni to revoke the title or “face the consequences.”

In response, the Ooni’s spokesperson, Olafare, dismissed the ultimatum, saying the monarch had chosen to leave the issue “in the court of public opinion.”

“We cannot dignify the ‘undignifyable’ with an official response. We leave the matter to the public court of opinion, as it is already being treated. Let’s focus on narratives that unite us rather than those capable of dividing us. No press release, please. Forty-eight hours, my foot!” he wrote on Facebook.

News

[OPINION] Rivers: The Futility Of Power And The Illusion Of Victory

Published

8 hours ago

September 24, 2025

Editor

By Israel Adebiyi

Power is a strange thing. To some, it is a crown that dazzles; to others, it is a sword that conquers. Yet history, both ancient and modern, is replete with reminders that power is fleeting, fragile, and often fatal to those who cling to it without wisdom. Nigeria’s Rivers State has, in recent months, provided a theatre where this truth has played out in its rawest form, a play in which the actors ranged from elected governors to godfathers in high places, from lawmakers turned pawns to a weary citizenry who bore the bruises of political combat.

As you may have learnt, the democratically elected Governor Siminalayi Fubara is back in the saddle. What a traumatising six months it must have been for the man who thought being the Chief Security Officer of his state truly makes him the man in charge. What a tormenting time it must have been for the legislature, those who, entrusted with making laws, would rather sink the ship of state than allow Fubara to sail. And what excruciating experience it must have been for the people of Rivers themselves: to have their choice nearly swapped for a civilian in khaki, to watch their lives held hostage by political gladiators in a power struggle that never had their welfare at heart.

At the centre of this drama stood the godfather, one who straddles Abuja and Port Harcourt, ministering to the Federal Capital Territory while seeking to lord it over Rivers, unchallenged. His triumphs and setbacks are well-documented, but the bigger question remains: what has the political elite learnt from all this? From potential godsons, to godfathers, to supporters, to the rest of us, the truth is painfully clear, no one wins in a state of anarchy, not even the chest-beating King Kong.

The Rivers imbroglio reinforces a timeless principle: governance does not happen in chaos. The seat of power may be occupied, but when the instruments of state are weaponised against one another, the business of the people suffers. Schools do not function, hospitals languish, investments are scared away, and trust in government crumbles. A peaceful atmosphere is the precondition for governance, for no policy, no matter how well-crafted, can thrive in the soil of instability.

In this sense, what happened in Rivers is not new. History shows us that the vanity of power games leaves behind a trail of ruins. Rome, mighty and invincible, crumbled not because its armies lost their strength but because its leaders indulged in intrigues, conspiracies, and betrayal, weakening the republic from within. In Africa, the ghosts of Liberia’s civil war and Sierra Leone’s dark decade still whisper lessons of how political egos, once unchecked, descend into rivers of blood where the people are the ultimate casualties.

Even in more stable democracies, we see shades of this futility. Recall the Watergate scandal in the United States: an overreach of power that forced President Nixon’s resignation, not because America lacked laws, but because one man believed his political survival was above the rule of law. In Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe’s prolonged hold on power may have begun with promises of liberation but ended with economic collapse and national despair. In all these, the lesson is the same: unchecked power, exercised without restraint, consumes itself.

The real victims of Rivers’ crisis are not the gladiators in high office; they will always find soft landings. The true casualties are the people, the market woman in Port Harcourt whose business was disrupted by endless protests and palpable fears, the civil servant whose progress and commitment are beclouded by uncertainties, the student whose classroom leaks under the rain because the funds for renovation are trapped in political crossfire.

What is often forgotten in the heat of power play is that governance is not an abstract exercise; it is the daily bread of the people. When leaders quarrel, roads go untarred, hospitals go unequipped, and children go unfed. To reduce governance to a chessboard of egos is to mortgage the people’s welfare for vanity. This, tragically, is the recurring story in Nigeria’s democratic experiment.

Philosophers have long wrestled with the meaning of power. Shakespeare, in Macbeth, captured it as “a walking shadow, a poor player that struts and frets his hour upon the stage and then is heard no more.” The story of Rivers is a fresh Nigerian adaptation of this drama. For months, power appeared to belong to one, then another, and then another still. Yet in the end, it was revealed that no one truly wielded power in its purest sense, because power without legitimacy, without the consent of the governed, and without the peace to implement vision, is no power at all.

The futility of the Rivers crisis holds lessons for Nigeria as a whole. Across our federation, godfatherism continues to haunt governance. From Lagos to Kano, from Anambra to Oyo, the tussle between political benefactors and their protégés has become a recurring decimal. Rarely do these battles end in progress for the people; more often than not, they end in paralysis.

The comparison need not be far-fetched. Look at Kenya, where post-election violence in 2007 consumed more than 1,000 lives and displaced hundreds of thousands. The fault line was political ego, the refusal to let the people’s will stand unchallenged. It took the Kofi Annan-led mediation to restore peace. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, decades of instability trace back to leaders who personalised power, treating the state as property and the people as pawns.

Rivers may not have descended into outright war, but the undertones of instability remind us that democracy is not guaranteed; it must be guarded. When politicians play roulette with the rule of law, they court a descent into chaos that ultimately swallows everyone.

The Rivers episode should compel us to reflect on the foundations of Nigeria’s democracy. For too long, politics has been driven not by institutions but by personalities. Our allegiance is more to godfathers than to constitutions, more to individuals than to principles. Yet sustainable governance is only possible when the rule of law, not the whims of men, governs the game.

What does this mean in practice? It means state assemblies must not be reduced to errand boys of powerful interests. It means governors must respect their oaths of office, governing for all, not just for loyalists. It means party structures must operate with transparency, giving room for dissent without retribution. Above all, it means citizens must rise in defence of their democracy, insisting that their mandate cannot be traded on the altar of ego.

The Rivers drama may be easing, but the scars remain. It was a sobering reminder that power, when divorced from service, becomes poison. That democracy, when stripped of rule of law, becomes anarchy. That in the final analysis, no one truly wins when the people lose.

From the godfathers to the godsons, from the lawmakers to the electorate, we must all acknowledge a shared truth: we are losers when power games eclipse governance. The real triumph is not in who sits in Government House, but in whether that House delivers schools, hospitals, jobs, and peace.

Let Rivers be a lesson to Nigeria: that power is not an end in itself, but a means to service. That peace is not weakness, but strength. And that the greatest legacy any leader can leave is not monuments of ego, but institutions that outlast them.

For if Rivers has taught us anything, it is that governance cannot happen in a state of anarchy, and the futility of power is revealed when its pursuit leaves the people broken. Let us, therefore, rise to build a democracy where power serves the people, not the other way round.

News

NYSC Deploys 1,900 Corps Members To Bauchi State

Published

17 hours ago

September 23, 2025

Editor

The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), has deployed 1,900 corps members to Bauchi State for the 2025 Batch ‘B’ Stream II orientation exercise.

Mr Kufre Umoren, NYSC State Coordinator, told journalists on Tuesday in Bauchi, that registration would be conducted from Sept. 24 to Sept. 26, at the NYSC Permanent Orientation Camp, Wailo in Ganjuwa Local Government Area of the state.

He said the swearing-in ceremony of the corps members is billed for Sept. 26, and the orientation exercise would end on Oct. 14.

Umoren said each of the corps members would be allowed into the camp after being adequately certified to be genuine graduates.

He said discreet screening of the corps members would be conducted to guard against intrusion or impersonation.

“Registration dates have been announced to the corps members, and they are advised to adhere strictly to all camp rules and regulations.

“Defaulters will be sanctioned in accordance with the scheme’s extant rules,” he said, warning the scheme frowned at late-night journeys and urged corps members to avoid it for their own safety.

While urging them to be punctual, diligent, and comply with dress code, Umoren warned that defaulting corps members would be sanctioned.