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[OPINION] BUHARI: The Man Who Missed Redemption

Published

4 months ago

July 16, 2025

By Israel Adebiyi

In literature, few tales haunt the conscience as profoundly as that of Jean Valjean in Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables. A former convict hardened by the cruelty of the world, Valjean was presented a second chance—one forged in grace, offered through the kindness of a Bishop. That moment became the fulcrum on which his life turned, from darkness to light, from bitterness to redemption. Hugo’s message was clear: second chances, rare and divine, must not be squandered.

Sadly, Nigeria’s former President, Muhammadu Buhari, squandered his.

Twice gifted with the reins of power—first as a military Head of State from 1983 to 1985, and later as a democratically elected President from 2015 to 2023—Buhari had before him a canvas few in history are offered. He had the rare privilege of rewriting his story, of cleansing the stain of his authoritarian past with the balm of democratic growth, reform, and inclusion. But instead, Nigerians witnessed a man whose second coming bore frightening resemblance to his first.

As a military leader, Buhari ruled with an iron fist, cloaked in the garb of national discipline. His regime dismantled civil liberties, wielded decrees like cudgels, and created a climate where dissent was criminalized. The infamous Decree Number 2 gave the state security service the authority to detain individuals indefinitely without charge—essentially legalizing tyranny. Decree Number 4, arguably more draconian, muzzled the press, silenced truth, and enshrined fear.

The civil service was purged, not reformed. About 200,000 workers were reportedly shown the door in a wave of retrenchment that carried no clear vision for recovery or sustainability. Strikes were banned. Musicians like Fela Kuti were jailed. Corruption trials, while applauded by some, often bore the unmistakable scent of vendetta. Public officers were bundled into prison cells—some deservedly, others questionably. The National Security Organization (NSO) became a state-sanctioned menace.

It was in this furnace of repression that Buhari carved his reputation as rigid, unyielding, and unlistening.

Three decades later, Buhari returned, this time cloaked in the hope of democracy. Nigerians, wearied by years of underperformance, chose to believe in the rebranded General. This was a man, they thought, who had tasted the winepress of power and would now offer water to a thirsty nation. In 2015, he was swept into office on a wave of hope. Eight years later, that wave had receded, leaving behind the wreckage of dashed expectations.

Under his civilian rule, the country found itself battered on all fronts. The economy floundered under inconsistent policies and excessive borrowing. Inflation rose with a vengeance, while unemployment surged. National insecurity expanded with an alarming boldness—banditry, terrorism, and kidnappings claimed thousands of lives. Entire communities vanished overnight. Farmers abandoned their lands. Parents mourned their abducted children. And the president remained largely aloof, a distant figure in the Villa, often silent when his voice was most needed.

Even the petroleum sector—Buhari’s personal portfolio as Minister—suffered under an opaque, inefficient regime. The refineries remained comatose, salaries paid for jobs not done, and fuel subsidies ballooned into bottomless pits of corruption. Nigeria, Africa’s top oil producer, couldn’t provide fuel to her citizens without long queues and inflated prices. It was an irony so cruel it could only be Nigerian.

Then came #EndSARS, the haunting proof that the voice of the Nigerian youth—brimming with pain, anger, and frustration—had reached its boiling point. Instead of dialogue, the administration responded with force. On October 20, 2020, at the Lekki Tollgate, gunshots echoed in a night of horror, and a nation’s hope was drenched in blood. The president’s silence was louder than the bullets. A moment for empathy and leadership was missed. It revealed a government disconnected from the emotional temperature of its people, especially the young who had dared to ask for better.

If that was emotional violence, then the Naira redesign policy was economic. Near the twilight of his administration, a sudden, chaotic push to swap the nation’s currency, allegedly to curb vote-buying and mop up excess cash, plunged Nigerians into financial paralysis. ATMs went dry, queues grew wild, and families scrambled just to afford food. Markets stalled, businesses collapsed, and citizens were humiliated in their own banks. It was a policy executed with such shocking lack of empathy that even his most ardent defenders found themselves bewildered. A president once sold as the messiah had returned as an indifferent king.

As his tenure crawled to a close, many looked back not with nostalgia, but with numbing relief. His second coming, hoped to be redemptive, proved retrogressive. Not only did he fail to correct the wrongs of the past, he institutionalized new ones: nepotism cloaked as federal character, ethno-religious favoritism masquerading as competence, and an inability to build bridges across the nation’s many divides.

Upon his passing, Nigeria did not weep with reverence, but reflected with resignation. The tributes that poured in were often polite, diplomatic, and carefully worded. But beneath them all was a collective sigh—a sense of a man who had been given everything, and yet changed very little.

In the end, Muhammadu Buhari’s tale reads not like that of a redeemer, but a ruler who walked twice through the corridors of power and left the halls colder than he met them. Even in death, his name has evoked more sighs than salutes.

He could have been the one to restore dignity to the Nigerian state, to reimagine governance, to redefine leadership. Instead, he will be remembered as the man who had two chances—and failed twice.

History will not be cruel to him—it will merely be truthful. And in that truth lies his legacy: not one of transformation, but of a tragic, missed redemption.

Adieu “Mai gaskiya”!

News

MOWAA Authorities Shun Edo Assembly Committee, Give Reason

Published

11 hours ago

November 24, 2025

Editor

Authorities of the Museum of West African Art (MOWAA) on Monday refused to appear before the Edo State House of Assembly Ad hoc Committee which was set up to investigate its operations and funding.

Recall that Governor Monday Okpebholo, had last month, asked the Assembly to determine the stake of the state government having committed N3.3bn and true ownership of MOWAA.

At the resumed sitting of the Committee on Monday, MOWAA, in a letter by its lawyer, Olayiwola Afolabi, said it earlier informed the Committee that it would be sub judice for it to attend the public hearing due to the pendency of the same matter before the Federal High Court, Benin City.

In the letter, MOWAA informed the Committee that other committees of the Federal Government and the House of Representatives have been constituted to look into the same issues.

The letter said documents it previously submitted to the Assembly showed that everything about MOWAA was genuine and transparent.

MOWAA, in the documents it submitted, said, “No funds from any international institution had been received for the building of MOWAA until after it was very clear what MOWAA was and was not.

“All funding was received subsequent to the time in the middle of 2021 that it was clear to potential donors that there would be two separate organisations one focused on Benin heritage art and another on modern and contemporary, broader West African art and research/education.

“Funding from the German Government did not come until the end of 2022 – a year and a half after the Palace disassociated itself from MOWAA. The fact that there would be two separate museums was communicated to the Benin Dialogue Group (the European museums) in the meetings of October, 2021 at the London meeting and again in Hamburg in the meetings of March 2023, and further confirmed in writing to all Benin Dialogue Group members approximately two years ago when MOWAA formally withdrew from the group meetings.”

Speaking before the Committee, the state Accountant General, Julius Oseimen Anelu, said N3.8bn was released for the building of MOWAA between 2022 and 2024.

He said funding for MOWAA by the Edo State Government was appropriated in the budget.

He said the $18m from donors did not enter the state’s coffers.

On his part, the Benin Monarch, Oba Ewuare II, who was represented by Prince Aghatise Erediauwa, accused former Governor Godwin Obaseki of making efforts to hijack the processes of the returned artefacts.

He accused former Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed and a former Director General of National Commission for Museums and Monuments (NCMM) Albert Tijani, of fighting the Palace to defend the actions of the Legacy Restoration Trust (LRT).

Oba Ewuare II said the LRT was used to solicit funds abroad using his name.

The Benin Monarch said the Federal Government gazette, which recognised him as the custodian of the returned artefacts, made the LRT promoters realise that they were fighting a lost battle.

Chairman of the Ad hoc Committee, Hon Ade Isibor, expressed shock at the action of MOWAA.

News

He Can’t Fix His Party Let Alone Nigeria – Oshiomhole Blasts Atiku

Published

12 hours ago

November 24, 2025

Editor

The lawmaker representing Edo North Senatorial District, Adams Oshiomhole, has criticised former Vice President Atiku Abubakar.

Speaking in an interview on Politics Today, a programme on Channels Television monitored by DAILY POST on Monday, Oshiomhole alleged that Atiku, who cannot fix his party, cannot fix Nigeria’s problems.

His comment comes after Atiku officially joined the African Democratic Congress, ADC.

News

Gov Mohammed Flags Off Construction Of 203.47-kilometre Rural Roads

Published

15 hours ago

November 24, 2025

Editor

Governor Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State has flagged off the construction of 203.47-kilometre rural roads in the state.

Speaking during the flagging off of the roads in Gamawa Local Government Area of the state on Monday, Mohammed said the road construction would be carried out with the Federal Government intervention under its Rural Access and Agricultural Marketing Programme (RAAMP).

According to him, the roads represented more than physical infrastructure but symbolises his administration’s vision of Bauchi state where no community was left behind, where development was fair and balanced and driven by the needs of the people with equity and justice.

“We are grateful to the federal government, we are grateful to the World Bank and all the development partners.

“Roads are the architect of opportunities. They connect farmers to markets, women to healthcare, children to schools, security agencies to vulnerable communities and rural economy to national prosperity.

“For decades, many rural communities in Bauchi have suffered neglect. Roads became impassable during rainy seasons, farmers lost produce, students struggled to reach schools and sick people were unable to get timely medical attention,” he said.

Mohammed, who said that the days of neglect of the rural communities were over, added that RAAMP remained a key pillar for his transformative agenda and aligned with his Bauchi project 1&2.

He said RAAMP also aligned with the Bauchi Agricultural modernisation, inclusive development, improved governance, youth empowerment, poverty reduction and sustainable infrastructure.

According to him, RAAMP was not just about roads, it’s about connecting communities, boosting the rural economy and laying the foundation of lasting prosperity.

He highlighted the roads to include 26.8 kilometers Mararaba Liman Katagum-Boli-Kafinmawa-Mararaba Dajin roads, 14.75km Dargazu- Gambaki-Chinade-Gangai road, 28km Gamawa – Sakwa road.

Others included; 14.45km Misau- Beti- Maladunba roads, 6.6km Giade – Tagwaye road, 6.68km Yana-Fago road, 6.71km Mararraban Dajin- Dajin road, 36.65km Dott-Dado- Baraza road, 24km Lanzai-Papa road.

He further explained that the road construction also included 4.91km Gadar Maiwa- Zakara road, 25km Dagu-Ningi road, 8.86km Nabordo – Gadan Doka.

The governor called on traditional rulers to support contractors and remained vigilant and provide intelligence on security and safety.

Also speaking, Engr. Aminu Mohammed, the National Coordinator (RAAMP)
Coordinator said that the state has disbursed over N6 billion in counterpart funding to RAAMP, making it one of the top performing states.

“These roads will open critical agricultural corridors, reduce travel time and post harvest losses, improve access to markets, schools and healthcare.

“It will also enhance rural productivity and inclusion, stimulate economic activities across all the three senatorial zones in the state,” he said.

He called on the contractors to deliver the project with the highest standard of engineering professionalism and compliance with environmental and social safeguard.

The Coordinator also called on the communities to take ownership of the roads and take care of and protect them.