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[OPINION] BUHARI: The Man Who Missed Redemption

Published

1 month ago

July 16, 2025

By Israel Adebiyi

In literature, few tales haunt the conscience as profoundly as that of Jean Valjean in Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables. A former convict hardened by the cruelty of the world, Valjean was presented a second chance—one forged in grace, offered through the kindness of a Bishop. That moment became the fulcrum on which his life turned, from darkness to light, from bitterness to redemption. Hugo’s message was clear: second chances, rare and divine, must not be squandered.

Sadly, Nigeria’s former President, Muhammadu Buhari, squandered his.

Twice gifted with the reins of power—first as a military Head of State from 1983 to 1985, and later as a democratically elected President from 2015 to 2023—Buhari had before him a canvas few in history are offered. He had the rare privilege of rewriting his story, of cleansing the stain of his authoritarian past with the balm of democratic growth, reform, and inclusion. But instead, Nigerians witnessed a man whose second coming bore frightening resemblance to his first.

As a military leader, Buhari ruled with an iron fist, cloaked in the garb of national discipline. His regime dismantled civil liberties, wielded decrees like cudgels, and created a climate where dissent was criminalized. The infamous Decree Number 2 gave the state security service the authority to detain individuals indefinitely without charge—essentially legalizing tyranny. Decree Number 4, arguably more draconian, muzzled the press, silenced truth, and enshrined fear.

The civil service was purged, not reformed. About 200,000 workers were reportedly shown the door in a wave of retrenchment that carried no clear vision for recovery or sustainability. Strikes were banned. Musicians like Fela Kuti were jailed. Corruption trials, while applauded by some, often bore the unmistakable scent of vendetta. Public officers were bundled into prison cells—some deservedly, others questionably. The National Security Organization (NSO) became a state-sanctioned menace.

It was in this furnace of repression that Buhari carved his reputation as rigid, unyielding, and unlistening.

Three decades later, Buhari returned, this time cloaked in the hope of democracy. Nigerians, wearied by years of underperformance, chose to believe in the rebranded General. This was a man, they thought, who had tasted the winepress of power and would now offer water to a thirsty nation. In 2015, he was swept into office on a wave of hope. Eight years later, that wave had receded, leaving behind the wreckage of dashed expectations.

Under his civilian rule, the country found itself battered on all fronts. The economy floundered under inconsistent policies and excessive borrowing. Inflation rose with a vengeance, while unemployment surged. National insecurity expanded with an alarming boldness—banditry, terrorism, and kidnappings claimed thousands of lives. Entire communities vanished overnight. Farmers abandoned their lands. Parents mourned their abducted children. And the president remained largely aloof, a distant figure in the Villa, often silent when his voice was most needed.

Even the petroleum sector—Buhari’s personal portfolio as Minister—suffered under an opaque, inefficient regime. The refineries remained comatose, salaries paid for jobs not done, and fuel subsidies ballooned into bottomless pits of corruption. Nigeria, Africa’s top oil producer, couldn’t provide fuel to her citizens without long queues and inflated prices. It was an irony so cruel it could only be Nigerian.

Then came #EndSARS, the haunting proof that the voice of the Nigerian youth—brimming with pain, anger, and frustration—had reached its boiling point. Instead of dialogue, the administration responded with force. On October 20, 2020, at the Lekki Tollgate, gunshots echoed in a night of horror, and a nation’s hope was drenched in blood. The president’s silence was louder than the bullets. A moment for empathy and leadership was missed. It revealed a government disconnected from the emotional temperature of its people, especially the young who had dared to ask for better.

If that was emotional violence, then the Naira redesign policy was economic. Near the twilight of his administration, a sudden, chaotic push to swap the nation’s currency, allegedly to curb vote-buying and mop up excess cash, plunged Nigerians into financial paralysis. ATMs went dry, queues grew wild, and families scrambled just to afford food. Markets stalled, businesses collapsed, and citizens were humiliated in their own banks. It was a policy executed with such shocking lack of empathy that even his most ardent defenders found themselves bewildered. A president once sold as the messiah had returned as an indifferent king.

As his tenure crawled to a close, many looked back not with nostalgia, but with numbing relief. His second coming, hoped to be redemptive, proved retrogressive. Not only did he fail to correct the wrongs of the past, he institutionalized new ones: nepotism cloaked as federal character, ethno-religious favoritism masquerading as competence, and an inability to build bridges across the nation’s many divides.

Upon his passing, Nigeria did not weep with reverence, but reflected with resignation. The tributes that poured in were often polite, diplomatic, and carefully worded. But beneath them all was a collective sigh—a sense of a man who had been given everything, and yet changed very little.

In the end, Muhammadu Buhari’s tale reads not like that of a redeemer, but a ruler who walked twice through the corridors of power and left the halls colder than he met them. Even in death, his name has evoked more sighs than salutes.

He could have been the one to restore dignity to the Nigerian state, to reimagine governance, to redefine leadership. Instead, he will be remembered as the man who had two chances—and failed twice.

History will not be cruel to him—it will merely be truthful. And in that truth lies his legacy: not one of transformation, but of a tragic, missed redemption.

Adieu “Mai gaskiya”!

News

Oba Of Benin Suspends Palace Chiefs

Published

4 hours ago

August 28, 2025

Editor

The Oba of Benin, Ewuare II, has suspended two of his chiefs for falling for dereliction of duties.

This was contained in a statement signed by the Secretary to the Benin Traditional Council (BTC), Frank Irabor and made available to journalists in Benin City.

He said their suspension was as a result of their long absence from the palace, resulting in their failure to carry out their palace responsibilities.

The suspended persons are: Chief John Igiehon, the Izuwako of Benin and chief Aimiukpomonyako Oghogho (Ebengho), the Oyenmwensoba of Benin.

“The under-mentioned two (2) chiefs have been suspended from the Palace of the Oba of Benin.

“This is as a result of their long absence from the Palace, resulting in their failure to carry out their Palace responsibilities.

“The public is advised to be wary of unscrupulous chiefs that are no longer functioning in the Palace. His Royal Majesty has approved their _ Suspension and directed the public be duly informed.

“The names of the chiefs are: – ; 1. CHIEF JOHN IGIEHON, THE IZUWAKO OF BENIN and, _ 2 CHIEF AIMIUKPOMONYAKO OGHOGHO (EBENGHO), THE OYENMWENSOBA OF BENIN”, the statement said.

News

Lawyers Fault EFCC Statement, Say It’s Misleading

Published

5 hours ago

August 28, 2025

Editor

Some legal practitioners in Bauchi state have faulted the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) official statement about their client on Wednesday, adding that it was erroneous, false and misleading.

It could be recalled that EFCC posted on its official Facebook handle that a Bauchi State High Court has cleared the commission to proceed with its investigation of a former Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party in Bauchi State, Hamza Koshe, and his company, Pentech Engineering Nigeria Ltd.

According to the EFCC statement, the commission said Justice Aliyu Baba, in a judgment delivered on July 30, 2025, dismissed an application by Koshe seeking to restrain the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission from probing him.

However, in a statement jointly signed and made available to newsmen in Bauchi on Thursday by Jibrin S. Jibrin Esq, M.M. Usman Esq, H.B. Pali Esq, Abbas Ibrahim Esq, I.G. Agwam Esq and Salome Audu Esq all counsel to Pentech Engineering Nigeria Ltd & Anor as well as Koshe insisted that the statement was misleading.

According to them, the EFCC owed the public the duty of relating only the truth of what the courts decided as regards the contract financing agreement in the issues their clients were parties.

“Our attention as the legal representatives of Pentech Engineering Nigeria Ltd & Alhaji Hamza Koshe in respect of suit No. BA/271/2024 has been drawn to the statement posted on the official page of the EFCC on Wednesday, where the Commission supposedly rendered an analysis of the judgement delivered by the High Court of Justice No. 4 Bauchi Presided by Justice Aliyu Usman on the 30th July 2025.

“Now against the background of the erroneous, false and misleading publication by the EFCC on the matter, we deem it necessary to set the records straight by stating what actually is the truth of the matter in terms of the enrolled judgment Order of the Court to which this press release is attached.

“It is proper to state as a fact that in an earlier judgement relating to the subject of this release, the verdict of the High Court of Justice No. 10 Bauchi presided by Justice M. M. Abubakar delivered on the 19th December, 2024 is to the effect that the Contract Financing Agreement the subject matter of the suit having been found to be valid and not contravening any law remains enforceable hence, Pentech Engineering Nigeria Ltd is accorded the applicable injunctive reliefs as regards the activities of the Commission.

“We state as a fact that the main question of law determined in Justice Aliyu Baba Usman’s judgment is to the effect that the Contract Financing Agreement the subject of the suit is valid.

“The EFCC failed to state in its statement in reference the fact that many parties and contractors concerned or involved in the Contract Financing Agreement in the issue have been invited by the Commission with virtually all of them responding, honoring its invitation on the matter and thereby discharging their legal obligation speak volumes of ‘the bidding of some’ which the publication seeks to achieve ab initio,” said the lawyers.

The counsel added that the mischief and deliberate misrepresentation in EFCC’s statement could be seen when not only did it make no mention of this fact but also created the impression that their clients went to Court to evade investigation on the matter.

They said that Koshe was a guest of the Commission having honored its invitation in September 2024 which he was released on administrative bail, the terms and conditions applicable to which he has been observing.

“It is also important to clarify as a fact that there is no truth at all in the Commission’s statement to the effect that our client sought a perpetual injunction of general nature against the Commission’s activities.

“The truth about the reliefs sought by our clients is as contained in the Court’s processes filed in the suit in reference.

“We challenge the Commission to provide evidence of where our client ever sought a perpetual injunction at large or of general nature against it or any other body duly established by law.

“We urge members of the public to disregard in its entirety EFCC’s statement on the subject and be guided in its stead by the facts as contained in the relevant court processes to which this release is attached,” he said.

News

Tricycle Riders Sentenced To Five Years Over WhatsApp Group Mobilising Protest Against Nigerian Gov

Published

6 hours ago

August 28, 2025

Editor

Borno State Governor Babagana Umara Zulum has been accused of being power-drunk following allegations that he ordered the arrest and conviction of two members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and tricycle operators for creating a WhatsApp group to mobilize a protest against his administration.

Crack police operatives carried out the arrests in Maiduguri before the scheduled End Bad Governance protest.

The two men, identified as Mohammed Bukar (alias Awana) and Ibrahim Mohammed (alias Babayo), were convicted on June 30, 2025, by Hon. Justice A.M. Ali and handed a five-year prison sentence.

Court documents with reference number BOHC/MG/CR/2150/CT10/2024 revealed that the men were accused of creating a WhatsApp group called “Zanga Zanga Group”—translated as Protest Group—to mobilize Keke Napep (tricycle) operators for a planned demonstration against the Borno State Government.

Mohammed Bukar and Ibrahim Mohammed were the 6th and 7th defendants in the case in which Governor Zulum accused them of using videos on the WhatsApp group to instigate Keke Napep (tricycle) operators in Borno State to join the protest against the government.

They were also accused of producing videos in Kanuri and Hausa languages, urging tricycle riders to come out en masse, declaring “no going back” on the planned protest against the Borno State Government.

On June 30, 2025, Hon. Justice A.M. Ali sentenced the duo to five years’ imprisonment for allegedly planning the protest on WhatsApp.

Meanwhile, the seven defendants were charged with two counts: Count 1. That the defendants conspired to form a group named Zanga Zanga group (or protest group) on WhatsApp social media platform wherein they agreed to take up arms, to wit; guns, knives, bows and arrows and all forms of dangerous weapon against the Government thereby committing an offence contrary to Sections 60 and punishable under Section 79 of the Penal Code Laws of Borno State 2023.

Count 2. That the defendants formed a group named Zanga Zanga group (or. protest group) on WhatsApp social media platform and agreed to take up arms, to wit; guns, knives, bows and arrows and all forms of dangerous weapon against the Government thereby committing an offence punishable under Section 79 of the Penal Code Laws of Borno State 2023 All the defendants pleaded not guilty to the charges brought against them at their arraignment on April 11, 2024. The prosecution called four witnesses to prove their case.

However, all defendants pleaded not guilty when arraigned on April 11, 2024.

The prosecution called four witnesses, including Sgt. Isa Abubakar, an investigating police officer attached to the Crime Squad of the Nigerian Police, Borno State Command.

Sgt. Abubakar testified that on July 21, 2024, the 6th defendant used one of the videos as his WhatsApp status to mobilize tricycle riders for the End Bad Governance protest.

He added that the 6th and 7th defendants also made another video in Hausa, saying, “Allah Yaisa Zulum two Billion Namu,” roughly translating to “May God punish Zulum for our two billion.”

He further testified that he downloaded the videos and arrested the two suspects on July 23, 2024, before handing them over to the Crime Squad office in Maiduguri.

Justice Ali said, “I have considered the pleas for leniency made by each of the convicts and the pleas made on their behalf by their counsel. The 5th convict is 17 years old, the 2nd convict is 14 years old, and the 3rd convict is 15 years old.

“The 5th, 2nd, and 3rd convicts are therefore young persons within the meaning of the Children and Young Persons Law of Borno State.

“It was held by the Apex court in the case of Aminu Tanko VS the State 2009 Legalpedia SC 61216 that where the sentence prescribed upon conviction in criminal charge is term of imprisonment then some extenuating factors, such as the age of the convict and whether he is a first offender can be taken into consideration in passing the sentence.

“It is in this regard that, on the 1st count charge, I sentence the 5th, 2nd, and 3rd defendants to community service specifically washing the toilets of General Hospital Maiduguri, for 3 months. Make an order that they be given 20 strokes of the cane each.

“On the 2nd count charge, the 5th, 2nd, and 3rd convicts are sentenced to 6 months’ imprisonment. The 2nd and 3rd convicts are to be held at the children’s remand home, while the 5th defendant is to be remanded at the Maiduguri correctional centre. The period of imprisonment should commence today.”

“Regarding the first convict, who is also a young man, he is hereby sentenced to 5 years’ imprisonment. The first convict is sentenced to 5 years’ imprisonment. The 6th convict is sentenced to 5 years’ imprisonment. The 7th convict is sentenced to 5 years’ imprisonment. All sentences should commence today, the 30/6/2025,” Justice Ali added.

Earlier, SaharaReporters reported that the families of two commercial tricycle operators had accused the state government, led by Governor Babagana Zulum, of ordering their arrest and prolonged detention after they allegedly planned a peaceful protest over the alleged mismanagement of funds contributed by riders.

The detained operators, identified as Muhammed Bukar and Ibrahim Muhammed—both members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC)—were arrested by the Police Crack Squad on the alleged orders of Borno State Commissioner for Youth and Sports Development, Saina Buba.

According to relatives, the riders were detained for three months and two weeks at a police facility before spending an additional two months in prison custody while facing trial.

At the centre of the dispute is a daily N100 ticket fee collected from tricycle operators, supposedly serving as insurance to provide financial support to any operator facing emergencies.

However, the riders alleged that officials managing the fund embezzled the money and failed to assist operators in need, prompting plans for the protest before their arrest.