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OPINION: Buhari’s Poverty Of Truth

By Suyi Ayodele
Muhammadu Buhari contested the 2015 election as Mai Gaskiya (the truthful one). He promised to publish his asset declaration form. He never did for eight years. For eight years, he lived big and clean, wearing designer shoes and wristwatches. He held multi-million-naira wedding ceremonies for his children. He ate and picked his teeth and posted his posh photos for beautiful ladies to drool over. Now he says he is poor. What is the definition of poverty? Or, rather, what are Mai Gaskiya’s definitions for truth and lie?
Mrs. Mary Todd Lincoln, wife of President Abraham Lincoln, was said to have approached her husband and asked: “Does this dress make my backside look big?” Lincoln initially squirmed, shifted on his seat and hesitated before holding his thumb and forefinger slightly apart. Then he answered: “Perhaps a bit.” Mrs. Lincoln’s response was spontaneous. She “spins on her heels and exits in a huff”, the account stated.
What happened between husband and wife in that encounter? Michael Shermer, American science writer and historian, answered this question in an April 2014 paper titled, “What Science Tells us about Why We Lie”. The article was published by the Scientific American. In answering the question, Shermer quoted a fellow American neurologist, Sam Harris, who in his 2013 booky, “Lying”, said that “By lying, we deny our friends access to reality- and their resulting ignorance often harms them in ways we did not anticipate. Our friends may act on our falsehoods or fail to solve problems that could have been solved only on the basis of good information.”
Shermer projected that Mrs. Lincoln’s question might probably be to elicit compliment from her husband or to test their love and loyalty to each other. But President Lincoln ‘failed’ the test, as Harris stated by telling “little white lies’, which “often lead to big black lies”, warning those involved that: “Very soon, you may find yourself behaving as most people do quite effortlessly: shading the truth, or even lying outright, without thinking about it. The price is too high.”
Lincoln’s ‘little white lie’ to his wife is nothing compared to what a fugitive, Alexi Santana (another false identity) did to the Princeton University, New Jersey, USA, in the fall of 1989. The account, as published by the National Geographic Magazine in its June 2017 edition, as written by Yudhijit Bhattacharjee, using the title: “Why We Lie: The Science Behind Our Deceptive Ways”, says it took 18 months for the university to detect the lies.
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Santana applied for admission as a self-schooled candidate from Utah, where he claimed to have been a herder. He was admitted to study Philosophy in the prestigious university. The ‘poor’ herder – again a false impression – became the darling of the university community as he scored as in virtually all his courses.
He, however, almost betrayed his true identity when a fellow roommate noticed that Santana’s bed was always neatly made. When confronted, given the poor countryside background profile he supplied to the university, Santana explained that he usually slept on the floor – a very plausible explanation that matched his poor background.
But 18 months later, a woman, who knew Santana years back identified him as Jay Huntsman of Palo Alto High School, California. The university authority got interested and began to investigate Santana. It was found out that at different times in the past, the ‘brilliant’ student, whose real name is James Hogue, had served a prison term in Utah for stealing and had been arrested several times for similar felonies in Aspen, Colorado, where he successfully passed himself off as someone else!
The university had no option but to hand over Santana James Hogue alias Santana to the police. Thus, the end of his ‘academic’ pursuits, and possibly an end to further lies (white or black). The story of Santana is confirmation that shame is always the lot of a liar. No matter how fast lies travel, the elders say the truth catches up in seconds! Shermer says: “Most of us are not Hitlerian in our lies, but nearly all of us shade the truth just enough to make ourselves or others feel better.” When an elder has penchant for the tall tales, what does he gain? We will answer that presently. But first, we have an appeal to make.
This is a genuine appeal from me to all good-spirited Nigerians. I mean Nigerians of immense goodwill and charity. Someone very dear to us needs help. I am tempted to open a Go-Fund-Me-Account on his behalf. But he is too shy and too ‘honest’ to accept that route. Hence, this Save-Our-Soul (SOS) appeal.
General Muhammadu Buhari is broke. You can read that again. The retired General from Daura, Katsina State, struggles, nowadays, to live comfortably. That shouldn’t be! Here is a man who served this nation meritoriously, rising to the enviable rank of a Major General in the Nigerian Army. He is not a man that should be allowed to live like a common pauper, the very stage he took the citizenry to in his eight years of rudderless leadership!
Besides retiring as a Major General in the Nigerian Army, Buhari was at a time in his career, a Military Head of State. That was between December 31, 1983, and August 27, 1985. For 20 solid months, Buhari had unfettered access to our national treasury. Yet, he did not help himself.
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Fortune smiled on him again. During the reign of the expired Head of State, General Sani Abacha, a period when there was no clear-cut difference between the personal purses of our leaders and the treasury, Buhari was appointed to head the ‘richest’ agency of government, the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF). He stole no dime! Great man indeed!
Lest I forget. General Buhari was also once a Minister of Petroleum under the military government of General Olusegun Obasanjo. He maintained a clean record save for the controversial missing $2 billion oil money then. ‘Fortunately’, nobody has been able to trace the money, how it disappeared and who were responsible. The only link between Buhari and the missing money is that the Daura man was the minister of the ministry from which the money developed wings and flew into thin air!
Later in life, and in our recent past, General Buhari again found himself in power. After surmounting the initial hurdles of his inability to raise the N27 million nomination fees imposed by his All Progressives Congress (APC) party for the presidential ticket in 2025, Buhari, through the generosity of his bank in Kaduna, bought the form, contested and won the APC presidential primaries. He went ahead to ‘win’ the FeBuhari (February) 2015 general election, where he defeated the then incumbent President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
For eight years (2015-2023), Buhari was president and Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces. As president, our man of high integrity lived within the emoluments of the office he occupied. He supported that with a modest farm in his Daura village where his cows refused to multiply from the initial 150 herds he declared in 2003!
Now Buhari is out of office, power and influence. He has retired to his native land, Daura to tend his cows. Life has taken a new turn for the man who once saw money and had access to money but kept faith with his avowed integrity as a man who covets nothing, steals nothing but lives a simple pastoral lifestyle. Ayi Kwei Armah, the Ghanaian novelist, probably did not project the character of Buhari when he penned his The Beautiful Ones Are Not Yet Born in 1968. The Saints live right here with us in Nigeria! Phew!
It is therefore very saddening that after all his services to the Nigerian nation, General Buhari, former Head of State, former Minister of Petroleum, former Chairman PTF and former two-term civilian president now lives from hand to mouth as he depends on the rent from one of his two houses in Kaduna to sustain himself!
This is pitiable. This is unacceptable. Nigerians cannot afford to see a man of integrity, the very definition of honesty, like Buhari live in penury when common supervisory councillors live in opulence as a result of their ‘good works’ in office. We must rescue Buhari from the jaws of poverty. Poverty here are in twofold, poverty of liquidity and poverty of truth. This is our Macedonian call for our Mai Gaskiya. Buhari must not be allowed to live in poverty.
I didn’t make up the ‘parlous state of Buhari’s fortune. He said so himself. While addressing senior members of his APC in Katsina penultimate week. Buhari told them and the entire nation that all he lives on is the rent from one of the houses he built in Kaduna. Here is how he stated it: “After my eight years as a civil president, I have only three houses; one in Daura and two in Kaduna. I have given one out for renting where I get money for feeding.”
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It is very strange in our clime that a man of Buhari’s standing would own just three houses. How come Nigerians had lived all this while with an Angel without knowing? One of the modest houses he claimed is in Daura. The remaining two are in Kaduna. Going by the vicissitudes of life, Buhari said that he had to give up one of the houses in Kaduna to tenants and use the proceeds of the rent to sustain himself.
Where is the house in Kaduna located? He did not disclose. What is its size? We would have to find out by ourselves. How much is the rent? That must be a personal information that is not for public consumption. Again, what is the expenditure of Buhari like after office? We can guess from his ‘modest’ lifestyle! If he lives permanently in Daura, how much does he need to feed, take care of his health and other dependents? These are the issues charitable Nigerians should consider and come to the rescue of Buhari. A man who was once used to the luxury of Aso Rock Villa and other high offices he had occupied in the past should not be allowed to suffer the fate of a landlord who lives on the irregular rents paid by his tenants!
Buhari probably thinks that Nigerians have a short memory. He never reckons with the fact that we know that as a retired Major General in the Nigerian Army, his pension is almost the equivalent of his salary while he was in service with the deduction of some negligible allowances.
The retired General failed to admit, while telling his transition from presidential opulence to rent-to-feed tale, that the Military Pension Board only stopped his pension when he was elected president in 2015 because the law does not allow him to earn salary and pension at the same time. Or is he saying that the Military Pension Board deleted his name from the pension roll? What about the N6.345 billion paid as severance allowance to all political office holders whose tenure ended on May 29, 2023? How much was his share of the money? Or he didn’t get a dime?
Can we also remind General Buhari that by the provisions of the Remuneration of Former Presidents and heads of state (And Other Ancillary Matters) Act, 1991 (no 32) sub-section (i), he is “entitled to be paid the sum of N350,000 per month as up-keep allowance; and (ii), entitled to the perquisites of office specified…?” if he has not been receiving that, can we know how long so that we can ‘beg’ the authorities concerned to do the needful?
image.pngFour Russians, Evgeny Nesmeyanov, Yulia Petrova, Nazhavat Abueva, Aliya Ismailova, in January 2019, published an article: “The Theory of Lie: From the Sophists to Socrates.” In the abstract of the piece, they submit that the concept of lie in European culture and social life dwells more “on the preservation of the state, the family, and the implementation of the real practice of human communication…”
Oxford Academy, in an earlier publication in 2010, entitled: “Lying and Deception: Theory and Practice”, says: “a lie is a deliberate false statement that the speaker warrants to be true”. The paper goes further to state that: “…in order to tell a lie, one must make a statement that one warrants to be true…. any lie violates an implicit promise or guarantee that what one says is true. The definition makes sense of the common view that lying involves a breach of trust. To lie, on this view, is to invite others to trust and rely on what one says by warranting its truth, and at the same time to betray that trust by making a false statement that one does not believe to be true”.
I don’t know how many of Buhari’s fans still hold the view that the man can be trusted based on what he says and what we all know to be the true picture. On a personal note, I have a difficulty here because of my upbringing. How do you tell an old man that he is not telling the truth without calling him a liar?
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JUST IN: Okpehbolo Appoints New VC For AAU

Edo State governor, Monday Okpehbolo, has approved the appointment of Professor (Mrs.) Eunice Eboserehimen Omonzejie as the new Vice-Chancellor of the state-owned Ambrose Alli University (AAU), Ekpoma.
A statement issued late night by Secretary to the State Government, Umar Musa Ikhilor, said her appointment takes immediate effect.
According to the statement, Prof. Omonzejie was appointed amongst the three names submitted by the Governing Council of the university to the state government.
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The statement partly reads, “Professor (Mrs.) Eunice Eboserehimen Omonzejie
Professor Omonzejie is a distinguished scholar of French and Francophone African Literatures and a long-serving academic in the Department of Modern Languages at Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma.
“She is a prolific researcher and editor, with contributions to African and Francophone literary studies, gender studies, and cultural studies.
“She has served as the President of the Ambrose Alli University Chapter of the National Association of Women Academics (NAWACS), where she has championed mentoring, research, and advocacy for female academics and students.
“Professor Omonzejie has co-edited several seminal works including French Language in Nigeria: Essays in Honour of UFTAN Pacesetters and Language Matters in Contemporary West Africa, and is the author of Women Novelists in Francophone Black Africa: Views, Reviews and Interviews,” the statement added.
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OPINION: Every democracy ‘Murders Itself’

By Lasisi Olagunju
In ‘Jokes and Targets’ by Christie Davies, a Soviet journalist interviews a Chukchi man:
“Could you tell us briefly how you lived before the October revolution?”
“Hungry and cold.”
“How do you live now?”
“Hungry, cold, and with a feeling of deep gratitude.”
This sounds like Nigeria’s malaria victims thanking mosquitoes for their love and care. Between democracy and its opposite, reality has blurred the lines.
Last week, a group of White House pool reporters travelled with President Donald Trump on Air Force One as he returned from his U.K. state visit. At the beginning of the journey, actor Trump sauntered into the rear section of the plane, the traditional part for the press. He granted an interview and ended it with a morbid wish: “Fly safely. You know why I say that? Because I’m on the flight. I want to get home. Otherwise I wouldn’t care.”
Ten years ago, if a US president said what Trump told those poor reporters, his presidency would suffer immediate cardiac arrest. But this is Colin Crouch’s post-democracy era: the leader, whether in the US or in Nigeria, in Africa or elsewhere, is the law; whatever he does or says, we bow in gratitude.
I live in a Nigeria of gratitude and surrender. In the North-West and the North-East, traumatised communities are grateful to bandits and their enablers. They invite them to the negotiation table and thank the murderous gunmen for honouring the invitation. A grateful nation anoints and weeps at the feet of terrorists. In emergency-weaned Rivers State, its remorseful governor is effusive in appreciation of a second chance. The reinstated is ever thankful for the favours of a six-month suspension. From the North to the South, on bad roads and in death-wracked hospital wards, sonorous hymns of appreciation for big mercies ooze. The legislature and the judiciary, even the fourth estate, are all in congregation, singing songs of praise of the benevolent executive. Is this still a democracy?
American political scientists, Suzanne Mettler and Robert C. Lieberman in 2020 wrote ‘The Fragile Republic’ for The Foreign Affairs. In that essay, they list four symptoms of democratic backsliding. Prime among the four are economic inequality and excessive executive power. “Excessive executive power” is a three-word synonym for autocratization of democracy. It is a by-word for a democracy hanging itself.
The second president of the United States of America, John Adams, saw today; he warned of democracy decaying and dying: “Remember, democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself. There never was a democracy yet that did not commit suicide.” Adams was not alone. There was also William Blake, 18th/19th century English poet, who said “if men were wise, the most arbitrary princes could not hurt them. If they are not wise, the freest government is compelled to be a tyranny.” This reads like it was written today and here. If you disagree, I ask: Is it wise (and normal) for the tormented to thank the tormentor?
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Listening to what Trump wished the reporters, we could see that big brother America now leads in democratic ‘erantship’, the Third World merely follows. An enormous country, strong enough to appropriate the name of an entire continent, America, in 2025, is blessed with a strongman that is armed with a licence to rule as it pleases his whim; a president who does what he likes and says what he likes or ‘jokes’ about it without consequences. The result is an imperial presidency that has redefined democracy across the world.
We say here that the yam of the one who is vigilant never gets burnt. The American system used to be very resilient in providing a leash on presidential excesses. It still does, although under a very difficult situation. Donald Trump, in his first term between 2017 and 2021, signed 220 Executive Orders. In his ongoing second term that began in January 2025, he has, as of September 18, 2025, already signed 204 Executive Orders upturning this balance, rupturing that tendon. An American friend told me that he could no longer recognise his country. But the good news is that those who should talk and act are not surrendering their country to Trump and his faction of the populace. Because it is America (and not Nigeria), there are over 300 lawsuits challenging Trump’s executive orders or policies in his second term.
The active legal challenges view the Trump orders either as unconstitutional, exceeding statutory power, or violating rights. And the courts are also doing their job as they should. A 2025 study found some 150 judicial decisions concerning these orders. Some are preliminary injunctions, others are full rulings. President Bola Tinubu last week acknowledged the existence of “over 40 cases in the courts in Abuja, Port Harcourt, and Yenagoa, to invalidate” his Rivers State emergency order. Our courts, especially the Supreme Court, are yet to acknowledge any of the cases with trials, rulings and orders.
It is easy for presidents with unrestrained executive powers to assume imperial airs. In the past, when they did, they feared losing their link with the people and a fall from power. Today, they are on very solid ground, no matter what they do with their people. Midway into his term as US president, an increasingly unpopular Jimmy Carter reassessed himself, and in lamentation told Washington Post’s David Broder that he (Carter) had “fallen into the trap of being ‘head of the government’ rather than ‘leader of the people.’” Today is not that yesterday of sin and punishment. We have surrendered to the point of giving ourselves away. Today’s leaders know that what they need is the government, its power and privileges, certainly not the people. And they keep working hard at it such that America has Trump, and is not the only country that has a Trump. There are Trumps everywhere. We have them in Africa, from the north to the coast.
What democracy suffers in America it suffers more in Africa. Former President Goodluck Jonathan said at the weekend that “democracy in the African continent is going through a period of strain and risk of collapse unless stakeholders come together to rethink and reform it.” He said politicians manipulate the electoral system to perpetuate themselves in office even when the people don’t want them. “Our people want to enjoy their freedom. They want their votes to count during elections. They want equitable representation and inclusivity. They want good education. Our people want security. They want access to good healthcare. They want jobs. They want dignity. When leaders fail to meet these basic needs, the people become disillusioned.” That is from Jonathan who was our president for six years. Did he say these new things because he wants to come back?
Democracy is like water; a wrong dose turns it to poison. If disillusionment has a home, it is in Africa. It is the reason why the youths of the continent are bailing out for succour, and the reason for Trump’s $100,000 fee on work visas.
In The North American Review of November 1910, Samuel J. Kornhauser reproduced a quotation that contains warnings of what threat a people could constitute to their own freedom: “The same tendencies to wanton abuse of power which exist in a despot or a ruling oligarchy may be expected in a democracy from the ruling majority, because they are tendencies incidental to human nature.” The solution was “a free people setting limitations upon the exercise of their own will” so that they would not “turn democracy into a curse instead of a blessing.”
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In his 1904 essay, ‘The Relation of the Executive to the Legislative Power’, James T. Young, observed a dramatic shift in American governance: while Woodrow Wilson had earlier warned of “Congressional supremacy,” Young argued that “we now live under a system of executive supremacy,” showing how the traditional checks and balances had failed to maintain equilibrium among the branches. That was in 1904, a hundred and twenty one years ago.
Someone said a leader’s ability to lead a society successfully is dependent on their capacity to govern themselves. It is that self-governing capacity that is lacking in our power circles. Plus the leaders don’t think they owe history anything. “From the errors of others, a wise man corrects himself…The wise man sees in the misfortune of others what he should avoid.” Publilius Syrus (85–43 BC), the Roman writer credited with uttering those nuggets, was a master of proverbs and apophthegm. We don’t listen to such words; we don’t mind being tripped by the same stone, and it does not matter falling into the same pit.
A democracy can enthrone emperors and kings but it is not that easy to ask them to dismount the high horse of the state without huge costs. We elect leaders and for unsalutory reasons, we let them roam freely with our lives, our safety and our comfort. We promote and defend them with our freedom. I hope we know the full import (and consequences) of the seed we are planting today. A Pharaoh will come who won’t remember that there was ever a Joseph.
A Roman emperor called Caligula reigned from 16 March, 37 AD until he was put to sleep on 24 January, 41 AD. ‘Caligula’ was not the name his parents gave him; it was an alias, “a joke of the troops” which trumped his real identity: He was named after popular Julius Caesar.
Roman historian, Claudius Suetonius, records in his ‘The Lives of the Caesars’ that Caligula became emperor after his father’s death and then “full and absolute power was at once put into his hands by the unanimous consent of the senate and of the mob, which forced its way into the House.” The new leader came popular with a lot of the people’s hope invested in him. Suetonius says the young man “assumed various surnames (for he was called ‘Pious,’ ‘Child of the Camp,’ ‘Father of the Armies,’ and ‘Greatest and Best of Caesars’). Soon the fawning appellations entered his head and he became the opposite of what his people wanted in their leader. One day, Emperor Caligula chanced “to overhear some kings who had come to Rome to pay their respects to him” doing what Yoruba kings love doing: He found them arguing at dinner about whose throne, among them, was the greatest and the highest in nobility. The emperor heard them and cried: “Let there be one Lord, one King.” He called them to order and from that point, it was clear to everyone that republican Rome now had one Lord, one king, and that was Caligula.
The man said and did things that frightened even the heartless. At a point during his reign, Caligula saw a mass of Roman people, the rabble, applauding some nobles whom he detested. He voiced his hatred for what the people did and said what he thought should be their punishment: “I wish the Roman people had but a single neck so I could cut it through at one blow.” That statement became a quote which has, through centuries, defined his place in history.
It would appear that 79-year old Donald Trump defined himself for history last week with his “fly safely…because I’m on the flight” statement. A leader, a father and grandfather said he did not care if a plane-load of young men and women perished (without him) in a crash. And he told them so.
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A Twi proverb suggests that “the chief feels the heat only when his own roof is on fire.” Trump’s unfortunate remark is said to be a joke. Even as a joke, what the US president said sits in a long tradition of expensive jokes. Trump’s cruel ‘jest’ couldn’t be funny to any people even if they were under the spell of the leader. History and literature are full of such costly quips that come light from the tongue but which reveal something raw about power and rulers: power does not agree that all human beings possess equal worth, equal dignity, and equal rights. Power talks, and whenever it talks, it sets itself apart.
King Louis XV of France is remembered for uttering the line: “Après moi, le déluge (After me, the flood).” Some commentators say it was a joke, some others say it was a shrug. History interpreted what Louis XV said as the king not caring a hoot whatever might happen to France after he was gone. That statement is a sound bite that has clung to him forever as Abraham Lincoln’s mother’s prayer clung to her son.
When Louis XV said it, no one saw what the king said as a prophecy, grim and ghastly. I am not sure he also knew the full import of what he said. But it was prescient; fifteen years after his reign, the “flood” came furious with the 1789 revolution culminating in the effective abolition of the French monarchy by the proclamation of the First Republic on September 21, 1792.
Emperor Nero of Rome is remembered forever for playing the fiddle while Rome was burning. In William Shakespeare’s Henry VI, we read a verse that ends with “Nero, Play(ing) on the lute, beholding the towns burn.” What is remembered of Nero is the image of a leader who ‘enjoyed the life of his head’ while his empire got destroyed by fire set at it by the enemy. But did the emperor really do that? Read this from the Encyclopaedia Britannica: “So, did Nero fiddle while Rome burned? No. Sort of. Maybe. More likely, he strummed a proto-guitar while dreaming of the new city that he hoped would arise in the fire’s ashes. That isn’t quite the same thing as doing nothing, but it isn’t the sort of decisive leadership one might hope for either.”
I have roamed from imperial Rome to medieval France, to democratic America and its Nigerian side-kick. What is next here is to go back, and salute John Adams with this his dispraise of democracy: “It is in vain to say that democracy is less vain, less proud, less selfish, less ambitious, or less avaricious than aristocracy or monarchy.” A system or a country becomes a joke when its leaders toy with its destiny; when they make light of the fears of their people.
The Akan of Ghana warn that if you sit on comfortable rotten wood to eat pawpaw, your bottom gets wet and your mouth also gets wet. This is to say that there are consequences for choices made. A kabiyesi democracy is an autocratic monarchy. And what does that feel like? I read of a king who joked to his courtiers during famine: “Hunger has no teeth sharp enough to bite me in my palace.” It was a careless statement of a monarchy that has found its way into the mouth of our democracy. I saw it where I read it that the ‘joke’ “was remembered bitterly by the starving commoners who later sang satirical songs about the unfeeling king.” Some jokes outlive their laughter.
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