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[OPINION] Iyaloja Of Benin: Lessons In Cultural Diversity

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By Suyi Ayodele

President Theodore Roosevelt, (October 27, 1858-January 1919), was the 26th president of the United States. He served from 1901-1909. When asked to rein in his 19-year-old daughter, Alice, whose conducts had become so embarrassing to the people, the man known as TR, had this to say: “I can do one of two things. I can be President of the United States, or I can control Alice Roosevelt. I cannot possibly do both.”

Children of the mighty and most powerful, in some instances, are pains to their parents. Yoruba sociology of parenting categorises children based on their behaviours in the public. There are some children regarded as àkóìgbà, which refers to the category of children who are patently impervious to correction. An àkóìgbà child, though well-brought up, remains an outcast in behaviour. He or she behaves in manners that negate the home training given from the cradle.

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The second categorisation is the àbíìkó or àbíìpabé children. These are the ones whose antisocial behaviours can be excused because the fault lies with poor parenting. An àbíìkó or àbíìpabé child receives no home training and as such, has nothing going on for him or her in terms of good upbringing. In the real street lingo, they are called born throwey (born and throw away).

There are some known as omo òwúrò alé. Children in this category are the ones who were given the normal proper family training but, along the line, abandoned those lofty morals due to bad influence and adopted behaviours that conflict with their family. The beauty of an omo òwúrò alé is that timely intervention can save the situation and bring them back on track.

The worst category is the omo pàpànlagi. Those in this typology are lost, completely – nothing can change them. They attach no importance to family values and have no sense of shame. When an omo pàpànlagi exhibits his or her characters in the public place, the opprobrium is always on the family. Unfortunately, majority of members of his or her family are of good accounts, good characters and enviable dispositions. The question is: how does an omo pàpànlagi acquire the bad behaviour?

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When a child displays any character that indicates an error in his or her upbringing, the African society has a way of correcting that. In most cases, the reaction of those who experience the detestable character is to send the unruly child back home. This method, I dare posit, is common in Yorubaland where the saying: Òde la ti únkó omo tí kò ní èkó(a bad child receives lessons in good conduct from outsiders) holds sway.

Back to Alice Roosevelt. Two biographers, Colin McEvoy and Tyler Piccotti, in a July 23, 2025, piece titled: Hunter Biden and the 8 Most Problematic Presidential Children of All Time, say of Alice thus: “Although her actions might seem harmless by today’s standards, Alice Roosevelt was such an unconventional woman during her day that she repeatedly made headlines and caused headaches for her father Theodore Roosevelt…. Alice smoked and swore in public, which was practically unheard of among female socialites at the time. She also attended and placed bets at horse races and took her pet snake to parties. Before William Howard Taft became president, Alice buried a voodoo doll of Taft’s wife Nellie in the White House front yard, earning herself a ban from the nation’s capital.”

Alice was so notorious that she featured again in another article by the Newsweek, The Most Problematic Presidential Children, published a year earlier on June 13, 2024. That notoriety by Alice informed why Americans called on their president to do something about the behaviour of his daughter, and he quipped the opening quote.

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Nigeria has its fair share of Alice Roosevelt. Noemie Emery, on June 25, 2003, details misbehaviours of the children of the mighty and powerful in Why Have So Many Presidents’ Kids Gone Wrong? A reading of the portraits of the children mentioned in the piece will resonate with what Nigerians have experienced in the hands of spoilt brats of their leaders. Something close to Emery’s piece occurred the penultimate week in Edo State.

What played out in the sacred palace of the Oba of Benin, last Thursday, between the Benin monarch, Omo N’Oba N’Edo Uku Akpolokpolo Oba Ewuare II, and the self-imposed Iyaloja General of Nigeria, Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu, daughter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, calls for sober reflection.

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Every society defines its own structure. The Benin people of Edo State are a peculiar lot. When our elders say how we behave here is a taboo in another land (bí a ti únse níbí, èèwò ibòmíì), they probably have the Benin people in mind.

That is exactly what the Benin sovereign, Oba Ewuare II, did to Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu, when she came calling to the Benin Palace with the misadventure of Iyaloja of all Edo Markets.

The uniqueness of the Benin Palace lies more in the carriage of the oba. The Omo N’Oba is the epitome of the culture, tradition and custom of the Benin people. In him, the people find their essence. His personage speaks royalty in all ramifications. Thus, what one can do and get away with in many palaces, will no doubt attract severe sanctions if done in the Omo N’Oba’s palace.

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If there is any Black nation that still holds to its foundational culture, give it to Benin. Everything in the ancient city, and by its people, revolves round the monarch. He, like the modern-day executive president, is the fountain of honour. The Omo N’Oba owns every inch of Benin land. He creates dukedoms and appoints Dukes to oversee them in trust. He is the law, the judge and jailer!

The Benin palace operates a new level of protocol. For instance, the Omo N’Oba does not wait for anybody. The oba, hailed as Umogun, determines who he sees. And when he sits in his court, the entire kingdom bows in deference. In any of his court sessions, he determines the proceedings. He appoints who to talk and dictates what to say. Benin palace functionaries, at any time, can read the body language of the oba and act accordingly.

Another unique nature of the Benin palace is the way different guests to the ancient palace are treated differently. Beyond the general courtesy extended to guests, the issues to be discussed determine how the king reacts. For issues of less importance, the Omo N’Oba does not speak directly. Especially when it has to do with the tradition of the Benin Kingdom, the place does not place a premium on the personality of the guest. For the oba and his subject, it is Benin tradition before any other thing.

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When the oba prays, he calls on God and the ancestors – because without the tradition, there is no kingdom. Therefore, when anyone approaches the palace with any alien tradition different from that handed over by the ancestors, the palace does not spare any effort at setting the record straight.

One of the traditions of the Benin people is that when the oba speaks on any matter, his words become law. No one fights the palace and becomes popular. Whatever the Oba of Benin hates, becomes abhorrent to the entire Benin. Whoever clashes with the oba becomes an enemy of the entire kingdom.

Once a person is declared the enemy of the palace, oghionba, the person immediately becomes a pariah. No Benin son or daughter associates with anyone who has a score to settle with the Uku Akpolokpolo! This is an unwritten code that has passed from generation to generation. There is nothing to show that such will change soon. This is one of the lessons any guest to the palace must learn and understand before venturing to the sacred ground where the Oduma (Lion) of Benin Kingdom resides. ‘Civilisation’ has not succeeded in changing that order!

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Albert Lekan Oyeleye, a professor of English Language, taught Pragmatics, Semantics and Discourse Analysis at the University of Ibadan. In his Truth Condition seminar class a few years ago, he posited that meanings are in binary oppositions of plus or minus. He added that when words are spoken, they carry meanings that are not of surface values, called ‘Deep Structure’ in that branch of Linguistics. ‘Deep Structure’ meaning states that one must consider all the variables to be able to arrive at the intended meaning of any spoken word.

When the Omo N’Oba looked at the president’s daughter last Thursday, and said: “You are in Benin, the home of culture. We have our culture here”, my mind raced to Oyeleye’s ‘Deep Structure’ and the binary opposition of meaning. I asked: what was the deep structure implicature of the statement?

If, without being speculative, one applies Oyeleye’s Truth Condition, can one successfully submit that what the Benin monarch told the president’s daughter is: in case you have no culture where you come from, here in Benin, we have our culture? This semantic implicature is further amplified by the next question Oba Ewuare II asked Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu thus: “Do you know the role of Iyeki in Benin culture?”

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But more importantly, and still in the realms of Pragmatics, when the oba considered the response from the self-styled Iyaloja General of Nigeria, the next step the Benin monarch took, indicated clearly that the issue in discourse is of no importance – indeed an aberration in Benin Kingdom. He simply directed a chief to educate the woman on how Benin runs its market system. “Iyaloja is a bit alien to us here in Benin. I have discussed this matter with my chiefs and those who are knowledgeable”, the Omo N’Oba said, and directed Chief Osaro Idah, the Obazelu of Benin, to educate Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu.

Those who were physically present during the encounter recalled that the Benin monarch was visibly angry – justifiably so. Ever since the encounter, there have been series of activities in Benin City surrounding the issue of Iyaloja of all Edo Markets. The debate in town centres on the misadventure of Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu to impose on the ancient kingdom of Benin, a strange market structure that makes an individual the head of all markets in Edo State.

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In a daring move, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu had, earlier, before coming to the palace, inaugurated one Pastor Josephine Ibhaguezejele. as the Iyaloja of all markets in Edo State. She did that at the Festival Hall of the Edo State Government House. The Benin Palace had the information in disbelief. It was after the ‘installation’, that the president’s daughter ventured into the sacred palace ground to ask the Omo N’Oba to rally support for Josephine Ibhaguezejele. Sacrilege!

Naturally, such a stranger-than-fiction position would infuriate the palace which had in 2024, kicked against such an anomaly. What gave the Iyaloja General of Nigeria the boldness to go ahead and do what she did? What height of bravado propelled her to visit the palace to ask the Omo N’Oba to rally support for the new Iyaloja of all Edo Markets?

When the Omo N’Oba asked if Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu understood the concept of Iyeki, what the oba was saying was that Edo markets are not without leaders. The only difference is that while, for instance, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu, could transmute from being an Iyaloja of Lagos to Iyaloja General of Nigeria, no such position exists in Benin, nay the entire Edo State.

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According to Benin culture which Oba Ewuare II lectured the president’s daughter on, no single market leader can control another market in Benin. The oba was emphatic when he told Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu that “Iyaloja is a bit alien to us here in Benin. I have discussed this matter with my chiefs and those who are knowledgeable.”

The concept of Iyeki, a pure traditional position, according to Chief Idah who spoke on behalf of the oba, is different from the social and cosmetic Iyaloja General of Nigeria, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu parades. What the Benin palace told the president’s daughter could pass for an inaugural lecture on cultural diversity.

While anyone without a single store in any market can become Iyaloja General in the culture that produces the like of Ojo-Tinubu, in Benin, and the entire Edo State, no single individual can lord it over other market women in different markets in the state.

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More importantly, too, while it is possible for President Tinubu’s daughter to turn the Iyaloja chieftaincy title to a family affair and transmute from being Iyaloja of Lagos, the position formerly held by the late Alhaja Abibat Mogaji, to becoming Iyaloja General of Nigeria, in Benin, an Iyeki (market leader) is the representative of the Oba of Benin in any Benin market. The occupier of that position also carries out some assigned duty for the oba in the market.

This is why Chief Idah, speaking for the oba, tutored Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu: “Iyaloja is alien to us here in Benin. Every Iyeki has a special relationship with the palace. Are you aware of that? Do you know that every Iyeki has a cultural role to perform inside every market?

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“The Oba does not interfere so long as the Iyeki does what is expected of her in the shrine of a particular market on behalf of the Oba. We are not going to say much, except to explain to you the concept of Iyeki in Benin. Iyeki is independent in every market, like the Oba Market, Ogiso Market, and others. The traders select their leaders from within the market. The Iyekis do more than the role of coordinating traders. There are certain shrines in all the markets. They play certain roles on behalf of the palace. After their selection, they bring the person to the palace for confirmation.

“The novelty of a general Iyeki is alien to Benin custom and tradition. We just believe the Iyaloja is your socio-cultural thing, like you have other clubs. It is not in our culture to have a general Iyeki. Iyeki is particular to each market. No one has the right to control another in a different market. The Iyeki in Oba Market has no role to play in Ogiso Market. The Oba established the market for all in the society.”

Let us go back to Alice Roosevelt. Why would President Tinubu’s daughter flout Benin culture? I ask this question because on April 30, 2024, she had written a letter to Oba Ewuare II, asking him to provide all necessary support for Pastor Isi Ibhaguezejele, as her appointed Iyaloja of all Edo markets.

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In the letter, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu did not just introduce herself as the Iyaloja General of Nigeria but also as: “…the First Daughter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR).” You may wish to ask as I did; what is the import of that family background in a letter seeking support for a venture? What was she trying to tell the oba? Then she went ahead to say:

“With greatest sense of responsibility and utmost regards to our Royal Father, His Royal Majesty, Omo N’Oba N’Edo, Uku Akpolokpolo Oba Ewuare II, The Oba of Benin, I humbly write to introduce PASTOR MRS JOSEPHINE ISI IBHAGUEZEJELE as the Edo State lyeki-Elect.

“With the development, it is her responsibility to see to the day-to-day affairs of the traders in the state (Edo State).Your Majesty, I humbly request that you give your daughter every necessary backing to succeed in this great and noble assignment as I look forward to your fatherly blessing for her to be fruitful in her newly assigned responsibilities.”

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Expectedly, the letter, when it became a public document, generated a lot of heat in Benin. All daughters and sons of the Benin Kingdom, at home and in the Diaspora, rose in its condemnation. The agitation was heavy such that the president’s daughter backtracked.

The prevailing situation in Edo State then was not favourable. That was the period Governor Godwin Obaseki of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was holding sway. There was no way the self-imposed Iyaloja General of Nigeria could have appointed a stooge in the state.

But after the September 21, 2024, gubernatorial election which produced the current Governor Monday Okpebholo of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu got her confidence back. Her father’s political party is the ruling party in the state. The rumours of the installation of Pastor Josephine Isi Ibhaguezejele as Iyaloja of Edo markets gained traction. But many did not believe that the venture would be revisited so much so that the Omo N’Oba had earlier rejected it.

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Now the president’s daughter has installed an Iyaloja for Edo Markets, with the full support of the Coordinator, Office of Edo State First Lady, Mrs. Edesili Okpebholo-Anani and possibly the Edo State Government tacit support as implied in the use of the Government House Festival Hall. In contrast Oba Ewuare II, Oba of Benin, who by tradition and custom, determines what happens in his kingdom, has said that such a position is alien to Benin tradition. The die is cast! Who blinks first? Who shifts ground: the Benin tradition or the position of “the First Daughter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR)?”

This is where President Tinubu should act. As the father of the Iyaloja General of Nigeria, and as an elder, President Tinubu must tutor his daughter that it is not every cloth that the chameleon imitates. The president must act fast before people begin to ask questions that will interrogate his parenting method for his children.

President Tinubu, this time, cannot speak the way TR spoke when asked to caution his recalcitrant Alice. Tinubu, I submit here without hesitation, must be President of Nigeria and control Folasade at the same time. Unlike TR, our PBAT must “possibly do both.” This is the Toro (half Kobo) I have to loan to the President.

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Out-of-school: Group To Enroll Adolescent Mothers In Bauchi

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Women Child Youth Health and Education Initiative (WCY) with support from Malala Education Champion Network, have charted a way to enroll adolescent mothers to access education in Bauchi schools.

Rashida Mukaddas, the Executive Director, WCY stated this in Bauchi on Wednesday during a one-day planning and inception meeting with education stakeholders on Adolescent Mothers Education Access (AMEA) project of the organisation.

According to her, the project targeted three Local Government Areas of Bauchi, Misau and Katagum for implementation in the three years project.

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She explained that all stakeholders in advancing education in the state would be engaged by the organisation to advocate for Girl-Child education.

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The target, she added, was to ensure that as many as married adolescent mothers and girls were enrolled back in school in the state.

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Today marks an important step in our collective commitment to ensuring that every girl in Bauchi state, especially adolescent who are married, pregnant, or young mothers has the right, opportunity, and support to continue and complete her education.

“This project has been designed to address the real and persistent barriers that prevent too many adolescent mothers from returning to school or staying enrolled.

“It is to address the barriers preventing adolescent mothers from continuing and completing their education and adopting strategies that will create an enabling environment that safeguard girls’ rights to education while removing socio-cultural and economic obstacles,” said Mukaddas.

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She further explained to the stakeholders that the success of the project depended on the strength of their collaboration, the alignment of their actions, and the commitments they forge toward the implementation of the project.

Also speaking, Mr Kamal Bello, the Project Officer of WCY, said that the collaboration of all the education stakeholders in the state with the organisation could ensure stronger enforcement of the Child Rights Law.

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This, he said, could further ensure effective re-entry and retention policies for adolescent girls, increased community support for girls’ education and a Bauchi state where no girl was left behind because of marriage, pregnancy, or motherhood.

“It is observed that early marriage is one of the problems hindering girls’ access to education.

READ ALSO:Bauchi: Auto Crash Claimed 432, Injured 2,070 Persons In 1 Months — FRSC

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“This organisation is working toward ensuring that girls that have dropped out of school due to early marriage are re-enrolled back in school,” he said.

Education stakeholders present at the event included representatives from the state Ministry of Education, Justice, Budget and Economic Planning and Multilateral Coordination.

Others were representatives from International Federation of Women Lawyers, Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE), Bauchi state Agency for Mass Education, Civil Society Organization, Religious and Traditional institutions, among others.

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They all welcomed and promised to support the project so as to ensure its effective implementation and achieve its set objectives in the state.

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OPINION: Fubara, Adeleke And The Survival Dance

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By Israel Adebiyi

You should be aware by now that the dancing governor, Ademola Adeleke has danced his last dance in the colours of the Peoples Democratic Party. His counterpart in Rivers, Siminalayi Fubara has elected to follow some of his persecutors to the All Progressive Congress, after all “if you can’t beat them, you can join them.”
Politics in Nigeria has always been dramatic, but every now and then a pattern emerges that forces us to pause and think again about where our democracy is heading. This week on The Nation’s Pulse, that pattern is what I call the politics of survival. Two events in two different states have brought this into sharp focus. In both cases, sitting governors elected on the platform of the same party have found new homes elsewhere. Their decisions may look sudden, but they reveal deeper issues that have been growing under the surface for years.

In Rivers, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has crossed into the All Progressives Congress. In Osun, Governor Ademola Adeleke has moved to the Accord Party. These are not small shifts. These are moves by people at the top of their political careers, people who ordinarily should be the ones holding their parties together. When those at the highest levels start fleeing, it means the ground beneath them has become too shaky to stand on. It means something has broken.

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A Yoruba proverb captures it perfectly: Iku to n pa oju gba eni, owe lo n pa fun ni. The death that visits your neighbour is sending you a message. The crisis that has engulfed the Peoples Democratic Party did not start today. It has been building like an untreated infection. Adeleke saw the signs early. He watched senior figures fight openly. He watched the party fail to resolve its zoning battles. He watched leaders undermine their own candidates. At some point, you begin to ask yourself a simple question: if this house collapses today, what happens to me? In Osun, where the competition between the two major parties has always been fierce, Adeleke was not going to sit back and become another casualty of a party that refused to heal itself. Survival became the most reasonable option.

His case makes sense when you consider the political temperature in Osun. This is a state where the opposition does not sleep. Every misstep is amplified. Every weakness is exploited. Adeleke has spent his time in office under constant scrutiny. Add that to the fact that the national structure of his party is wobbly, divided and uncertain about its future, and the move begins to look less like betrayal and more like self-preservation.

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Rivers, however, tells a slightly different story. Fubara’s journey has been a long lesson in endurance. From the moment he emerged as governor, it became clear he was stepping into an environment loaded with expectations that had nothing to do with governance. His political godfather was not content with being a supporter. He wanted control. He wanted influence. He wanted obedience. Every decision was interpreted through the lens of loyalty. From the assembly crisis to the endless reconciliation meetings, to the barely hidden power struggles, Fubara spent more time fighting shadows than building the state he was elected to lead.

It soon became clear that he was governing through a maze of minefields. Those who should have been allies began to treat him like an accidental visitor in the Government House. The same legislators who were meant to be partners in governance suddenly became instruments of pressure. Orders came from places outside the official structure. Courtrooms turned into battlegrounds. At some point, even the national leadership of his party seemed unsure how to tame the situation. These storms did not come in seasons, they came in waves. One misunderstanding today. Another in two weeks. Another by the end of the month. Anyone watching closely could see that the governor was in a permanent state of emergency.

So when the winds started shifting again and lawmakers began to realign, those who understood the undercurrents knew exactly what was coming. Fubara knew too. A man can only take so much. After months of attacks, humiliations and attempts to cage his authority, the move to another party was not just political. It was personal. He had given the reconciliation process more chances than most would. He had swallowed more insults than any governor should. He had watched institutions bend and twist under the weight of private interests. In many ways, his defection is a declaration that he has finally chosen to protect himself.

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But the bigger question is how we got here. How did two governors in two different parts of the country end up taking the same decision for different but related reasons? The answer goes back to the state of internal democracy in our parties. No party in Nigeria today fully practices the constitution it claims to follow. They have elaborate rules on paper but very loose habits in reality. They talk about fairness, but their primaries are often messy. They preach unity, but their caucuses are usually divided into rival camps. They call themselves democratic institutions, yet dissent is treated as disloyalty.

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Political parties are supposed to be the engine rooms of democracy. They are the homes where ideas are debated, leaders are groomed, and future candidates are shaped. In Nigeria, they increasingly look like fighting arenas where the loudest voices drown out everyone else. When leaders ignore their own constitutions, the structure begins to crack. When factions begin to run parallel meetings, the foundation gets weaker. When decisions are forced down the throats of members, people begin making private plans for their future.

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No governor wants to govern in chaos. No politician wants to be the last one standing in a sinking ship. This is why defections are becoming more common. A party that cannot manage itself cannot manage its members. And members who feel exposed will always look for safer ground.

But while these moves make sense for Adeleke and Fubara personally, the people they govern often become the ones left in confusion. Voters choose candidates partly because of party ideology, even if our ideologies are weak. They expect stability. They expect continuity. They expect that the mandate they gave will remain intact. So when a governor shifts political camp without prior consultation, the people feel blindsided. They begin to wonder whether their votes carry weight in a system where elected officials can switch platforms in the blink of an eye.

This is where the politics of survival becomes dangerous for democracy. If leaders keep prioritizing their personal safety over party stability, the system begins to lose coherence. Parties lose their identity. Elections lose their meaning. Governance becomes a game of musical chairs. Today you are here. Tomorrow you are there. Next week you may be somewhere else. The people become bystanders in a democracy that is supposed to revolve around them.

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Rivers and Osun should serve as reminders that political parties need urgent restructuring. They need to rebuild trust internally. They need to enforce their constitutions consistently. They need to treat members as stakeholders, not spectators. When members feel protected, they stay. When they feel targeted, they run. This pattern will continue until parties learn the simple truth that power is not built by intimidation, but by inclusion.

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There is also the question of what these defections mean for governance. When governors are dragged into endless party drama, service delivery suffers. Time that should be spent on roads, schools, hospitals, water projects and job creation ends up being spent in meetings, reconciliations and press briefings. Resources that should strengthen the state end up funding political battles. The public loses twice. First as witnesses to the drama. Then as victims of delayed or abandoned development.

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In Rivers, the months of tension slowed down the government. Initiatives were stalled because the governor was busy trying to survive political ambush. In Osun, Adeleke had to juggle governance with internal fights in a crumbling party structure. Imagine what they could have achieved if they were not constantly looking over their shoulders.

Now, as both men settle into new political homes, the final question is whether these new homes will provide stability or merely temporary shelter. Nigeria’s politics teaches one consistent lesson. New alliances often come with new expectations. New platforms often come with new demands. And new godfathers often come with new conditions. Whether Adeleke and Fubara have truly found peace or simply bought time is something only time will tell.

But as citizens, what we must insist on is simple. The politics of survival should not become the politics of abandonment. Our leaders can fight for their political life, but they must not forget that they hold the people’s mandate. The hunger, poverty, insecurity and infrastructural decay that Nigerians face will not be solved by defection. It will be solved by steady leadership and functional governance.

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The bigger lesson from Rivers and Osun is clear. If political parties in Nigeria continue on this path of disunity and internal sabotage, they will keep losing their brightest and most strategic figures. And if leaders keep running instead of reforming the system, then we will wake up one day to a democracy where the people are treated as an afterthought.

Governors may survive the storms. Parties may adjust to new alignments. But the people cannot keep paying the price. Nigeria deserves a democracy that works for the many, not the few. That is the real pulse of the nation.

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Human Rights Day: Stakeholders Call For More Campaigns Against GBV

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Panel of discussants at an event to commemorate the International Human Rights Day, 2025 on Wednesday called for more campaigns against Gender-Based Violence, adding that it must start from the family.

The panel of discussants drawn from religious and community leaders, security agents, members of the civil society community, chiefs, etc, made the call in Benin in an event organised by Justice Development & Peace Centre (JDPC), Benin, in collaboration with Women Aid Collective (WACOL) with the theme: Multilevel Dialogue for Men, Women, Youth and Critical Take holders on the Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence (GBV).

The stakeholders, who said causes of GBV are enormous, called for more enlightenment and education in the family, community and the religious circle.

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Security agents in the panel charged members of the public to report GBV cases to security agents regardless of the sex Involved, adding: “When GBV happens, it should be reported to the appropriate quarters. It doesn’t matter if the woman or the man is the victim. GBV perpetrators should not be covered up, they must be exposed. We are there to carry out the prosecution after carrying out the necessary investigation.”

READ ALSO:World Human Rights Day: CSO Tasks Govt On Protection Of Lives

Earlier in his opening remarks, Executive Director, JDPC, Rev. Fr. Benedicta Onwugbenu, lamented that (GBV) remains the most prevalent in the society yet hidden because of silence from victims.

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According to him, GBV knows no age, gender or race, adding that “It affects people of all ages, whether man or woman, boy or girl.”

It affects people from different backgrounds and communities, yet it remains hidden because of silence, stigma, and fear. Victims of GBV are suffering in silence.”

On her part, Programme Director, WACOL, Mrs. Francisca Nweke, who said “women are more affected, and that is why we are emphasising on them,” stressed “we are empowering Christian women and women leaders of culture for prevention and response to Gender-Based Violence in Nigeria through the strengthening of grassroots organisations.”

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