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OPINION: June 12 And Its Casualties, 32 Years After
Published
2 months agoon
By
Editor
By Festus Adedayo
On Thursday this week, it will be 32 years of that June 12 phenomenon. On July 9, 1998, the lifeless body of a young man adorned the front page of the Nigerian Tribune. The tear-jerking, bloodied body decorated the front pages of many other Nigerian newspapers like manacles in the hands of a convict. He had been shot dead by the police in Abeokuta, Ogun State. It was during a Southwest-wide protest against the perceived murder in detention of Chief MKO Abiola, winner of the June 12, 1993 election. The lifeless young man was one of the countless lives Nigeria propitiated at the grove of military despotism. It was the sacrifice to have the freedom of today.
According to Nigerian newspapers’ edition of that day, students, workers, apprentices, bystanders were felled by police bullets. It was like the June 1976 protest by black school children in Soweto, South Africa which led to minimum of 176 dead and estimated 700 felled, with over a thousand people injured. The report said, in Lagos, about 40 lives were lost. Fourteen in Idi-Araba, 4 at Oshodi, 3 at Oworonshoki, and 2 at Ojodu. Unconfirmed sources told reporters that ten lives were lost at Mushin and ten at multi-million Naira Lagos abattoir area at Oko-Oba. In Ibadan, police dispatched five persons to their untimely graves at the Bodija estate area and three at the Bodija market. Perceived military apologist, Arisekola Alao’s Bodija building was in turn damaged by the protesters, leading to the death of two of them. In Abeokuta, the palace of the Alake of Egbaland was looted and torched. The monarch’s staff of office, beaded crown and royal umbrella were looted as well. A tyre warehouse belonging to one Alhaji Fatai Gbemisola was set ablaze with vehicles vandalized in their hundreds.
The above should remind one that life usually comes in binaries – good/bad; poor/rich; live/die and so on. Orlando Owoh, Yoruba Kennery music singer, perhaps had this binary in mind when he sang that beneath the sweet apple of the pineapple lies its lacerating pine. “Opon oyinbo fi dundun se’wa, oro inu e t’o egbeje” he sang. Owoh could as well have been talking about Nigeria’s binary, of yesterday’s June 12 struggle and today’s civil rule.
The repercussion of the election annulment by General Ibrahim Babangida was colossal. Hundreds of Nigerians were murdered while uncountable suffered collateral deaths. Many got imprisoned; livelihoods were lost, destinies got truncated and many never recovered their well-being, even till today. Many children and dependant of the dead had their destinies stymied by the crisis. On July 7, 1998, with General Sani Abacha obdurately soldiering on, in spite of widespread calls on him to release Abiola from prison and honour the people’s electoral wish, Abiola’s death was announced.
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The casualties of June 12 were legion. Business colossus, Alfred Ogbeyiwa Rewane, was one of them. Nicknamed Osibakoro by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Rewane was a staunch member of the Action Group political party and chairman of the AG-controlled Western Region Development Company. In the 1990s, as the military bared their fangs, Rewane was the refuge and sponsor of politicians and activists who desired what we eventually have today. His Lagos home was NADECO’s meeting venue. At Rewane’s memorial in 2000, late Chief Bola Ige recalibrated an earlier funeral oration he delivered in Warri at Osibakoro’s burial when he said, “The freedom we actually enjoy in Nigeria today must be credited, in good measure, to the self sacrificing disposition that (Rewane) displayed consistently…Osibakoro provided the progressive Nigerian politics with the sinews to fight the good fight…he stood up as a comforter of the family of the detained, those under house arrest, those in jail or those forced into exile…he never missed a chance to support all who were on the barricades. He had unwritten pact for instance with the guerrilla press.” On October 6, 1995, shortly after celebrating his 79th birthday, Osibakoro was brutally assassinated by agents of General Abacha at his residence in Ikeja, Lagos. They were never found.
In 1994, armed gunmen stormed activist and human rights lawyer, Gani Fawehinmi’s Lagos law chambers at Anthony Village. Two of his guards were defaced with bullets but unbeknown to the messengers of death, Fawehinmi was away. Beko Ransom-Kuti was also about this time programmed to be eliminated. His 8, Imaria Close home was torched when he could not be found. Same fate befell Ayo Opadokun. His Yaba home was raided and burnt. But for providence, NADECO chairman, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman would have been dead. His Chevrolet car was sprayed with a hail of bullets which shattered its windscreen but he miraculously escaped unhurt. In February 1996, affable publisher of The Guardian newspaper, Alex Ibru, was shot and lost an eye in the process. Earlier, his newspaper house had been burnt by yet unknown arsonists.
Either self-imposed or providence’s grim retribution, on January 17, 1996, a plane carrying Abacha’s son and 13 others developed engine fault and crashed in Dausayi village in Kano. Thereafter, bomb blasts began to boom in Nigeria like rockets. On January 29, 1996, NTA news alleged that Wole Soyinka was the mastermind of terror activities in Nigeria with Today, Kaduna-based newspaper, accusing NADECO activists of being behind the terror. Many got killed by the coldblooded military regime of Abacha. The list is exhaustive and includes Rear Admiral Babatunde Elegbede, Dr. Sola Omatsola, Toyin Onagoruwa, Alhaja Suliat Adedeji and Mrs. Bisoye Tejuosho. Chief Abraham Adesanya escaped death by the whiskers when his car was sprayed with bullets while the likes of Chiefs Olu Falae, Olabiyi Durojaiye were detained.
Earlier, on October 25, 1993, a Nigeria Airways Flight WT470 was hijacked by four Nigerian boys who were riled by the annulment of the June 12 election. They were Richard Ogunderu (19), Kabir Adenuga (22) Razaq Lawal (23) and Benneth Oluwadaisi (24). They called themselves members of the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy (MAD). Three members of Ernest Shonekan’s Interim National Government (ING) were on that flight. They were Brigadier-General Hafiz Momoh, Prof Jubril Aminu and Rong Yiren, the vice president of China. They initially planned to divert the plane to Frankfurt, Germany but shortage of fuel made them to detour to Diori Hamani International Airport in Niamey, Niger after the planned landing at N’Djamena, Chad and Gabon was disallowed. In Niamey, they made their demands: de-annulment of the June 12 election, re-investigation of the murder of Dele Giwa and the mysterious crash of a Lockheed C-130 Hercules that claimed 160 lives. It was believed to be a deliberate killing of the soldiers by the Babangida government.
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Nigerian journalism also suffered casualties of the June 12 war. Apart from millions lost to shutting down of newspaper houses’ operations for months, many journalists were detained and jailed by the Abacha regime. They fell victim of the Detention of Persons Decree No 2 which allowed for indefinite, incommunicado detention of citizens; the Offensive Publications Decree No 35 of 1993 which gave the military government latitude to seize any publication it deemed likely to “disturb the peace and public order of Nigeria” and the Treason and Treasonable Offenses Decree No 29 of 1993 which was later used in 1995 by a special military tribunal to convict Kunle Ajibade, Chris Anyanwu, George Mbah and Ben Charles Obi as “accessories after the fact of treason”. Their crime was reporting an alleged coup plot. Niran Malaolu, Deputy Editor of The Diet newspaper, was also imprisoned on December 28, 1997 after being convicted in July 1998 to 15 years in prison, alongside 95 others, for participating in a coup to topple the Abacha government.
Chief Frank Kokori, former General Secretary of The Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) was also a major force in the June 12 election struggle. But for him, Abacha would have possibly succeeded in his life presidency ambition. Kokori locked down Nigeria during the crisis by deploying his NUPENG in pursuit of democratic struggles. He was detained by Abacha and died miserably and dejected in Warri on December 7, 2023. There are a thousand and one other casualties of the June 12 crisis that this piece cannot possibly capture. I went into the above chronology to remind Nigerians, especially the youths of today, that the civilian government we have enjoyed in the last 26 years came with weeping, wailing, deaths and gnashing of the teeth.
The sacrifices of June 12 remind me of John Pepper Clark-Bekederemo’s The Casualties. It was a poem written about the Nigerian civil war that raged between 1967 and 1970. Record has it that an estimated 100,000 military casualties and between 500,000 and 2 million Biafran civilians died. It was a period of tragedy and atrocity. Clark began this famous poem with the lines, “The casualties are not only those who are dead./They are well out of it;” nor are casualties “only those who lost/Persons or property, hard as it is.” Rather, he said, the casualties are the “emissaries of rift/So smug in smoke-rooms they haunt abroad/They do not see the funeral piles/At home eating up the forests/They are wandering minstrels who, beating on/The drums of the human heart, draw the world/Into a dance with rites it does not know.”
The casualties, as Clark lyricized in that poem, are not those who died in the June 12 war, either as ancillary or intended victims. They are the hidden and multifaceted victims of the war who extend beyond the frontiers of those directly affected. The casualties today are the Nigerian people. They include Nigerians who are unlucky (yes!) not to have died from the war but are today grappling with the castles they built in their minds about a democratic rule which, 26 years after, has turned into myths.
Fast-forward to 32 years after. Last week, Nigerian president, Bola Tinubu, responded to sons, brothers, sisters, kinsmen and countrymen of those casualties of the June 12 war who voted him into office. They had asked for accountability on the trillions of Naira of their money being spent on construction of the Lagos-Calabar highway. In a tone similar to Babangida’s “we’re not only in office but in power,” at the heat of criticism of his inhuman rule, Tinubu also said last week: «Don›t listen to those critics. They don›t know what they›re talking about. If they don›t like the road or if it›s too expensive for tolling for them, they could go to Idumota.” While Abacha and Babangida scoffed at us, victims of June 12, with guns, Tinubu does with Nebuchadnezzar arrogance.
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The question all of us, the casualties, should ask is, is what we have today all our fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers and contemporaries fought and died for? Did Rewane die to have a government that would spend N15.6 trillion “to tame the Atlantic” for a road project which did not go through any competitive bidding, and the contract awarded on a single-source basis, thus contravening the Public Procurement Act and Environmental Impact Assessment Act? Did he die to have a beneficiary of his death speak glowingly about Sani Abacha’s business partners, the Gilbert Chagourys and their Hitech Construction company, as a “symbol of courage and commitment” and openly acknowledge them as “my partner in daring”? Did those young boys risk their lives to hijack a plane for a democratic Nigeria, only to have Nigerians, 32 years after, have a government that carries on as if hunger, anger, starvation, hopelessness that rule the airwaves are not unusual?
More importantly, a very apposite question to ask is, 26 years after we got civil rule, is Nigeria a democracy? Leading scholar in democratic studies, Prof Larry Diamond, in a keynote at the conference “20 years of democracy in Nigeria: 1999-2019,” held at the St. Antony College, University of Oxford, on December 6, 2019, said Nigeria, as it is today, is a semi-democracy. Or anocracy. Prof Wale Adebanwi, in his Introduction to the book, Democracy and Nigeria’s Fourth Republic ( 2023) which he edited, described semi-democracy and anocracy as “a form of government that mixes democratic and autocratic attributes.” Robert Mattes has also described semi-democracy as a “hybrid regime” while some scholars call it “flawed democracy/regime”. The description of such government by the Economic Intelligence Unit is that, it is a “poorly functioning government, often with corrupt elected officials and officials otherwise unaccountable to the citizenry”.
Following in the saying that the one on whose head a coconut pod is smashed to access its milky fruit often doesn’t partake of its eating, how many of the children of Rewane, Ige, Opadokun, Ransom-Kuti, Ndubuisi-Kanu, Elegbede, Omatsola, Onagoruwa, Suliat Adedeji, Tejuosho, Abraham Adesanya, Falae, Durojaiye and many more who gallantly fought the military to a standstill in the June 12 war, are beneficiaries of this government? Rather, the toads of the war fought by those Nigerians above 32 years ago are Nigerians’ tormentors of today in power. Are the lives of children of these June 12 warriors even better? If the dead can see, will the casualties be happy with Nigeria where they are now? If there is another June 12 war to be fought today, will anyone stick their necks in a fight against establishment?
Anyway, happy June 12, Nigerians. Like the boring refrain of a dirge, government will again declare a public holiday on Thursday and we will be fooled with voodoo statistics showing us as a happy people. But, are we really happy?
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PAP Slots To Itsekiri Privilege Not Right, Group Insists
Published
4 hours agoon
August 12, 2025By
Editor
Warns Itsekiri Youths To Stop Attacks On Otuaro
A Warri-based rights group known as Ijaw People’s Development Initiative (IPDI) has insisted that Itsekiri people were not part of the Presidential Amnesty Programme during the 2009 proclamation hence should take PAP slots given to them as a privilege and not right.
The IPDI in an earlier statement had cautioned on attacks on the Administrator of the PAP by some Itsekiri youths and their allegation of bias and exclusion from the PAP by the current administrator, saying it’s a privilege given to them and not right inasmuch as they (Itsekiri ) distanced themselves from the amnesty programme during its proclamation in 2009.
Replying to the IPDI, a group – Warri Youth Council, WYC – described the IPDI as faceless and all sorts of names.
But in a shift reaction through a statement, president of the IPDI, Comrade Austin Ozobo said the Itsekiri youths name calling on his organisation was laughable, stressing that the “IPDI is a revered rights advocacy group, known for its proactiveness in the defense of Niger Delta rights against oppression and marginalization over the years.”
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Ozobo, while insisting that the Itsekiri people were not part of the PAP arrangements at the initial stage but were only captured with 500 slots after the National Assembly and their daughter who was married to the then National Security Adviser, Gen Owoye Andrew Azazi pleaded to the then administrator of the PAP, Kingsley Kuku, warned them not to “abuse the privilege but be grateful to Dr Otuaro for the additional slots given to them to add to the earlier Five Hundred Slots.”
He said: “We are still maintaining our earlier stand that the itsekiris were not part of the Presidential Amnesty Programme during the proclamation but they were later considered and included into the Amnesty Programme following an appeal by their daughter who was married to the late National Security Adviser, Gen Owoye Andrew Azazi.
“We wish to reiterate that no disarmament and demobilization of the presidential Amnesty programme was held in Koko, Warri North Local Government Area of Delta State, the first, second and third phases of the programme were held in Agbarho and 3 battalions in Delta State.
“The Itsekiris only submitted a political list of their Five hundred slots given to them by the then administrator of the program, Dr Kingsley KuKu, and that should not in any way be seen as disarmament.
“It is an abrupt and reckless attempt by the Itsekiris to now forcefully be crying for inclusion through blackmail, the Itsekiris, who distanced themselves from the Presidential Amnesty Programme only to have a change of mind after seeing the success of the program do not merit a single slot.
“We are aware that they wrote several publications to applaud the federal government for disarming the Ijaw people, alleged that the Ijaw killed their people.
“They stated further that Itsekiris were not militants and will not embrace the program, stressing that their youths were enlightened, educated and peaceful but unfortunately the same people are now shamelessly crying for inclusion.
“The Itsekiris can’t eat their cake and have it. They are a people of double standard, they speak with both sides of their mouths. We are not surprised about the new tactics and strategy of these ungrateful lots.
“It is worthy of note that it was not the National Assembly that compelled the then administrator Dr KuKu to accept the Itsekiris into the amnesty program, their petition failed. The National Assembly after hearing from KuKu saw that the Itsekiri didn’t have a case, the then National Assembly only appealed to President Jonathan and Hon. Kuku on humanitarian grounds for the Itsekiris to be included on the basis of impacted community and 500 places was negotiated for them, case was dismissed,” the statement reads.
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OPINION: Flight Attendants And King Wasiu Ayinde’s Curse
Published
5 hours agoon
August 11, 2025By
Editor
By Lasisi Olagunju
My literature teacher told me that situational irony is a fire station burning down, or a Babaláwo dying of Mágùn. Some 40 years ago, Fuji musician, Wasiu Ayinde, cursed his enemies in a song that they would challenge a moving vehicle, stand arrogantly in its front and then lose their limbs to the fury of a tipper truck: “Otá mi ‘ò níi yà f’ókò, akóyoyo ní o kan l’ése…” Curses don’t act the same day they are pronounced; they ponder well before they act. Sometimes curses, like defective guns, backfire. Wasiu’s 40-year-old invocation turned on him on Tuesday last week. He shocked himself and the world with his using his own body to block a moving airplane. He was lucky; his inner head assisted the outer to duck from death.
It is cool that he has begged the pilot and her crew members for forgiveness. He also apologised to his ‘father’ and father of the nation, the president. Even if the expression of regrets was merely for the optics, that the guilty publicly accepted his guilt would mean he won’t be kept kneeling till eternity. But, does the law accept apologies? Should it accept remorse as enough restitution. We will soon know.
American professors of Sociology, Mark Cooney and Scott Phillips tell us in the March 2013 edition of the ‘Sociological Forum’ that apology can be complete and can be incomplete: “A complete apology has several components, including admission of wrongdoing, acceptance of responsibility, expression of remorse, and a promise not to repeat (the wrong). Not all apologies are complete. Some do not admit wrongdoing (‘I am sorry if anybody took offence’). Others are mere expressions of remorse (‘I am sorry you were hurt’).” The complete apology is the one that remembers to add the third leg: ‘I won’t do it again.’ You don’t say sorry today and issue fresh threats tomorrow against your victim.
The plane-stopper should by now know that some fights are not worth one’s life. A medicine required that the ingredients be ground like pepper; our star singer thought it was bravery to make himself one of those ingredients. If he was an Oyo-Yoruba man, he would have heard his elders say “a kì í fi ara ẹni í ṣe oògùn alọ̀kúnná.” I congratulate him on being alive to say and sing sorry.
In matters of misbehaviour, very many big men and women are ‘Malla’; Wasiu is simply unfortunate because hubris stripped him naked. Flight crew and flight attendants get routinely harassed and insulted, sometimes assaulted by beings who think they are bigger than the rules. A lady I call T did her industrial attachment under me as News Editor of the Nigerian Tribune in 1999. She later graduated from the University of Ibadan and got an air hostess job. Last Friday, she told me that behind air hostesses’ pepsodent/close-up smiles are scars of insults and indignities they suffer at the hands of uncouth passengers. She told the tale of a ‘rich’ lady who asked a flight attendant to come dispose of her baby’s soiled diapers. “The hostess said ‘No. I am a food handler, I cannot use the same hands I use in serving food to dispose of your baby’s poo.’ It became an issue.” From my friend, I heard many stories of “do you know who I am”; the story of an entitled passenger who struck a cabin crew member on the face and was escorted off the aircraft before takeoff. She told the tale of drunk, unruly rich dudes coming home for Christmas from South Africa. “They demanded more alcohol than they should have. We said no and they became unruly.”
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There should be more of such dramatic stories. I contacted an old university friend who used to work in that system. She told me: “Several years ago, I had a big issue with General Musa Bamaiyi who was NDLEA chairman from 1995 to 1998. He told his boys to come and offload me from the flight. What was my sin? He was carrying a gun and wanted to board and hand it over to the flight crew himself because he said cabin crew did not know how to handle such a weapon. The Captain and the Flight Officer were not on board, so, I could not let him enter with the gun. The rule is: you would need to get the captain’s permission. I told him but, maybe, he felt I was lying. The captain came in and noticed that it looked like the man had come with his trouble again; he asked Bamaiyi’s bodyguards to step off his aircraft, he collected the gun and the General went to have his seat.
“Then there was an Aviation Minister (name withheld) who threatened to get off the aircraft because I could not find a space for his bags in business class. He came with like 8pcs (eight pieces) of luggage that he wanted to stow in business class. He was the last to board and the aircraft was full. I tried explaining to him that there was no space for his bags. I offered to tag it ‘coco’ (carry on carry off) so he would pick them at the foot of the aircraft. He said no way. I offered that the photo frames in the coatroom be tagged so his bags could go in; he said no. So, I apologised that I had no space for what he had considering that the flight was full. I reported the matter to the captain. The captain said to me ‘if he wants to get off so be it.’ He got off the airplane and called my MD to sack me because, he said, I was rude. I remember a prominent Nigerian from a prominent family (name withheld) was on the flight. The man told me if I got queried and needed a witness, I was free to mention his name. The airline set up a committee to investigate the incident. At the end, they told me to resume flying as I had not done anything wrong. I wasn’t even called before the panel. The committee suggested that the airline should find a way to appease the minister but there was no reason to sack me.
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“I had another experience where the passenger refused to switch off his phone for takeoff. And he was quite rude and insulting. I reported him to the flight crew who in turn told ATC (Air Traffic Control). I think ATC called NCAA or FAAN who met the man on arrival and took him away, kept him for a while before releasing him and warning him.”
On those flights, my friend was the purser, the person in charge of the passenger cabin, sometimes the most senior. Some airlines use other terms for purser: Lead crew, cabin manager, head flight attendant, chief flight attendant.
Maltreatment of flight crew and flight attendants is not a monopoly of this place or of this age. In the Fall of 1985, four American researchers did a piece on what they called “aggressive acts directed by passengers against flight attendants aboard commercial planes from 1978 to 1980.” ‘Assaults against Airline Flight Attendants: A Victimisation Study’ is what they entitled their work. They went into media reports and spoke with victims. They found that the assault incidents were “often perpetrated by professional athletes or prominent entertainers…”
The Wall Street Journal of February 27, 1980 carried a report: ‘Skies Aren’t Friendly for Airline People Who Get Assaulted.’ It reported that “more and more flight attendants are being kicked, bitten, pawed, shoved, or slugged by airline passengers these days.” A year earlier (September 19, 1979), a flight attendant lamented to a Dallas Times-Herald reporter in these words: “It used to be that passengers were demanding; now they’re getting mean.” The newspaper reported it under the headline: ‘Verbal Abuse, Assaults against Flight Attendants Increase’.
On March 12, 2025, the Associated Press, in a report, quoted court records as saying that a passenger on a regional flight to Miami, United States, attacked a flight attendant, kicked and punched the seat of the person in front of him and swallowed rosary beads. An FBI agent’s affidavit filed in a US District Court affirmed that the passenger was traveling with his sister, who said her brother told her before the violent outburst to “close her eyes and pray because Satan’s disciple(s) had followed them onto the plane.” The 31-year-old passenger was jailed on charges including misdemeanor battery, misdemeanor obstruction of police and a felony count of criminal property damage.
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There is a newspaper called South China Morning Post. On April 4, 2025, it reported an in-flight conflict between two women passengers sitting next to each other. “One of them complained about the other’s body odour, while the other objected to the strong smell of her fellow passenger’s perfume. A verbal altercation between them soon gave way to a physical confrontation. Two female flight attendants and two male colleagues attempted to intervene and break up the fight.” As the melee ensued, one of the flight attendants shouted out: “Open your mouth. You have bitten me!” The attendant was hospitalised for injuries to her arm.
United Airlines Flight 976 was a flight from Ministro Pistarini International Airport in Buenos Aires, Argentina, to John F. Kennedy International Airport in New York City on October 19–20, 1995. It recorded the most bizzare of all abuse cases so far. According to the airline, during the flight, one Gerard Finneran, a Wall Street investment banker, was refused further alcoholic beverages when the cabin crew determined he was intoxicated. “After they thwarted his attempt to pour himself more, Finneran threatened one flight attendant with violence and attacked another one. He then went into the first-class compartment which was also carrying Portuguese president Mário Soares and Argentinian foreign minister Guido di Tella and their security details. There, he climbed on a service trolley and defecated, using linen napkins to wipe himself, and later tracked and smeared his faeces around the cabin.” History has recorded the incident as “the worst case of air rage ever” with Forbes magazine, in a February 5, 2015 report saying “It’ll be hard to ever top that nasty bit of air rage, at least short of an actual act of terrorism.” The shit man, like the other offenders before him, faced prosecution and suffered punishment.
Gross as that case was, and in all the cases cited in the literature of assaults on airline workers, none shows what Wasiu Ayinde did, using his own body to stop a moving plane. It was an unfortunate way to insert oneself into history books. His Wikipedia page is already blessed with a generous mention of that tragic outing.
I don’t know if the wealthy Wasiu Ayinde has heard the story of a vast forest of beasts where pride trumped the arrogant. The story is courtesy Lakshmi Mitter, Indian author and columnist. In that story here retold by me, Lion maintains his place as the undisputed king of the jungle. But in that same forest lived arrogant Tiger, who thought himself the ULTIMATE in might, stronger than Lion. Tiger strutted about, boasting to the other animals: “Look at me; my teeth are the sharpest; I have strong jaws, my body is agile, I am the most effective of all hunters. Even the so-called king of the forest is no match for me!”
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Wise old Elephant cautioned him and referenced the old song of Sir Shina Peters of the soldier ant that derobed a giant. Elephant warned Tiger: “Do not be so proud. Sometimes, even the smallest creature, armed with wisdom, can defeat the strongest.
But proud Tiger ignored the advice; he even insulted the Elephant calling him clumsy. The wise always know it is pointless counselling a fool; so, ponderous elephant walked away. One day, Tiger strayed into a nearby village and attacked some cows, and had a heavy, enjoyable meal. The surviving cows were distraught. Their leader sought help from an unlikely ally, the Queen bee. She listened carefully and promised to act and help.
That very night, when Tiger returned for another feast, queen of the bees sent her army into action. Some bees buzzed menacingly around Tiger’s ears while others stung him sharply. Tiger roared, it growled and snarled. In pain, he swiped wildly, but in the darkness he could not see his tiny attackers. Even if he did, what could he do to a whole community of soldiers? Overwhelmed and humiliated, he fled back to the forest.
Subdued Tiger recalled the Elephant’s wise words and became wise. From that day on, Tiger became humble. He never troubled the village cows again and he never bragged about himself as being mightier than the mightiest in the forest.
At the Abuja airport on Tuesday, our celebrated musician played the tiger in the forest; he strutted and roared. He dared the law and insulted the king and his throne. His arrogance blinded him to the reality that in this forest of the skies, there are rules and the pilot is king, his attendants are law enforcement officers. Some whispers of sanity were said into his ears, but the star friend of the president wanted war and was ready for a fight. You don’t have the king as a client and be cowardly (A kìí l’óba, k’á l’ójo). The ultimate songster blocked the aircraft with his full chest, and held up crew and passengers alike.
But the “bees” were ready: airline staff, aviation authorities, and the ever-buzzing swarm of camera phones. Their unsparing sting was swift, painful and public. They denied Tiger Talazo all opportunities to lie against the truth. By the time the noise died down, the proud tiger of the tarmac had learnt a timeless truth: aircrafts have their own rules, and arrogance has no boarding pass.
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Ibom Air Passenger Emmason: Why Kwam1 Was Not Charged In Court — NCAA
Published
6 hours agoon
August 11, 2025By
Editor
The Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority, NCAA, has clarified that Nigerian Fuji musician Wasiu Ayinde, known as K1 de Ultimate (Kwam 1), was not charged to court by ValueJet, unlike Ibom Air’s action against its passenger, Comfort Emmanson, over alleged unruly behaviour.
The spokesperson of the NCAA, Michael Achimugu, disclosed this in an interview with DAILY POST on Monday.
His clarification comes as Emmanson, on Monday, was charged in court and remanded in prison, a development that has attracted mixed reactions from Nigerians.
Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in 2023, described Emmanson’s treatment as “double standards.”
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However, Achimugu noted that the NCAA did not sue Kwam 1, nor did it sue Emmanson.
According to NCAA, the airline exercised its right to sue the alleged unruly passenger in court.
“There’s nothing to put together here. The Ibom Air passenger was arrested and charged to court by the airline.
“The airline has exercised its right to sue the unruly passenger in court. So long as that case is in court, the NCAA has no role to play in it. Okay.
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“But in the Kwam 1 case, since the airline did not sue or take the passenger to court, the NCAA, which also does not have prosecutorial powers, decided to do the right thing by criminally referring the case to the Attorney General and Inspector General of Police.
“So if ValueJet had arrested and taken Kwamwan to court that day, the NCAA would not have been involved to the extent that it became involved.
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“Because they didn’t do that, the NCAA did what it had to do. In this case, the airline, since the incident happened, immediately arrested the lady and sued her in court. So that’s not the NCAA’s fault.
“We did not sue Kwam 1; we did not sue this lady,” he told DAILY POST.
The NCAA petitioned Kwam 1 to the Attorney General of the Federation and the Inspector General of Police for prosecution over an alleged misconduct incident at a Nigerian airport.
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