News
OPINION: NNPCL, Abiku, And The National Rip-off

By Israel Adebiyi
In the heart of Yoruba folklore, there is a child born with mischief stitched into his soul. He is Abiku—the spirit-child who comes into the world, only to die, and return again to inflict fresh sorrow. The desperate mother performs ritual after ritual, consults powerful babaláwos, adorns her child with protective charms, but Abiku always returns, mocking the hope of rebirth. In one telling, the babaláwo himself appears a fruad—his chants loud but empty, his herbs mere weeds.
The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), formerly NNPC, embodies this tragic metaphor. It is the Abiku of Nigeria’s economic soul. Born in promises, baptized in reforms, renamed with boldness, yet it returns—every time—bearing the curse of failure. No sacrifice, legislation, or rebranding has been able to stop its descent into infamy.
Each administration comes chanting its own incantation. From the Petroleum Industry Bill to the so-called commercialization into NNPCL, none has tamed this entity. Like the mythical child, NNPCL is stuck in a cycle of rebirth without redemption.
Decades after its creation, Nigeria’s national oil company still refines no crude, despite billions of dollars poured into the Port Harcourt, Warri, and Kaduna refineries. These refineries remain ceremonial tombstones—massive industrial relics whose pipes no longer carry petroleum but pension burdens. Thousands of workers are paid full salaries at these ghost facilities. Their services neither generate fuel nor add value to the economy. It is a conundrum where work exists in name, and output exists only in fiction.
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Yet we continue to fund this lie. As if cursed, every government continues to pump public funds into these dead structures. The anomaly cum insanity deepens when successive administrations spend billions on these infrastructures, in the guise of turn around maintenance without results. What kind of privatized entity relies almost entirely on government goodwill to exist?
Yet again, as if on cue, the spirit-child has returned with blood on its hands.
The latest in this gory saga is the arrest of Umar Isa, the former Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of the NNPCL, by operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), over alleged fraud amounting to $7.2 billion. It is a staggering amount, reportedly linked to funds allocated for the so-called overhaul of the moribund refineries. Also in EFCC custody is Jimoh Olasunkanmi, the former Managing Director of the Warri Refinery.
During his tenure as CFO, Umar Isa allegedly supervised the disbursement of these funds—meant to breathe life into the corpse of our refining system. But instead of progress, Nigeria is left with smoke and mirrors. Allegations now hang over Isa and other senior officials for corruption, gross abuse of office, mismanagement of public funds, and receiving kickbacks from contractors.
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Among those reportedly under scrutiny are Tunde Bakare, the current MD of the Warri Refinery, as well as Ahmed Dikko and Ibrahim Onoja, both former MDs of the Port Harcourt Refinery. This unfolding scandal has, once again, brought the dark heart of the NNPCL into view—an institution drowning in opacity and defiance of accountability.
And if this wasn’t damning enough, the Senate Committee on Public Accounts, chaired by Senator Aliyu Wadada, has further sounded the alarm. The Committee flagged irregularities running into trillions of naira within the NNPCL’s finances between 2017 and 2023. Eleven damning queries have been issued to the finance team of the company, with a one-week ultimatum to explain where the smoke has been hiding the fire.
Meanwhile, Nigerians are breaking under the weight of rising petrol and diesel prices. The excuse? Fuel subsidy removal. The justification? Market forces. But who reaps these market rewards? Certainly not the citizens.
What NNPCL should be doing—investing, refining, generating revenue—it has failed to do. But it excels at opaqueness. For years, reports have emerged of trillions of naira in unremitted revenue, unaudited accounts, and shady swap deals. The claim of being a commercial entity has become a curtain drawn across fraud.
Even more troubling is the continued practice where the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria also serves as the Minister of Petroleum. It is a conflict of interest institutionalized. From Obasanjo to Buhari and now Tinubu, this tradition has shielded the petroleum sector from true scrutiny. And what of the National Assembly? Constitutionally empowered to perform oversight, they too have become complicit, rubber-stamping oil budgets and feasting on PR briefings without demanding true accountability.
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The Petroleum Industry Act, which was meant to force transparency and push NNPCL toward true efficiency, now looks like yet another incantation in the growing pile of failed chants. It has not delivered competition, efficiency, or openness.
The tragedy is sharpened when one looks across to Dangote Refinery, a private investment that, without state subvention, is already setting a new benchmark. Dangote’s effort, flawed or not, at least reflects progress. NNPCL, by contrast, remains a mythical burden—too big to work and too sacred to touch.
So what do we do with a child like Abiku?
In the old stories, the only solution was brutal: expose him, reject the charm of return, and deny him the chance to keep the family in perpetual mourning. For Nigeria, this means a complete overhaul of the petroleum sector, not cosmetic renamings. It means dismantling what doesn’t work, opening up what is hidden, and giving way to systems that serve the people, not powerful cartels.
We must probe the NNPCL—not with press releases but with forensic audits. We must legislate actual penalties for failure and demand restitution for public funds misused. And we must, finally, separate governance from business.
Nigeria cannot afford to keep nurturing a child that brings no joy, only sorrow.
Until we are bold enough to lay Abiku to rest, we will continue to mourn over the carcass of our oil dreams.
News
Xenophobic Attacks: Oshiomhole Tells FG To Retaliate Against South African Companies In Nigeria

Senator Adams Oshiomhole has called on the Federal Government to retaliate against South African businesses operating in Nigeria following the recent attacks on Nigerians in South Africa.
Speaking during plenary on Tuesday, Oshiomhole said the Federal Government should consider revoking the working license of South African owned companies such as MTN and DSTV.
He argued that Nigeria must respond firmly to what he described as persistent hostility against its citizens.
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“I am not going to shed tears. If you hit me, I hit you. I think it is appropriate in diplomacy. It is an economic struggle,” Oshiomhole said.
He argued that while some South Africans accuse Nigerians of taking their jobs, Nigerians should return home and take over employment opportunities created by major South African companies operating in the country, including MTN and DSTV.
“When we hit back, the President of South Africa will not only talk but will also go on his knees to recognise that Nigeria cannot be intimidated.
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“We will not condone any life being lost. If a crime has been committed under the South African law they have the right to bring any such person to justice, but to kill our people as if we are helpless, we will not allow that,” Oshiomhole added.
DAILY POST reports that several Nigerians in South Africa have reportedly been attacked, and their businesses destroyed, in ongoing xenophobic attacks in the country.
News
IGP Orders Officers Display Name Tag On Uniform, Gives Update On State Police

The Inspector General of Police, IGP, Tunji Disu, has ordered all police personnel to always have their name tags on their uniforms for easy identification.
Disu disclosed that only police personnel who are undercover are exempted from displaying their name tags.
Speaking on Tuesday, Disu said: “All police officers should have their name tags. All of us on the high table have our names apart from the undercover among us so if you look at all the Commissioners of Police we have our name tags, so it’s not our standard.
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“All the Commissioners of Police are here and that is why we called this meeting, we have list of things like this that we will want to discuss with the Commissioners of Police, we have told them earlier and we will still let them know that every that happens within their area of jurisdiction falls under their control.”
On the issue of state police, the IGP said: “Since we got the signal that the Federal Government of Nigeria intend to establish State Police and since we are the federal police, we decided to take the bull by the horn and put down our own side of what we believe on how the state police should be run.
“A lot of things were taken into consideration, a lot of comparative analysis was done and it has been transmitted to the National Assembly.”
News
Court Orders SERAP To Pay DSS Operatives N100m For Defamation

The High Court of the Federal Capital Territory has ordered a non-governmental organization, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, SERAP, to pay N100 million as damaged to two operatives of the Department of the State Services, DSS, for unjustly defaming them in some publications.
The court also ordered SERAP to tender public apologies to the defamed officers,
Sarah John and Gabriel Ogundele, in two national newspapers, two television stations and its website.
Besides, the organization was also ordered to pay the two operatives N1 million as cost of litigation and 10 percent post-judgment interest annually on the judgment sum until it’s fully liquidated.
Justice Yusuf Halilu of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory gave the order on Tuesday while delivering judgment in a N5.5 billion defamation suit instituted against SERAP by the DSS operatives.
The judge found SERAP liable for unjustly defaming the two DSS operatives with allegations that they unlawfully invaded its Abuja office, harassed and intimidated its staff, in September 2024.
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In the offending publication on its website and Twitter handle, SERAP alleged that the two operatives unlawfully invaded and occupied its office with sinister motives.
The judge held that the publication was in bad taste especially from an organization established to promote transparency and accountability, as nothing in the publication was found to be truthful.
The DSS staff had listed SERAP as 1st defendant in the suit marked CV/4547/2024. SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, was listed as the 2nd defendant.
In the suit, the claimants – Sarah John and Gabriel Ogundele – accused the two defendants of making false claims that they invaded SERAP’s Abuja office on September 9, 2024..
Counsel to the DSS, Oluwagbemileke Samuel Kehinde, had while adopting his final address in the mater urged the judge to grant all the reliefs sought by his client in the interest of justice.
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He admitted that although the names of the two claimants were not mentioned in the defamation materials, they had however established substantial circumstances that they are the ones referred to in the published defamation article by SERAP on its website.
The counsel submitted that all ingredients of defamation have been clearly established and the offending publication referred to the two officials of the secret police.
However, SERAP, through its counsel, Victoria Bassey from Tayo Oyetibo, SAN, law firm, asked the court to dismiss the suit on the ground that the two claimants did not establish that they were the ones referred to in the alleged defamation materials.
She said that SERAP used “DSS officials” in the alleged offending publication, adding that the two claimants must establish that they are the ones referred to before their case can succeed.
Similar arguments were canvassed by Oluwatosin Adefioye who stood for the second defendant, adding that there was no dispute in the September 9, 2024 operation of DSS in SERAP’s office.
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He said that since SERAP in the publication did not name any particular person, the claimants must plead special circumstances that they were the ones referred to as the DSS officials.
Besides, he said that there is no organization by name Department of State Services in law, hence, DSS cannot claim being defamed adding that the only entity known to law is National Security Agency.
The claimants had in the suit stated that the alleged false claim by SERAP has negatively impacted on their reputation.
The DSS also stated, in the statement of claim, that, in line with the agency’s practice of engaging with officials of non-governmental organisations operating in the FCT to establish a relationship with their new leadership, it directed the two officials – John and Ogunleye – to visit SERAP’s office and invite them for a familiarization meeting.
The claimants added that in carrying out the directive, John and Ogunleye paid a friendly visit to SERAP’s office at 18 Bamako Street, Wuse Zone 1, Abuja on September 9 and met with one Ruth, who upon being informed about the purpose of the visit, claimed that none of SERAP’s management staff was in the country and advised that a formal letter of invitation be written by the DSS.
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John and Ogundele, who claimed that their interactions with Ruth were recorded, said before they immediately exited SERAP’s office, Ruth promised to inform her organisation’s management about the visit and volunteered a phone number – 08160537202.
They said it was surprising that, shortly after their visit, SERAP posted on its X (Twitter) handle – @SERAPNigeria – that officers of the DSS are presently unlawfully occupying its office.
The claimant added, “On the same day, the defendants also published a statement on SERAP’s website, which was widely reported by several media outfits, falsely alleging that some officers from the DSS, described as “a tall, large, dark-skinned woman” and “a slim, dark skinned man,” invaded their Abuja office and interrogated the staff of the first defendant (SERAP).
John and Ogundele stated that “due to the false statements published by the defendants, the DSS has been ridiculed and criticised by international agencies such as the Amnesty International and prominent members of the Nigerian society, such as Femi Falana (SAN)”.
“Due to the false statements published by the defendants, members of the public and the international community formed the opinion that the Federal Government is using the DSS to harass the defendants.”
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They added that the defendants’ statements caused harm to their reputation because the staff and management of the DSS have formed the opinion that the claimants did not follow orders and carried out an unsanctioned operation and are therefore, incompetent and unprofessional.
The claimants therefore prayed the court for the following reliefs: “An order directing the defendants to tender an apology to the claimants via the first defendant’s (SERAP’s) website, X (twitter) handle, two national daily newspapers (Punch and Vanguard) and two national news television stations (Arise Television and Channels Television) for falsely accusing the claimants of unlawfully invading the first defendant’s office and interrogating the first defendant’s staff.
“An order directing the defendants to pay the claimants the sum of N5 billion as damages for the libellous statements published about the claimants.
“Interest on the sum of N5b at the rate of 10 percent per annum from the date of judgment until the judgment sum is realised or liquidated.
“An order directing the defendants to pay the claimants the sum of N50 million as costs of this action.”
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