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OPINION: Sprit Pardons Kindred Spirits

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By Suyi Ayodele

The elders of my place caution that the sacrificial àkàrà should not be given to an emèrè to share. When you ask why, they respond that she will merely make her kindred spirits the sole beneficiaries. And when that happens, the elders further caution, the tragedy (ultimate death), which the sacrifice is designed to avert will eventually happen.

Having shared this traditional caution, I would like to turn to my own childhood experiences. Growing up in the hinterland can be fun. In my part of Yorubaland, we have special children called Emèrè. They are mostly females. Emèrè are not Àbíkú which the Igbo call Ogbanje. The difference here is that while a typical abiku dies and returns to the same parents as many times as he or she can muster before he or she is ‘overpowered’, an emèrè remains a pain in the neck of her parents through frequent and indeterminable illnesses. The illnesses don’t kill her but merely drain the resources of her parents. Powerful children, Yoruba metaphysics says that emèrè are husbands of witches (emèrè ni oko àjé) because they are stronger and more ‘wicked’!

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Emèrè children are treated specially, most times, with utmost attention. They are fragile in looks and conduct. Thay are also particularly spoilt in the real sense of the Yoruba concept of àkébàjé. Parents offer sacrifices to appease them to stay here on earth. Our belief is that emèrè children have their kindred spirits waiting for them by the gates of heaven. If an emèrè eventually dies, it is believed that a replacement might not come easily. Everything is therefore done to prevent such a tragic end.

So, to keep them alive with their suffering parents, sacrifices, known in the local dialect as òsè, are offered. The sacrificial items, mostly small edibles ranging from groundnuts to sugarcane; èkuru (white moi moi) to àkàrà, are prepared and offered to children who are in the same age bracket as the emèrè. After the preliminary prayers, the emèrè is asked to share the items to the ever-joyous children who sing traditional praise chants for her.

But there is a strange practice in the sharing of the sacrificial edibles. While all the other items are given to the ‘celebrant’ to share, the akara is never given to her. The explanation for this exception is illustrated in the saying that nobody gives the sacrificial àkàrà for the emèrè to share; otherwise, she will simply give it to her kindred spirits to pave the way for her journey to the great beyond (A kìí fún emèrè ní àkàrà òsè pín kí ò má baà pin fun egbé è láti pa ònà òrun mô).

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In our elementary Government classes from Form Three to Form Five of those days, the then Miss Folake Afolabi, and Messrs Abayomi Oduntan and Vice Principal Ojo, repeatedly, listed what they called “The Presidential Powers of an Executive President.” We were taught that an Executive President is both the Head of State and Head of Government, a fountain of honour; he declares state of emergency; assents to and vetoes bills; declares wars and signs treaties and has the prerogative of mercy, among almost twenty of such powers.

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On the Prerogative of Mercy, we were told that an Executive President has the right to pardon a convict on the death row. And once pardoned, such a beneficiary can no longer be held in relation to the offence(s) that led to his or her conviction.

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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu exercised his Prerogative of Mercy power last week and set free 147 ex-convicts. The controversy that greeted that act is one that will not abate in a hurry. In all the comments for and against the action by the President, everyone, including the President’s ‘political enemies’, agreed that Tinubu’s action was, and is, within the ambit of the law. The constitution allows him to extend pardon to any manner of convicts, and his action cannot be subjected to any judicial review. Good enough.

However, the grey area in the review of the President’s exercise of his prerogative of mercy has to do with the morality that informed the choices of some of the ex-convicts President Tinubu set free. Majority of the people who frowned at the list of the beneficiaries of the President’s ‘kindness’ argued, and very correctly too, that the huge percentage the president allocated to convicts of drug-related offences, speaks volumes of the President’s disposition to the fight against narcotics in the nation.

The argument here is that of the 147 convicts President Tinubu pardoned, 60 of them are those who were convicted and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment for dealing in hard drugs. A simple arithmetic puts that figure at 40.8 percent of the total number of 147 beneficiaries! Many, justifiably, concluded that if not for anything, Mr. President should have exercised discretion in freeing those drug lords.

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Reviewing the arguments for and against this latest action of President Tinubu, I drew inspiration from the words of wisdom by our elders as quoted above that one should not give the sacrificial àkàrà òsè to an emèrè to share. Of the “Executive Powers of an Executive President” those good teachers of yore taught us, the one that looks more like an àkàrà òsè (sacrificial àkàrà) is the prerogative of mercy. In the hands of an emèrè president, who causes the people pain and agony, draining their meagre resources by the minute, that power can be easily abused. The morality of 60 drug offenders benefiting from the list of 147 pardoned ex-convicts flies in the face of decency!

Colleen Shogan, a former Senior Executive at the Library of Congress, US Senate, on December 2, 2022, wrote: “The History of the Pardon Power: Executive Unilateralism in the Constitution.” In the article, which was published by The White House Historical Association under the Rubenstein Center Scholarship, said that when the exercise of the clemency power is not used discretionally, the one who wields the power suffers public opprobrium. Hear her:

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“Gerald Ford’s 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon was arguably the most famous exercise of executive clemency in American history. After Ford’s pardon of Nixon, his approval rating fell over twenty points in the ensuing days. Many political analysts conclude that Ford never recovered from the pardon, thus severely damaging his chances to win election to the White House in 1976.” She added that Ford’s explanation “that he granted the pardon as an act of mercy to Nixon and for the broader purpose of restoring domestic tranquillity in the nation after Watergate”, could not salvage the situation.

Imo Udofa, Professor of Law, University of Uyo, reinforces Shogan’s arguments. In his “The Abuse of Presidential Power of Pardon and the Need for Restraints”, published in the Beijing Law Review, Vol 19, No 2, June 2018, Udofa argues that “The power of pardon is virtually unfettered and unchecked by formal constraints in most jurisdictions, thereby rendering it susceptible to abuse.”

Udofa further states that “The recent exercise of presidential power of pardon by the current American President, Donald Trump, by granting pardon to Joe Arpaio (a former sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, who was found guilty in July 2017 of criminal contempt for defying a judge’s order against prolonging traffic patrols targeting immigrants) has rekindled the discussion on the uses and abuses of the pardon power…. It has been argued that Arpaio should have been allowed to serve his punishment, and the presidential pardon amounted to a presidential endorsement of the criminal contempt for which Arpaio was punished.”

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In Nigeria, the teacher of law says the case of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s “pardon of Chief D.S.P. Alamieyesigha, former Governor of Bayelsa State, convicted of several corruption charges, remains the most controversial exercise of presidential pardon power in the country.”

He posits further that while “The power to grant pardon is of ancient origin and recognised today in almost every nation…. However, in recent times, the pardon power has been abused as political and other extraneous factors tend to determine its application. It has also been seen as capricious and inaccessible by ordinary people. The usefulness of the power has seriously been dented by lack of control and checks in most jurisdictions, including Nigeria.”

“Sacred” as prerogative of mercy is, Udofa says its application should be alongside “checks and guiding principles.” I add here: with utmost discretion!

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The US for instance, punishes tax evasion and drug-related offences severely. On drugs, the US would go to any length to get the culprit to book. That was why, against international conventions, the administration of President George H.W. Bush ordered the invasion of Panama in an operation codenamed “Operation Just Cause” and had President Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno (February 11, 1934 – May 29, 2017), simply Noreiga, ‘kidnapped’ on January 3, 1990, on the accusation of dealing in hard drugs. In that operation, the US used over 200,000 US troops to effect Noriega’s arrest. His eventual trial in 1991, tagged “trial of the century” by the US Drug Enforcement Administration, earned the Panamanian president 40 years in jail!

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Noreiga’s travails, suspect as they were, are lessons in how a nation that wants to grow treats felons. After his jail term was reduced to 17 for “good behavior” in the US, Noriega was extradited to France in 2010, where he was convicted and sentenced to seven years of imprisonment for money laundering. By 2011, France extradited him to Panama, where he was imprisoned having been tried in absentia in the 1990s for the crimes he committed while his dictatorship in Panama lasted. He carried that ignominy to his grave!

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Political theorists and analysts believe that Noriega was punished not necessarily for being a drug baron, but for his audacity to stop spying for Big Brother, the US! This side of the Noriega’s coin notwithstanding, the former dictator of Panama was punished home and abroad for every crime he committed against the State. That is how society moves from bad to good. A system that places politics above the wellbeing of the people and asks felons to walk freely irrespective of the irreparable damage they have caused, cannot move forward.

This is what President Tinubu did, when he set free drug offenders in his latest half-thought presidential clemency. In case the president does not realise it, by making drug barons 40.8 percent of his clemency list, Mr. President has sent the wrong signal that here, in Nigeria, crime pays. Why nobody in Tinubu’s Presidency considered the collateral damages those ex-drug convicts have done to the public shows how reflective this government could be. That nobody considered the number of children in various rehab centres because of the activities of the freed drug peddlers interrogates the depth of advice the President gets!

But more importantly, and most troubling is the lead President Tinubu has given to those who believe till the second coming of the Messiah, that the President’s past was tainted. They can now go to town with the did-we-not-say-so cliche. Our elders say when a man is accused of having a long intestine, he has the responsibility to curtail his gastronomic tendencies (tí a bá pe ènìyàn ní abífun ràdàràdà, ó ye kí ó pa ìfun rè mó).

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Again, they submit that a man accused of being a petty thief should not be seen playing with a goat’s kid in a dark corner of the village (a kìí pe ènìyàn l’ólè kó máa fi omo ewúré seré l’ókùnkùn). How the wisdom in these sayings of our ages got lost on President Tinubu when the committee he was said to have constituted for the purpose presented the list of those to benefit from his presidential pardon such that almost half of the list are drug convicts, beats one’s imagination. One is heavily tempted to believe that this is a case of paddy paddy, ala someone helping someone!

Nothing brings home the caution that we should not allow an emèrè to share the àkàrà òsè so that she will not give it to her kindred spirits more than the pardon of the 60 drug offenders by President Tinubu. How his ‘political opponents’ will not draw a correlation between the perceived reputation of the President in the social world, and the pardon of 60 drug lords would be the eighth wonder of this age.

By that indiscretion, 60 notorious drug dealers are out on the streets without any encumbrance! What are the implications? Your guess is as good as mine! How the President would explain that he did not free those drug felons to pave way for their return journeys to the underworld of drug trafficking is a herculean task. And I take a bet: Presido go explain tire, but we no go understand!

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Tunde Smooth, Opudu, Lawuru To Grace Ijaw Media Conference As Preparation Enters Top Gear

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All is now set for the second edition of the Ijaw Media Conference scheduled to hold on December 17, 2025 in Warri, Delta State. The first edition was held in Yenagoa, the Bayelsa State capital on December 13, 2024, attracting dignitaries both far and near in the Ijaw.

The second edition of the annual conference with the theme: ‘Safeguarding Niger Delta’s Natural Resources for Future Generations’, is organised by the Ijaw Publishers Forum.

Amongst dignitaries to grace this year’s conference are the Bolowei of Niger Delta, Chief Tunde Smooth, who is expected as father of the day while
the Chairman Delta, Waterways and Land Security, Chief Boro Opudu, and Delta-born billionaire, High Chief Promise Lawuru are expected as guests of honour respectively.

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READ ALSO: IPF Commends Tompolo’s Commitment To Security In Delta, Nigeria

The Chairman, Central Working Committee of the conference Arex Akemotubo, said the event was aimed at discussing the challenging facing the Niger Delta region and the Ijaw nation in particular, and charting a course through the media.

According to Akemotubo, this year’s theme was chosen out of concern for the growing strain on the region’s land and waters, and discussing the way forward.

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The Publisher of WaffiTV stressed that the Ijaw Publishers Forum is poised in strengthening public understanding, supporting honest reportage, and encourage leaders to protect what the Niger Delta holds for the next generation.

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OPINION: Idiocracy, Senators And Children Of Food

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By Lasisi Olagunju

For ten clean years (November 2015 to 7 October, 2025), Mahmud Yakubu was the chairman of Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). On 29 November, 2025, fifty three days after he left that impartial office, he became a beneficiary of the election he refereed; he was made an ambassador by the president.

Yakubu is not a stand-alone actor. From July 2017 to December 2021, Nentawe Goshwe Yilwatda was the Resident Electoral Commissioner in Benue State. On 24 October, 2024 he became a minister of the Federal Republic. The man’s blessing blossomed on 24 July, 2025 when he was appointed the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress.

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Yakubu and Yilwatda are teachers. They are getting their rewards here and now on earth; not in heaven. There should be many more like them inside and outside INEC. The electoral commission is now well and properly fixed inside the chambers of power.

We wait to see who will match their regiment: INEC and politicians of all hues, gunners and guns and the court mass into a mega-camp. Has this happened? Has it not? You still wonder why every governor, every senator, their mistresses and concubines and paramours take their tent into the IDP camp named APC? Samuel Butler was right: Self-preservation is the first law of nature.

“Let your plans be dark and impenetrable as night, and when you move, fall like a thunderbolt.” It is no longer necessary for the ruling caste to scheme, manoeuvre and listen to the above counsel of Sun Tzu and his ‘The Art of War.’ Resistance is dead, opposition is buried, so why should the president’s battle plans be made again under the cover of darkness?

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President Bola Tinubu does not pretend. Piss into the stream if you can; defecate into the pond. It is the lily-livered who asks toad and frog and their cousins to close their eyes before doing so. This is where we are.

But, this piece is not about those defecators. This is about the hollow men in Nigeria’s hallowed chambers. This is on our senatorial children of food; large, privileged boars in our Animal Farm.

Child of food is omo oúnje in Yoruba. When you take your seat at every dining table; when you become uncontrollable or overly excited at the sight of food, you are omo oúnje, and you get the label. And, you do not have to be a child to be so called. Adults who forget themselves when food appears are children.

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Senate president, Godswill Akpabio, read a letter to his colleagues last week, a dinner invitation from the First Lady to the Senate. The ‘overly excited’ Senate President concluded the reading on a note of self-revelation. He said: “This is like an invitation by a mother to her children. I wish you sumptuous meal and fruitful discussion…We all meet there on Friday.”

Our senators are children. Now we know.

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I did not hear any of the other 108 senators say their president was wrong; that an arm of government paid and pampered to vet and check the acts and actions of the executive should not be found snoring in the kitchen of the Villa. They all love their status as nurslings; they flaunt it. Shame on the enemy who are jealous of the chummy, yummy relationship between Nigeria’s lawmakers and the president’s kitchen.

It is most likely that the First Lady rejoices at having almighty senators, big men and women of power, as her children. The Villa is a shrine; it exists to be worshipped by big men, small men; sycophantic sucklings. The air that keeps the bees there humming is flattery; its synonym is unctuous praise.

Flattery, my dictionary says, is “excessive and insincere praise, given especially to further one’s own interests.” That is the ‘gold’ coin which Akpabio offered the First Lady.

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The author of ‘Maximes’ and ‘Memoirs’, François de la Rochefoucauld (1613 –1680) has a deprecating line: “Flattery is a counterfeit money which, but for vanity, would have no circulation.” No one should tell anyone that accepting and spending fake, adulatory notes have consequences. “He that loves to be flattered is worthy of the flatterer” (Timon in Shakespeare’s ‘Timon of Athens’, Act I, Scene 1).

Those who enjoy flattery deserve the consequences of sycophancy. That is what Timon says in the above quote, in bitterness and in regret.

Why would adults we invested with legislative powers look at themselves and say they are children of the president’s wife? And what are the implications for the recipient of the (un)solicited sycophancy?

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One morning, a fox was walking through the woods looking for something to eat. He looked up and saw a crow sitting on a tree branch. He had seen many crows before, but this one caught his eye because she was holding a piece of cheese in her beak.

The fox immediately thought, “Perfect! That cheese will make a great breakfast.”

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He walked to the base of the tree and looked up at the crow. “Good morning, beautiful bird!” he called out.

The crow looked down at him with suspicion. She didn’t trust him, so she kept her beak tightly closed around the cheese and said nothing.

The fox continued, pretending to admire her. “What a lovely bird you are! Your feathers shine, your body is perfect, and your wings are wonderful. A bird as perfect as you must also have a beautiful voice. If you would just sing one song, I would gladly call you the Queen of all Birds.”

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Hearing all these sweet compliments, the crow forgot her doubts, and even forgot the cheese she was holding. Wanting to prove she deserved the praise, she opened her beak to let out her loudest caw.

Of course, the cheese fell straight down—right into the waiting mouth of the fox.

“Thank you,” said the fox, smiling as he walked away. “Your voice is great; if only you added brains and caution to all your other qualifications, you would make a great queen.”

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Aesop, ancestral teller of the original of the story above, did not forget to add that its moral is that people who listen to flattery often pay the price for it.

That story and the caution it conveys are for the First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because of whose food Senator Godswill Akpabio pronounced her “mother” and all senators her “children” last week.

English philosopher and statesman, Francis Bacon, in ‘The Advancement of Learning’, wrote of a senator who once stood up in a full Roman debate and proposed that Tiberius, their emperor, be declared a god. The philosopher used this incident to illustrate what he called the lowest form of sycophancy. Even in that world of excessive praise, Roman senators never thought of calling themselves the children of the emperor. For a modern democratic legislature to refer to the spouse of the head of the executive as “mother” is worse than the flattery Bacon mocked.

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What Akpabio blithely said is casual but deep. It collapses the constitutional separation of powers into a family drama where elected lawmakers become puny dependents seeking favour. If ancient Rome saw such gestures as the death of democracy and republican dignity, then the Nigerian Senate’s metaphor is an even clearer sign of institutional self-infantilisation.

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Akpabio and his Senate’s excessive fawing inadvertently situate their chamber in Jean Piaget’s immature stage of infantile thinking, one ruled by deference and emotional dependence.

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Yet, an independent legislature is the reason we say democracy is better than all other forms of government, including military rule.

‘The American Mercury’ was an American magazine which was on the newsstand from 1924 to 1981. Its July 1937 edition contains an article with the headline: ‘Crooks in the Legislature.’ The magazine withheld the name of the author of the article “for obvious reasons” but said it published his story “as a factual record, believing it typical of most state legislatures.” From the eight-page article I picked this paragraph in celebration of the legislative content of our democracy: “Putting summary ahead of detail, I may say that ten percent of legislators come perilously close to being racketeers; twenty-five percent are primarily venal in their attitude toward such legislation as is capable of being turned to advantage; another twenty-five percent will accept money for their votes on bills which do not vitally affect the general public and in which they have no personal interest; another twenty-five percent, who do not accept money, are moved often by personal and group relationships, including retainers, business arrangements, political advantage, patronage demands, etc.; and about fifteen percent are, or think they are, above suspicion of judging legislation other than on its merits –although I never have met one who could take an utterly detached viewpoint even when unconscious of personal interest. Unadulterated altruism has yet to come within my purview. Paradoxically, some of the crookedest legislators in my state are among the ablest in their consideration of measures.” That was democracy and the parliament in the United States of 88 years ago. Take a look at what we have in 2025 Nigeria, you may add the US.

Senator Akpabio and other children of food are not alone in the kitchen with the one who holds the yam and the knife of this lavish feast. The press is the fourth estate of the realm; it routinely gets compelled (or it compels itself) to do what Akpabio did. The judiciary is the third leg of the dining table; it stands up for power and privileges and, for their songs of praise.

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In ‘How Democracies Die’, Harvard political scientists, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, want to know if the American democracy is in danger. And, in every word, every sentence and every paragraph of that 2018 book are hints that suggest an affirmative answer to that question. They say: “This is how we tend to think of democracies dying: at the hands of men with guns…But (now) there is another way to break a democracy. It is less dramatic but equally destructive. Democracies may die at the hands, not of generals, but of elected leaders—presidents or prime ministers who subvert the very process that brought them to power.”

Lagbaja, the masked musician, sang at the beginning of this democracy that it must not die (democracy yi ko gbodo ku). But, if this democracy was a child, it would qualify as a foolish child. And a foolish child is as useless, lifeless as a dead child. There is a Yoruba proverb that explains it deeply: A child lacks wisdom, and they say the child must not die; what else kills faster than lack of wisdom? Dying is not the absence of life; it is the lack of useful existence.

Senators are children of the president. “Are we living in the age of stupid? The era of the idiot? The answer of course is yes, with examples of monstrous moronicism everywhere.” That is the verdict of film critic and Guardian Australia writer, Luke Buckmaster, four years ago. He thinks democracy has become a government of idiots, by idiots for idiots. “If this is already the era of the idiot, what comes next?” He asks, and the answer, according to him, is: “An Idiocracy.” Idiocracy is a pick on the title of Mike Judge’s 2006 dystopian comedy.

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Do not hesitate to apply the above to my lot and to your lot. The ways and strays of this democracy remind me of the famous ending of T. S. Eliot’s ‘Hollow Men’, a 1925 poem about a state in paralysis: “This is the way the world ends / Not with a bang but a whimper.”

Democracy dies where the legislature celebrates its becoming the executive’s puny child, mother hen’s brood. That is what the “children” in our Red Chamber do. The rot is complete when you add to that tragedy the press paying to play with the Villa, and the judiciary upstanding in deference to the president’s personal anthem: ‘On Your Mandate We Shall Stand’.

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FULL LIST: FG Lists Nigerian Veterans For Honours To Celebrate 100 Years Of Aviation Industry

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The Federal Government of Nigeria has unveiled Nigerian veterans and distinguished aviators to be honoured for pioneering contributions that have shaped Nigeria’s aviation industry over the past century.

The Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Festus Keyamo, announced the event in an X post on Saturday, describing the awardees as “icons whose vision and dedication laid the groundwork for Nigeria’s aviation success.”

He also shared photos of some of the honourees ahead of the event slated for Monday, December 1, 2025 at the Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Conference Centre in Abuja.

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According to him, the recognition is part of activities marking 100 years of aviation in Nigeria, tracing the sector’s evolution from colonial era to its present status as a critical contributor to the country’s economy.

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“The first ever aircraft to land in Nigeria was in Kano in 1925. As a result, we are celebrating 100 years of aviation in Nigeria this year. On Monday, December 1, 2025, at the Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Conference Center, Abuja, we shall celebrate this milestone with a number of performances and events, including honouring veterans of the aviation industry in the last 100 years. We are inviting all aviation stakeholders to the event,” he wrote.

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Below are the list of some of the Nigerian veterans who have shaped the aviation industry, as shared by the Aviation Minister:

Chief Gabriel Igbinedion, founder of Okada Air.

Late Alhaji Ahmadu Dan kabo, founder of Kabo Air.

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Capt Robert Hayes, Nigeria’s first certified pilot.

Chief Mbazulike Amechi, former Minister of Aviation and instrumental in establishing Nigerian Airways.

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Chief Allen Ifechukwu Onyeama, Air Peace founder, promoted local content and invested in Nigerian youths’ training.

Dr Emmanuel Enekwechi, contributed to the aviation industry’s growth.

Capt. August Okpe, founder and CEO of Okpe Aviation Services, Nigeria’s first indigenous aviation engineering company.

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Sen. Hadi Sirika, former Minister of Aviation, initiated policies like the national carrier launch.

Capt Rabiu Hamisu Yadudu, pioneered Nigeria’s aviation industry and transformed airports into world-class facilities.

Capt Ado Sanusi

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Chief Wale Babalakin

Sir Joseph Arumemi

Olumuyiwa Bernard Aliu

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Capt Dele Ore

Capt Wale Makinde

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Capt Ibrahim Mshella

Capt Dapo Olumide

Ms Bimbo Sosina

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Capt Benoni Briggs

Mrs Deola Olukunle

Dr Thomas Ogunbangbe

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Capt Edward Boyo

Dr Gbenga Olowo

Elder Dr Soji Amusan

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Engr Awogbemi Clement

Sen Musa Adede

Georg Eder MBA

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Capt Prex Porbeni

Mrs Folashade Odutola

Dr Taiwo Afolabi OON

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Capt Fola Adeola

Dr Seindemi Fadeni

Capt Chinyere Kali

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Harold Demure

Akin Olateru

Mr George Urensi

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Mrs Deola Yesufu

Engr Babatunde Obadofin

Dr Ayo Obilana

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Capt Felix Iheanacho

Capt Peter Adenihun

Capt Jonathan Ibrahim

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Pa Odeleye AC

Capt Toju Ogidi

Pa Abel Kalu Ukonu

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