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OPINION: Yoruba’s Spirit Of Resistance [Monday Lines (1)]

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By Lasisi Olagunju

The king in pre-colonial Oyo had power over everything. He determined who lived and who died. At a point in time, there was this street drummer in Oyo metropolis who moved from one point of the town to the other plying his trade. And, he was a master of his art, great skill, vigorous activity. He would praise those he considered praiseworthy; he would deprecate the deplorable. The people enjoyed what he did as long as he did not make them the object of his pillory.
One day, the drummer got up early and woke up the town with a strange beat and a strange message:

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Kòtò kan nbe n’íta oba,
Olórun ó mu
Kò ì yá ni

(Meaning: There is a pit in front of the king’s palace; God will catch him (the king) but it is not yet time).

What is he saying? Alarm bells rang in homes and across Oyo that a drummer was spreading a strange message against the king. Is it not said that a dog is allowed to run mad but its insanity notwithstanding, it is expected to know and avoid fire? B’ájá bá nsínwín sebí ó ye k’ó m’ojú iná. This particular dog had a madness that obviously knew no limits. He had added the king to his list of objects of scorn.

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The message soon got to the King, the Alaafin. He sent for the drummer.
“Ngbó, what are you saying about me?” Kabiyesi asked him.
The drummer responded before Ikú Bàbá Yèyé with his drumbeat:

Kòtò kan nbe n’íta oba,
Olórun ó mu
Kò ì yá ni.

You would not be a Yoruba in those days if you did not understand the language of drums.
Everyone heard him loud and clear and gasped. This one should die! Ar’óbafín l’oba á pa. Palace guards moved to assault him; the king stopped them. Kabiyesi took a long look at the drummer, took a deep breath and told the man to go home. He even gave him money for his trouble. The drummer was equally stunned by the king’s verdict. He left.
The king looked round his chiefs, then turned to his people. “We must not touch him. Oba kìí mú akorin (The king does not arrest the bard).” He said and added, in very low tones that apart from the fact of a bard having immunity, touching him because of that particular message would set the town ablaze.
What is Kabiyesi saying? He and a few of his trusted aides understood clearly what the drummer was saying. There was truly a deep pit in front of the king’s palace. In that pit were the king’s deepest secrets. It was into that pit he threw the unfortunate heads of his enemies.

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So, what happened thereafter? A contrite Aláàfin ordered the pit closed. He also stopped the serial murders he was committing.

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Protesters Of The North [Monday Lines]

Where did the above story come from? I got it from the late Aláàfin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III. It was in his palace he told me a few months before he joined his ancestors in 2022. I was not there alone; my friend, Festus Adedayo, was also there.

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With the oba, we had many deep discussions on the notions of rights and privileges in the context of Yoruba identity and cultural nuances. This was one of them. The Aláàfin stressed that the story was real. Kabiyesi said he also heard it from his fathers. He pointed at the probable site of the pit. We agreed that the drummer of that era would be today’s press.

I am writing on the spirit of protest and resistance – my focus is the Yoruba. My dictionary says the opposite of acquiescence is resistance. Anywhere you find the Yoruba and there is injustice or simple insult, do not think of acquiescence; think of the opposite. They value their girl’s idí bèbèrè but they don’t deck the voluptuous waist of a bad daughter with beads of stupid accommodation. They also do not make their hips available for dislocation by bumbling relations. To them, pimples find seats only on foolish faces. It makes very little difference whether the actors are men or they are women.

What we heard about the ancient time is what we read of more recent eras. Professor Ulli Beier lived in Yorubaland and patiently studied the Yoruba of the 1950s and the 1960s. He was in Ede, Osogbo, Ilobu, Okuku, Ibadan, etc. Ulli Beier witnessed resistant women bringing grasping men to their knees in Ede in 1955. He recollects this in his piece, ‘The Position of Yoruba Women’. Ulli Beier writes: “The women who sell ògì, a food prepared from ground maize, must bring their maize to the mill owners for grinding. These mill owners are men. Now the women began to complain that the charge of the men was too high to allow them sufficient profit on the sale of ògì. The Iyalode then made representations to the mill owners, demanding a lower price for the grinding. The men refused at first, then tried to bargain. The Iyalode, however, called out all ògì sellers on strike. The women then began to grind the corn by hand and after a week, the mill owners surrendered unconditionally” (Beier, 1955:40).

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Women in any Yoruba society would do exactly what those who have long departed did in Ede in 1955.

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Protestant Greeks in Abuja [Monday Lines]

Ilorin Dadakuada musician, Odolaye Aremu, in his album, Olówe Mòwe, characterised the immediate past Iyalode of Ibadan, Alhaja Aminatu Abiodun, as a man: “Wón pè é l’óbìnrin ní/ohun t’ólókó nse ló nse (They call her a woman but she does what those who have penises do).” Long before Abiodun, there was Madam Efunroye Tinubu whose activism straddled business and politics in Lagos, Badagry and Abeokuta. In Lagos of the early mid-1880s, she was with Oba Adele I whom she married and lived with. Then Adele died, there was a problem in Lagos, she went on exile to Badagry. From exile in Badagry, she led the push that ousted Oba Kosoko and re-installed Adele’s younger brother, Akintoye, and reigned with him. She shared the throne with Oba Dosumu, Akintoye’s first son, and with it ruled the business world of Lagos.

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While doing all these, Madam Tinubu ensured that her activism broth had a large dose of nationalist condiments. Oladipo Yemitan wrote Efunroye’s biography and gave it the title: ‘Madam Tinubu: Merchant and Kingmaker’. In that book, the biographer notes that though Tinubu was overbearing in her dealings with Dosumu, one of the obas she dealt with in Lagos, “her pre-emptory orders had a nationalistic undertone: She did not want the oba to be dominated by foreigners” (Yemitan, 1987:38). Madam Tinubu organised resistant actions against Europeans in Lagos seeking their expulsion from the land. On one occasion, a major uprising against foreign ‘rule’ ensued under her instigation. “Several meetings were held in her house by the dissidents. So efficient was her organizing machinery that this uprising nearly succeeded…”, Yemitan wrote. At a point, the white man felt her cup was full. She was deported back to her hometown, Abeokuta.

The zenith of Madam Tinubu’s activism was her becoming the Iyalode of Egba, the number one woman in Abeokuta. In Abeokuta, she remained a major force in politics and business. Marjorie Mclntosh in her ‘Yoruba Women, Work and Social Change’ (2009: 137) wrote that when the Dahomeys attacked Abeokuta in 1864, Efunroye Tinubu “was a key figure in organizing the defence of Egbaland and securing the enemies’ defeat.” Her biographer, Yemitan (page 47) wrote: “The women’s war-cry – ‘Elele-múlele’ – meaning: let everyone reach for his machete – was a slogan coined by Madam Tinubu on that occasion. She moved from quarter to quarter in Abeokuta rousing up women for concerted action.”

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: LGs And Tinubu’s Supreme Cut [Monday Lines (2)]

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On that incident, Saburi Biobaku, in his ‘Egba and Their Neighbours’ (1957: 38) wrote about Tinubu: “Her compound was converted into a veritable arsenal from which arms and ammunition were issued to the Egba forces on their way to the front: Then she took up a position at Aro gate, nearer the front, at which the wounded were nursed by her and her female associates, where soldiers whose powder had exhausted in battle replenished their store and from which any would-be deserters were sent back with a renewed determination to fight the Dahomey and save the Egba metropolis from destruction.”

At about the time Madam Tinubu reigned in Lagos, in Badagry and, later, in Abeokuta, another Egba woman activist was in charge in Ibadan putting the men there in their proper place. She was Madam Efunsetan Aniwura (c. 1790-1874). Like Tinubu, Madam Aniwura was the Iyalode of Ibadan. Historians credit her with uncommon entrepreneurial ability, enormous wealth and man-like bravery. Efunsetan’s activism saw her challenging the power structure of Ibadan which was effectively in the firm grips of her male counterparts. She was assertive and daring, and would be called, in today’s parlance, a feminist who queried lords and troops and the incessant disruptive wars they fought, hurtful to women and their trade, injurious to children and their growth.

Akinwumi Ishola, who wrote ‘Efunsetan Aniwura: Iyalode Ibadan’ (1981), a very negative play on this woman, would later describe her as a positive force in the evolution of Ibadan as a metropolis. In an interview in The Punch of 16 November, 2013, Akinwumi Isola said: “I was very young with little education when I wrote the book. If I were to write it today, it would be different. Efunsetan can be described as a woman fighting for the rights of womenfolk. She could be described as a woman rights activist. She is not as tough as I portrayed her.”

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In ‘Iyalode Efunsetan Aniwura (Owner of Gold)’, Bolanle Awe describes Efunsetan as a very ‘independent-minded’ and outspoken woman who was not afraid to criticise Aare Latoosa and his other chiefs. Very importantly, Awe says she was a woman who was strong enough to openly oppose Ibadan war chiefs’ constant wars. “She realized that the condition of almost continuous warfare disrupted her own and other people’s trading. She therefore became the spokesperson for a group of chiefs who were opposed to the aggressive policy of the leading war captain. For the expedition launched in 1874, she refused to field any soldiers, give ammunition on credit, or demonstrate her solidarity by meeting with the chiefs at the town gate” (McIntosh, 2009: 139).

If we want more on contemporary activism of the Yoruba woman, I think we should read about the Nigerian General Strike of 1945. We should read how Yoruba market women took the lead in giving moral and logistic support to the striking workers: “The workers found support among the women community especially market women headed by Madam Alimotu Pelewura… The women traders deliberately lowered their prices to enable workers purchase available foodstuffs apart from contributing generously to the workers Relief Fund. Madam Adunni Oluwole in particular donated 100 pounds to assist the workers”. That quote is from Wale Oyemakinde’s ‘The Nigerian General Strike of 1945’, published in 1975. Check page 704.

Rebellion or resistance; strifes and wars are usually preceded by songs (of abuse). Among the Yoruba, songs or even drama can be channels of resistance – and of change. Akinwumi Isola in his ‘The African Writer’s Tongue’ (1992) tells a story: “An aggrieved king tried in vain to punish an oral artist who had caricatured his lawless messengers. The masquerade was Agborako at Oyo, and the king was Alaafin Ladigbolu (1911-1944). When the king’s messengers, usually identified by the single tuft of hair in the center of their heads, became intolerably cruel in the execution of their duties, Agborako (the masquerade) organized a performance that criticized the king’s lack of control over his messengers. Members of Agborako imitated the customary hair style of the king’s messengers and dramatized examples of their lawless behavior. The king was furious! He immediately ordered the arrest of Agborako! But the arrest stirred up considerable anger among the people, who participated in a huge demonstration demanding the immediate release of the masquerade singers. At this point, the king was reminded of the rule: ‘Oba ki i p’okorin’ (The king never kills an artiste). Agborako was released.”

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The story of Hubert Ogunde is well known to members of my generation. The generation before ours experienced his trail-blazing exploits in the decade before independence. In 1945, Ogunde came out smoking with an opera titled ‘Strike and Hunger.’ Oliver Coates (2017) wrote a descriptive piece on that play. He says the play “provides a unique opportunity to examine the ways in which late colonial politics were reimagined in drama.” The play was inspired by the 1945 General Strike in Lagos and “offers an allegorical dramatization of the events”. Recalcitrant Ogunde and his theatre company had considerable problems with the government over that product. The company was banned in Jos in 1946 and fined 125 pounds for staging ‘Strike and Hunger’. The Ogunde Theatre was again banned in Kano in May 1950 for staging another of his plays, ‘Bread and Bullet’. In addition to the ban, he was arrested and charged with sedition. He was discharged of that count but fined six pounds “for posting posters of the play without permission.” Ebun Clark’s ‘Hurbert Ogunde: The Making of Nigerian Theatre’ (1979) which contains accounts of those incidents also has other details of the activities of this activist artiste. Tunde Kelani’s ‘Saworoide’ (1999) and its sequel, ‘Agogo Eewo’ (2002), continue the Ogunde tradition of using drama as a vehicle for social commentary and activism.

I started this piece with the story of an oba and an activist drummer. I have also quoted Professor Akinwumi Isola’s recollection of a communal resistance to an oba who ordered the arrest of a masquerade. Both incidents tell us that the oba is in reality not above the law – although he is greeted Kabiyesi, a salutation which mocks the invincibility of the unwary.

An oba’s behaviour must not endanger the community. If it does, he will pay. In a proverb, the Yoruba found an oba involved in money ritual. His exasperated people rose against him and asked why! Is there any other position bigger than the throne in a kingdom? They queried and chastised the oba: “Do you want to become God?” Won fi o j’oba, o tun nw’awure, se o fe d’Olodumare ni? Deeper into history, no oba who misbehaved escaped justice at the hands of their subjects. Samuel Johnson, author of ‘The History of the Yorubas’ (1921), has a long list of such obas. He calls them the wicked kings. He also remembers to tell what became of them:

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Alaafin Ojigi reigned a long time ago. Some accounts say he was the eighth Alaafin of Oyo. He was a good, effective king but he lost his throne and his everything to the excesses of his crown prince. This is how Johnson (1921: 206-207) tells the story: “Ojigi, who was elected to the vacant throne, was a powerful and warlike king…Personally, he was a very good man, but a too indulgent father. The Aremo (crown prince) by his cruelties and excesses brought about the father’s rejection and death. He ordered Oluke, the Basorun’s son, to be unlawfully beaten. As this wrong could not be avenged without serious consequences, and as the king did not punish the wrong doer, it was thought more expeditious to effect the king’s death, for about this time the custom began to prevail for the Aremos to die with the father, as they enjoy unrestrained liberty with the father. A pretext was soon found for rejecting the king and fond father, and consequently he died, and his eldest son with him.” That Alaafin did well running the empire but did not do well running his home.

That king’s immediate predecessor, Osinyago, suffered a similar fate. He had an Aremo who died young because, according to Johnson, “he was of a grasping propensity…like his father, an avaricious man who by exactions, massacre and confiscations amassed wealth which he did not live long to enjoy.” This king lost all when his second child, a lady “of masculine character” out of envy and “wounded pride”, slew the son of a commoner. The king had to die, his family with him (Johnson, 1921: 205).

One more example from the same Oyo. It is said that one of the early kings, Oba Jayin, killed himself before he was publicly disgraced by an Egungun for murdering his own son whose sin was that he was a better person in character. And, so, the people sang: “O ku dede k’a ko’wi w’Akesan, Oba Jayin te’ri gb’aso.” (Johnson, 1921 [2017]: 202-203).

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There is also Yoruba praise names or praise chants, oriki. Karin Barber, an authority says an individual’s oríki is the standard unit that “refers to qualities of character or physical appearance” of someone. She says sometimes the oriki refers “to incidents in the subject’s life – often apparently trivial or even scandalous.” In Adeboye Babalola’s ‘Awon Oriki Orile Metadinlogbon’ I find these verses in ‘Oriki Iran Olofa’:

“Won l’Omo òtòsi Ộfa, wáá lo sódò lo rèé ponmi wa,
K’ómo olówó o ri mu…

Omo òtosi Ộfa

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Ò lóun ò ní i lọ sódò lo rèé pọnmi wa, k’ómo olówó ó ri mu.

A fọn ộn kò dún.

A tè é ko ya’nu.

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Ộrò d’ilé Abiódún Oba Aláafin…”
(They told the child of the poor to go to the stream and fetch water for the child of the rich to drink. The child of the poor said no, he would not go to the stream to fetch water for the child of the rich to drink. There was trouble. The matter was taken to the palace of Abiodun, Alaafin of Oyo. Alaafin asked the child of the poor to go and enjoy his life in peace).

The above explains the Yoruba ideal of equality and justice: “Ibi ko ju’bi; bi a ti bi eru ni a bi omo (birth pangs are the same; a slave has the same privilege of birth as the freeborn).”

I was the lead paper presenter at a major conference on ‘Yoruba Activisms’ which was held at the Lead City University, Ibadan, between Monday and Wednesday last week. There were 247 presentations; participants were drawn from across this ccountry and from countries abroad. What you have read so far here is a reworked excerpt from the paper I presented at that conference. The drummer story was my opening glee.

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Parrot is bird of the sea; cardinal is bird of the Lagoon. I wrote the above and have read it all over again. My conclusion is that if you have a Yoruba as your president, do not seek to overwhelm him without good planning. He will fight back and will not take prisoners. Also, if a president has the Yoruba as his subjects, he should not take them for granted. If he is a leader who shoots his arrow towards the sky and covers his own head with a mortar, the Yoruba will gasp at his wickedness; the resistance in their gene will come to the fore. They will light their torch of fire and beam it into the face of that masquerade. And if he is of their house, it won’t gel to suggest bastardy as reason for their telling ‘their brother’ that his regime is painful. If they can’t hit the streets in open confrontation, they will migrate away from the unfeeling without the drama of a noisy rejection.

Àbò mi rèé o. I have said my own.

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NCAA Grounds Rano Air Aircraft After Mid-flight Engine Failure

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The Nigeria Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) has grounded a Rano Air aircraft with registration number 5N-BZY following an in-flight engine failure during a flight from Kano to Sokoto.

In a statement released on Monday, the NCAA confirmed that the flight made an emergency air return after the crew reported the incident to the Air Traffic Control.

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Passengers and crew were thrown into panic after smoke was observed in both the cabin and the flight deck mid-air.

According to the Directorate of Airworthiness, led by Victor Foyea, oxygen masks were deployed and standard safety procedures were immediately activated to facilitate a safe landing.

READ ALSO: Senate Confirms Olubunmi Adetunmbi Chairman Of South-West Development Commission, MD, Others

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The Rano aircraft 5N-BZY experienced a failure on its engine 1. Smoke was noticed in the cabin and flight deck. Oxygen masks were donned. The appropriate safety protocols were initiated on the ground for landing. Smoke dissipated. The pilot safely landed the aircraft without incident,” the NCAA stated.

The regulatory authority confirmed that no immediate casualties or injuries were recorded, and the aircraft landed safely at the Kano airport where emergency services had been placed on standby.

As a precautionary measure, the NCAA ordered the grounding of the aircraft pending a thorough investigation into the cause of the malfunction.

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READ ALSO: JUST IN: NCAA Suspends Three Private Jet Operators For Operating Commercial Flights

The aircraft was also scheduled to operate a Sokoto-bound flight, which has since been cancelled.

As of the time of reporting, the aircraft remains grounded, with engineers working on diagnostics and repairs.

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The NCAA reiterated its commitment to passenger safety and emphasized that precautionary measures, including flight cancellations, are necessary whenever there is a hint of mechanical irregularity.

“Even more advanced countries experience air incidents. But in Nigeria, flights are grounded or cancelled at the slightest indication of safety concerns. Safety remains our top priority,” the statement added.

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JUST IN: Court Grants Natasha Bail On Self-recognition

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The Federal High Court in Abuja on Monday granted the suspended Senator representing Kogi Central Senatorial District, Natasha Akpoti-Udauaghan bail on self-recognition.

Akpoti-Udauaghan was arraigned on a six-count charge bordering on alleged cybercrime.

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After the charges were read to her, she pleaded not guilty to all.

The senator allegedly made false and damaging statements against Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Kogi State’s former governor, Yahaya Bello.

According to the charge, Akpoti-Udauaghan was alleged to have said, “Akpabio told Yahaya Bello… that he should make sure that killing me does not happen in Abuja, it should be done in Kogi, so it will seem as if it is the people that killed me.”

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READ ALSO: JUST IN: Court Grants Senator Natasha N50m Bail, Slates Date For Trial

Days later, during an appearance on Channels TV’s Politics Today, she reiterated the allegations, asserting: “It was part of the meeting, the discussions that Akpabio had with Yahaya Bello that night… to eliminate me.”

The Federal Government stated that these statements, widely disseminated through digital platforms, were knowingly false and intended to incite unrest.

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The FG further contended that the remarks violate “Section 24(2)(c)” of the Cybercrimes Act, which criminalises the intentional spread of false information to damage reputations or provoke public disorder.

While applying for bail, Akpoti-Udauaghan’s legal team, led by Professor Roland Otaru (SAN), requested that she be granted bail on self-recognition being a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and a senior member of the bar.

READ ALSO: Natasha: Appeal Court Strikes Out Akpabio’s Motions, Imposes N100,000 Fine

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He added that there is no counter-affidavit from the prosecution, challenging the bail application.

Justice Mohammed Umar proceeded to grant the request of the defence counsel and granted the senator bail on self-recognition.

The court adjourned until September 22, for the commencement of trial.

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OPINION: For Ganduje And Kabiyesi

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By Lasisi Olagunju

Useful Abdullahi Ganduje kissed the canvas on Friday. Many more will go his way. His fall was the wish of his maker, the king: cold, calculating, ruthless.

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Ganduje said he resigned as APC National Chairman to take care of his failing health. APC governors, deities that they are, assisted him with a different reason. They held a meeting in Benin at the weekend and said the man’s exit aligned with internal reforms and ongoing efforts to strengthen their party. “His Excellency, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje’s resignation is in tandem with the party’s continued evolution,” the governors said. How could someone’s sickness be part of a party’s reforms?

If the voice of an elder does not sprout yams that are good for pounding, it will sprout yams good for planting (Ohùn àgbà, bí kò ta isu gígún, á ta èèbù). The president is the elder here; nothing he utters or orders goes unheeded. We have since learnt that Ganduje had to go because the president needed a clearer view of the future. The president is busy weeding the field and mounting the stakes to the applause of the indentured. The whole country is behind the one who hires and fires; like the old lion, all walks lead into his tent.

The stage President Bola Tinubu is today was the stage Zulu king, Emperor Shaka, was at the peak of his glory. From 1816 to 1828, from River Pongola to the Tugela River, Shaka conquered this enemy and defeated that foe. In deft, strategic moves, he allied with all rivals around, massed for himself a vast empire of 200km-wide area, north of the present-day city of Durban, South Africa. He built an empire of marvel that has been difficult for history to ignore. Shaka moved from king to emperor; he dominated, ruled, developed and plundered as he wished. Then, one day, God said “enough!” The man suffered the final loss, but his reign left ugly scars.

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Emperor Shaka did no wrong no matter how gross the things he did were. Everything he did was right and was worthy of his people’s applause, and the people applauded him. Even when the emperor treated and called his subjects dogs in their presence, the subjects clapped and said they were blessed. In 1824, Shaka was visited by Henry Franics Fynn, an Englishman on official duty. A fascinating exchange, which ensued between them, was carefully kept in a diary by the white man:

Shaka: “I hear you have come from umGeorge, is it so ? Is he as great a king as I am?”

Fynn: “Yes; King George is one of the greatest kings in the world.”

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Shaka: “I am very angry with you.” (He said while putting on a severe countenance). “I shall send a messenger to umGeorge and request him to kill you. He sent you to me, he did not send you to give medicine to my dogs.”

All present immediately applauded what Shaka had said. (They were the ones he called dogs, and they knew).

Shaka: “Why did you give my dogs medicine?” (in allusion to the woman I was said to have brought back to life after death).

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MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: Let Tehran, Tel Aviv Bleed, Abuja Will Pay The Price

Fynn: “It is a practice of our country to help those who are in need, if able to do so.”

Shaka: “Are you then the doctor of dogs? You were sent here to be my doctor.”

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Fynn: “I am not a doctor and not considered by my countrymen to be one.”

Shaka: “Have you medicine by you?”

Fynn: “Yes.”

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Shaka: “Then cure me, or I will have you sent to umGeorge to have you killed.”

Fynn: “What is the matter with you ?”

Shaka: “That is your business to find out.”

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Fynn: “Stand up and let me see your person.”

Shaka: “Why should I stand up?”

Fynn: “That I may see if I can find out what ails you.”

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(Source: Stuart and Malcolm, ‘Diary of Fynn, 83-5’, in ‘Tshaka and the British traders, 1824-1828’ by Felix N. C. Okoye, 1972).

If Shaka were Yoruba, he would be worshipped as Kabiyesi, an emperor, the one no one queries. “To be truly imperial, one must have an empire to govern.” Harold Larrabee wrote that in his review of Arthur Schlesinger’s ‘The Imperial Presidency.’ Larrabee was right. I add to what he said: To have an empire, you must fight and conquer all enemies, and “eat up” friendly neighbours. Shaka did that in Zululand. That is the point our ‘democracy’ is at present in Nigeria. Kabiyesi has removed all gloves, he is on a strategic offensive, building a pan-Nigeria empire.

Dutifully daily, Tinubu signs appointments, he instigates rebellion in enemy camps and inspires defections; he whispers resignations. His Imperial Majesty does unimaginable things and gets away with them with uncommon success. Yet we say Nigeria will defeat him in 2027. From the first shot in 1999, the man was clear what he wanted to do with the farm put in his hand. He has since grown strong to become a master of confounding abstraction: positioning, counter-positioning. Sometimes he fights in calculated silence. You remember that saying about the dude whose soup plate is a buffet of lamb and ram parts; the man who eats his pounded yam with relish, mounts his horse in daytime and his woman at night. Yet they say we should ignore him because he is not well. Who is not well? What he does is not a definition of insanity. That is not stupidity; it is cold steeze. His sneeze is a chill jitter. To defeat him, you need extra, extra work – and a surfeit of ‘sense’.

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MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: Òkòlò, Our President’s Mad Lover

Let us examine this: Rauf Aregbesola plays his politics with plenty, plenty songs of battle (orin ote). Sometimes he sings the songs and his fans dance; some other time, you see his followers take the lead while he follows with electrifying dance steps. Such a lively politician. There is a particular song from his talking drummers that I hold to: “Ení máa bá e s’òsèlú o, á ní sense t’ó pé…(anyone who wants to engage you in politics must have very good, adequate sense).” I take that song as not an ordinary blab of the bard. I take it to heart as both a warning and a war cry. ‘Sense’ in that song should be read as wile and guile varnished with mountains of money and might. Every politician from Lagos School of Politics lives by that song and is certificated in its foundational philosophy. Yet, all of them, including Rauf Aregbesola, are mere students. The school principal is Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the pilot of our imperial presidency.

The Sage of Chelsea, Thomas Carlyle (4 December 1795 – 5 February 1881) was a Scottish essayist, historian and philosopher. Thomas Carlyle saw the world of politics as a chess board with “councillors of state sitting, plotting, and playing their high chess-game, whereof the pawns are men.” Tinubu, today, plays out that allegory with chilling clarity. In just two years of his imperial presidency, he has recreated the political arena, rebuilding it from what it should be, a place of ideals to a chessboard where every defection is a ‘rook’ captured, every resignation a ‘bishop’ displaced, and every silence from the Villa a move made under the cover of strategy.

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Almost all reports that announced the exit of Dr Ganduje as the national chairman of the APC said he was forced to quit by the president. I have no problem with Ganduje leaving the buffet table for another to hop there and eat. Literally, there is no issue in the use and flush of the expendable. What I find intriguing is the normality and the ease with which the ‘democratic’ system opens its door for imperial presidential invasion while we all shout “Hail Caesar”!

Chess is an Indian invention, imported into the Middle East, and exported to Europe by the Arabs. In ‘Chessmen and Chess’ by Charles Wilkinson published in May, 1943, we read of Masudi, a tenth-century Arab writer, who tells us of the various uses of the chessboard, especially “how it served for studying the strategy of war…” It is on the chessboard that you meet the ‘king’ dominated by the stately ‘queen’. “If there is trouble on the board” look for the sly old fox called ‘bishop’. There is also the most eccentric ‘knight’ “who loves a bloody fight”; and then the ‘rook’ who “will beat the ‘bishop’ any time.” There is also there the weak, expendable pawn. I am not a chess player, never played the game. I read all those in ‘Chess Pieces’ authored by David Solway. I found it good for my meditation.

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If I am allowed to bring chess into political commentary, I would set Nigeria down as a board, take the forced resignation of Ganduje, the wave of defections into the APC, and steady-handed President Bola Tinubu as the master chess player behind it all. The man plays chess, not dice; he does not place his hope on luck. What he plays is a game of precision, deep foresight, and ruthless elegance. That is unmistakable chess. With some other blocs, Tinubu created the APC years ago. The party started as a company of many directors. Now, the man is possessing it wholly. He is fast becoming the sole inheritor of not just the party, but the Nigerian state and its blessings. With his ingenuity, he is excising competition, those who may not be happy that he is recreating the party and the country in his own image.

If you don’t play chess as I don’t, watch those who do, or ask them for directions. Ganduje’s fall was a perfect act of the master moving a knight to expose a king. There are many more movements to make, going forward. Check this president’s records since Lagos; his skill at neutralising kings before they rise is topnotch and legendary. And he has not started. The man is just showing us the faint head of the bird in his pocket.

Elephant’s hide that confounds the cobbler (awo erin tíí dààmú onísònà). That is what Tinubu has become. He plants corn of trouble (àgbàdo òràn) in his neighbour’s garden; he sits back and watches if they will dare harvest the corn. When a PDP governor defects to the president’s party today, a senator yesterday, and a whole state House of Assembly follows tomorrow, we all know these for what they are. The defections are not patriotic or spontaneous acts of conviction; neither are they movements of love for the god they worship. The deity also has no feelings for them. They are what chess players would dub precise recruitments for battle; pawns, bishops, and sometimes whole castles brought to the side of the reigning monarch. If you like, keep murmuring or shouting betrayal. That is your headache. My chess teacher tells me all this is Tinubu repositioning the board ahead of 2027, removing weak links and replacing them with loyal sentinels. The APC governors said almost the same thing in their communique on Saturday: The ill health that sacked their chairman is the health of their party.

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It would have been excellent if half of the energy and brilliance we see in all these political actions and movements are seen in the management of the affairs of our country. We don’t see the captain maximally at work; he is, instead, busy playing politics with everything. The nation tanks; businesses, big and small, reel in pains, and the people suffer not lightly. Over 130 million Nigerians still live in extreme, multidimensional poverty. Bandits lock fingers with terrorists and are on the prowl, unrestrained, unrestrainable. Yet, all we see is politics being played with one-hundred percent of attention and resources. Democracy has failed here.

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Social Democratic Party (SDP) presidential candidate in the 2023 election, Adebayo Adewole, in a recent comment scored Tinubu A1 in politics and F9 in governance. “That is a problem because the A1 in politics only means that he knows the political class very well; he knows what moves and motivates them as well as how to recruit them. He sometimes retrenches them, retires them and reengages them because he knows what they want. But I wish he knew what the Nigerian people want, which are basic services, economic stability and security. If he cannot save lives in Benue, Plateau and many parts of the country, then he has failed.” Adewole stressed and added that the only skill Tinubu has in the management of the economy “is the economisation of truth, which basically is what they do rather than manage the economy.”

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Well, I won’t comment on the failure score which the SDP man gave the president – because I want to be safe. But A1 in politics I also score the grandmaster of Nigeria. I salute him.

Thomas Henry Huxley, prominent 19th-century biologist and agnostic, once described the world as a chessboard governed by hidden rules and unseen players. Well, what we have happening before our very eyes in Nigeria is not a game of hidden rules and unseen players. They do not play with masks here. The players on all sides are known and very well too. Huxley said the player on the other side “never overlooks a mistake or makes the smallest allowance for ignorance.” The president is the player on the other side. He has rewritten the rules; his fingers are seen probing every hole. He does not bend and break the rules: the rules bow, bend and break before His Imperial Majesty. And he does not care if the whole world says he is wrong. He must win every game.

On Friday, it was with heavy heart that the house of Ganduje saw their master leave the APC board. The once-useful ‘bishop’ was yanked off the board for the master’s greater control and sweeter win. The Kano man, like all expendable pawns, is out, but the game continues. And the real player is still seated, still calculating, moving the pieces. He is Tinubu, cold blooded like Emperor Shaka, the eagle, watching, calculating while his enemies counter-calculate. The grimmer the play, the more pleasurable to watch. That is where the good news is for watchers like me, and for popcorn makers. The board is resetting for 2027. Be attentive. I am.

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