Popular controversial singer Speed Darlington has called on President Bola Tinubu to reform the Nigerian Police Force, urging the government to prioritise citizens’ rights alongside economic growth.

In a video posted on Saturday, the entertainer criticised what he described as the police’s systemic human rights violations and oppressive practices.

“Mr President, before you leave office, whether you secure a second term or not, try your best to improve Nigeria. Everything isn’t about the economy!

“There is more to leadership than the economy. See as everybody dey call your name, dey complain. Nobody loves you. Na only the ones you gave work, na them love you. Even your own tribe dey complain about you,” he said.

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The singer, who identifies as Igbo, urged Tinubu to engage with the Inspector-General of Police and implement reforms.

“As an Igbo man, the advice I can give you so people will know your name and remember you for something good is to reform the police. Reform the police.

“The Nigerian police is an oppressive agency rooted in human rights violation. As a matter of fact, if they do not violate you, it’s as if they are not even doing their job.

“The idea of arrest before investigation is a pure human rights violation. You arrest and hold a person before you dey investigate,” he added.

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Darlington also recounted his personal ordeal with law enforcement, highlighting the system’s abuse of power.

“I was held for two months after the judge had ordered my release. FID held me for two months. According to my lawyer, the Nigerian law gives only 28 days for investigation.

“They held me for two months. What is the extra month for? Because they can. If you give them money, they oppress your enemy. I have experienced it,” he said.

The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has issued a 7-day ultimatum to President Bola Tinubu, urging him to halt the “patently unlawful and unconstitutional” salary hike for political and public office holders, including the president, vice-president, governors, their deputies, and lawmakers.

In a letter dated August 23, 2025, and signed by its Deputy Director Kolawole Oluwadare, SERAP condemned the proposed salary hike for President, govs, lawmakers as a “gross misuse” of the powers of the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC).

The organisation argued that the RMAFC’s constitutional mandates do not give it “unrestrained powers” to arbitrarily increase the salaries of politicians, especially at a time when over 133 million Nigerians are impoverished.

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The RMAFC Chairman, Mohammed Bello, had on August 18, 2025, reportedly stated the commission’s decision to propose a pay rise, claiming that the current salaries for these officials are “paltry” and have remained unchanged since 2008.

He noted that a CBN governor or a Director-General of an agency earns significantly more than the President, who currently earns ₦1.5 million monthly.

SERAP, however, countered this, stating that the proposed increase is not only unjustifiable but also an affront to the Nigerian people.

The organisation reminded President Tinubu of a judgment by Justice Chuka Austine Obiozor, which directed the RMAFC to review downward the salaries and allowances of members of the National Assembly to “reflect the economic realities in the country.”

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SERAP also highlighted that the RMAFC has a constitutional duty to balance the interests of marginalized Nigerians against the interests of political office holders.

The advocacy group warned that if its demands are not met within seven days, it would “take all appropriate legal actions to compel your government and RMAFC to comply with our request in the public interest.”

SERAP also noted that while it supports an upward review of salaries for Nigerian judges, the current proposal for politicians is insensitive and unconstitutional.

By Festus Adedayo

A few weeks ago, an outburst of then aspirant for Nigeria’s presidential office, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, marked his third anniversary. On June 2, 2022, in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital, Tinubu bit the bullet in what has now become an epochal ad-lib commentary. In a retort to attempts to deny him the Nigerian presidency, he had said, “Èmil’ókàn, e gbékinníyìíwá” – It is my turn, bring this thing. At a meeting with Ogun State governor, Dapo Abiodun, as well as leaders and delegates of the APC at the presidential lodge, Ibara, Abeokuta on that same day, Tinubu rained subtle invective on Muhammadu Buhari, Nigeria’s then sitting president. He had come to meet the party’s delegates in Abeokuta ahead of its presidential primaries slated for about a week to that day.

Like Sango, the Yoruba god of thunder, lightning and fire or an enraged cobra, Tinubu spat out the magical words. “If not for me who stood behind Buhari, he wouldn’t have become the president,” he began, in an audacity many believe was sterner than Barack Obama’s. “He tried the first time, he fell; the second time, he fell; the third, he fell… He even wept on national television and vowed never to contest again but I went to meet him in Kaduna and told him he will run again. I will stand by you and you will win, but you must not joke with Yorubas and he agreed. Since he became the president, I have never got ministerial slots, I didn’t collect any contract, I have never begged for anything from him. Èmil’ókàn, e gbékinníyìíwá”; it is the turn of Yoruba, it is my turn.”

Anyone in alignment with the Nigerian political barometer of this period in time would know that, as at the morning of June 2, 2022, Tinubu was not in the reckoning of the powers-that-be for a Buhari successor. For his presidential dream, in the words of immortal Nigerian nationalist, K. O. Mbadiwe, the come has come to become. Or better put, from the tone and timbre of Fela Anikulapo-Kuti’s saxophonist, “réré (ti) run” – a political calamity was afoot. Shortly after the outburst, however, what was thought to be a speech fiasco morphed into a catapult that shot Tinubu up. In spite of his visible opposition to his candidacy, Buhari almost instantly got sucked into it, inexplicably. You could feel the grudge and reluctance in Buhari thereafter. The gang-ups against Tinubu thereafter melted like ice in the sun. Not long after, a major stumbling block, Godwin Emefiele’s Naira re-denomination, fell face flat on the floor. Before you could say Jack, what was thought to be Tinubu’s baggage became his greatest wattage.

What actually transpired in Abeokuta that day? Scholars have since then subjected that audacious and epochal Tinubu statement to different analytical studies. Was it a pure biting of the bullet? A daring Tinubu owns its patent since he hopped into third republic politics? Or, was it an omnivorous appetite for things magical that many claim cannot be divorced from Tinubu’s politics? After all, Yoruba say a child’s behavioural manifestation propels him to seek anti-machete protection charm (Ìwàomol’óńmúomo se òkígbé). In other words, was that Abeokuta statement a product of unscience and metaphysics (òògùnab’enugòngò), a flavour that has been known to be part and parcel of African politics?

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In April 2024, during the beginning of the travails of former Kogi State governor, Yahaya Bello, a similar pronouncement, thought to have spiritual implication, went viral in a video. It had an enchanter recite an incantation with utmost fury. It went thus: “River Niger and River Benue, the confluence is in Kogi State. Except say River Niger and River Benue no come meet for Kogi; if River Niger and River Benue come meet for Kogi, dem no go fit arrest Bello… Dem dey use EFCC pursue am, dem no go succeed o. Dem go lay siege for im house for Abuja… Except say I no be born of Igala kingdom… EFCC dey front, you dey back; you dey back, dem dey front; you dey left, dem dey right; you dey right, dem dey left; you dey centre, dem come there, you jump dem pass!…a lion cannot give birth to a goat…”

Those in the know claim it would be ludicrous to claim that, since 2007 when he left the governorship of Lagos, Tinubu has welded his leadership of Lagos together only with political sagacity and tons of cash. Extra-terrestial intelligence in the form of occult practices, membership of a cult of leadership where allegiances are suborned in blood oaths, are alleged to be interwoven into the much-touted Lagos hold of power. In Africa as a whole, empirical evidence given by practitioners often interviewed to give participant observations of the phenomenon has shown that, while the electorate sees the formal practices of voting, primaries and elections, unseen, chilling, blood-curdling informal recourse to black magic is an unwritten but potent credential of African political practices. So, the question is, does metaphysics influence outcomes of electoral practices? Or put more succinctly, do politicians’ occult and traditional magical practices have any bearing on voter behaviour or electoral outcomes?

Of a truth, science has denounced the validity of the above reasoning. Austro-British philosopher of language, Ludwig Wittgenstein, was one of those who rubbished it. In his Tractatus which contained criticisms of traditional metaphysical investigation like the Èmil’ókàn outburst, Ludwig considered such as “abstract speculations” and meaningless linguistic confusion. He even said that such engagements were “metaphysical chatter(s)”. It must be said that three centuries before Wittgenstein, that is the seventeenth century, were a period in which philosophy and science could not be sharply demarcated from the occult. There, occult and reason existed side by side.

To thus think that Nigeria’s electoral politics is solely what transpires in the physical will be naivety of the highest order. In my little interface with politicians in southern Nigeria, I can confirm that there is a spiritual dimension to political leadership. Indeed, there exists a seeming incestuous relationship between politics and spirituality, especially rituals. It exists in northern Nigeria as well, solely cobbled together by the marabout system brought into Nigeria by hermitic and itinerant North African Islamic Malams. Because elections and electioneering are seen as war, Nigerian politicians visit spiritualists to fortify themselves with Òkígbé, a charm perceived to insulate them from piercing machetes, guns and machinations of political adversaries. With Òkígbé, it is said that someone thus fortified, if inflicted with machete, the metal breaks into two.

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In southwest Nigeria, guests visiting homes of politicians where a mass of people throng will not fail to notice grains of millet and corns splashed on roads. They are rituals which are believed to attract a motley crowd to the sides of the politicians. Those in the know also say that, as we gravitate towards the 2027 elections, there will be a spate of ritual murders known to be handiwork of politicians in need of human parts to aid their political ambitions. Non-politicians also engage in it. When you go to road junctions where three footpaths meet (orítaméta) in the southwest, you cannot fail to see ritual offerings in calabashes which are many times spiritual electoral interventions. Election times are periods rituals, libations and incantations reign. Effigies of political opponents are sometimes also made, on which are poured frightening incantations. The belief is that such political opponents are caged and their political destinies padlocked. Nigerian politicians also visit spiritualists, either the Christian variant, the Islamic-flavoured ones or traditionalists.

In earlier pieces I did, both on September 26, 2021 and April 28, 2024, with the headlines, “Nigeria’s huge market of blood and human sacrifice” and “The marabouts of Yahaya Bello”, respectively, I explored the themes of magical and ritual practices as a pervasive phenomenon in power relations in Nigeria. I stated that this affirms that when complicated issues and challenges of life confront Nigerian politicians, they quickly run to their traditions and origins. These syncretic practices do not affect their worship in church on Sunday nor mosque on Friday. This equally demonstrates the ease with which politicians momentarily throw away their Christian and Islamic cloaks to hold on to the utilitarian purpose that magic and sorcery serve them.

Cannibalism of ritual practice isn’t strictly African as empirical documentation confirmed that during the trans-Atlantic trade, European cannibals were also on the prowl seeking the succulent fleshes of Africans to make delicacies. Andre Donelha, a Cape Verdean, who travelled in Upper Guinea from 1574 to 1585, recalled how the Mane, invaders who operated during the first half of the sixteenth century, attacked the Western coast of Africa from the eastern flank and “(ate) human flesh at any time and while at war, even that which belongs to one of their own nation. When they make war, the conquerors eat the conquered.” In fact, the Manes were reputed to bear the grisly and cruel name of Sumbas which, translated, means “eaters of human flesh,” a practice which Walter Rodney explained was “for courage and ferocity.”

Christianity and Islam have sought to wipe out blood oath, human sacrifice and cannibalism to no avail. The Ogboni itself was a recipient of this rout in 1948 in Oyo by Alaafin Raji Adeniran Adeyemi II, a pious Muslim monarch, who sought to de-link the palace from ancient voodoo practices. Hitherto, the palace held a great link to and derived its existence from the immense powers of the Ogboni fraternity.

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Though a great attempt is made by the present cyber age to delink secret cults from the operations of society, they flower greatly among African elite, especially among political power cabals who run to them for metaphysical shields at moments of existential turmoil. Indeed, judges, politicians, lawyers and many leaders of societies are said to belong to these fraternal secret cults, all in the stampede for power and protection against inclement weathers of life. Pastors, Imams and many society leaders are said to be card-carrying members of the cult.

The question to ask is, how then do political leaders who take this syncretic path of rituals to power bear any allegiance to the electorate? It is believed that many of them, rather than to the electorate, show gratitude to leaders of cult groups, Babalawo, Pastors and Imams after their victory. So, what is the scale of harm of this practice on Nigerians?

Students of philosophy and traditional African religion would need to help us situate Tinubu’s June 2, 2022 outburst which culminated in the world-renowned phrase, “Èmil’ókàn, e gbékinníyìíwá”. To be where he is, did Tinubu have a dalliance with the elderly who are known to be spiritual leaders of his domain? Having hailed from a core Yoruba area of Iragbiji in Osun State, nobody needs to teach Tinubu the potent powers of autochthonous Yoruba people’s spiritual powers. For anyone who understands the lingo of the coven, the phrase “Èmil’ókàn, e gbékinníyìíwá” sounds more like an incantation ritual than the outburst of an enraged politician. It is almost synonymous with the chant, “Agbe, bring goodies to me,” Agbe, being a bird known in English as the Great Blue Turaco, a vibrant, culturally significant bird among the Yoruba which has blue plumage.

I have heard a sprinkle of scholars and practitioners say that the talismanic effect of that Tinubu outburst removes it from the ordinary. So, was it science, unscience, Realpolitik or spiritual politics that brought Tinubu to power? Did he, in 2023, realizing the eternal wisdom in the native Yoruba wisdom which says, if you do not have what elders fortify themselves with, you would remain a suckling, (B’á ò nínnkanàgbà, bíèwelàárí) decide to use what he had to get what he needed.