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Adeleke: Crime Cannot Dethrone Apetu And Enthrone Oluwo

Tunde Odesola
In April 2025, woe wore a wear of shame on the Apetu of Ipetumodu, Oba Joseph Olugbenga Oloyede, in faraway United States, when he was indicted in a multimillion-dollar fraud case. Before his arrest and indictment, Oloyede, like the tail of the squirrel, swished his royal horsetail as he ate some American banana. Enveloped in the sweetness of the ripe banana, Oloyede unknowingly stepped on the tail of a coiled cobra by the banana tree, tragically setting off the trigger.
Blind to crown, deaf to creed, dumb to pedigree – the American legal system – silent but watchful, snapped p-a-a-h, its jaws slamming shut on Oloyede’s neck in a brutal metallic bite. “Ikún n j’ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀, ikún rèdí, ikún o mọ̀ wípé ohun tó dùn ma ń pani”.
Fast-forward to August 26, 2025. Nigerian cyberspace convulsed with a screaming headline, “Osun monarch jailed four years in US for $4.2m COVID-19 fraud.” The report, published in The PUNCH, was shocking. It was shocking to those who mistake the inevitable for surprise, like the case of a foolish husband running helter-skelter for financial help to buy baby care products when his wife gave birth after a nine-month pregnancy. Anyone who had followed the story since April knew that the August sentencing was a punitive arrow hitting the bull’s eye. By then, the concrete mix of justice poured in April had simply solidified by August.
You need no ‘kalokalo’ prophets or roadside imams or ‘sakamanje’ babalawos to foresee the gathering storm about to sweep off the Apetu throne. In America, justice is cheetah-fast. In Nigeria, justice is snail-slow. Oloyede mistook America for Nigeria and ended up in the belly of justice.
What did Alayeluwa Oba Oloyede steal? Kinni kabiyesi gbe gaan? Oloyede looted COVID-19 emergency funds created for struggling businesses, conspiring with one other criminal, Edward Oluwasanmi, to submit fraudulent applications for loans which were made available through the US Small Business Association (SBA), under the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act. In April, the Igbakeji Orisa pleaded guilty to wire fraud and tax fraud charges linked to a pandemic relief scam, which siphoned over $4.2m stimulus funds. Colleagues and townspeople thought that the àkàrà the Ori Ade was eating his pap with was tucked under the leaves enwrapping the àkàrà. No one suspected that the king was using a sickle to reach high tree branches outside his arm’s length. Ohun ọwọ́ mí ò tó, mà á fi gọ̀ngọ̀n fà á.
Before his enthronement as the Apetumodu of Ipetumodu in 2019, Oloyede, a chartered accountant and tax consultant, had worked with First Bank and Lead Merchant Bank in Nigeria, and relocated to the US in the late 1990s. In the US, he served as an adjunct professor at Indiana Wesleyan University and the University of Phoenix. Then, one night, greed knocked on the door of his heart, entered and showed him COVID-19 emergency funds. As Joseph the Dreamer resisted Potiphar’s wife, Joseph Oloyede could not resist the pounded yam and egusi served by greed.
Subsequently, Judge Christopher Boyko of the US District Court for the Northern District of Ohio sentenced him to four years and eight months in prison, ordering him to pay $4.4m as restitution and forfeit his Medina mansion on Foote Road, Ohio. After imprisonment, the 63-year-old Oloyede will serve three years of supervised release, which means he will not be able to travel outside the US while on supervised release. And, going by the tone of the current US immigration policy, Oloyede, a naturalised US citizen, is most likely to lose his American passport after serving his term.
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On August 26, 2025, the day Oloyede received four sets of orange-coloured prison uniforms at the Federal Correctional Institution, Elkton in Lisbon, Ohio, alongside basic undergarments, footwear and bedding, I took to my Facebook account @Tunde Odesola, and predicted, “Expectedly, the Apetu of Ipetumodu, Oba Joseph Oloyede, would be dethroned. The Oluwo of Iwo, Oba Abdulrashidi Adewale Akanbi, should also be dethroned because what is sauce for the goose should be sauce for the gander. Oluwo is an ex-convict in the US. He was slammed with two lifetime bans – to never enter the US. Osun State Governor, Asiwaju Ademola Adeleke, over to you.”
On Monday, May 11, 2026, worried by what was suspected to be a tactical delay by the Osun State Government to keep the throne vacant till the return of Oloyede from prison, I called on two persons in Osun to put the issue in perspective. The first person I called was a respected friend and honourable son of Ipetumodu. The second person I called, a top government official, was also an esteemed friend, renowned for a large dose of wit and wisdom.
At the end of our separate discussions, I told both of my friends that I was going to take the Adeleke government to the cleaners in my column on Friday, May 15, 2026. The government official friend gave me reasons for the delay in announcing the dethronement of the Apetu, citing legal and communal bottlenecks, adding that efforts were afoot to declare the throne vacant. My son-of-the-soil friend thanked me for sounding him out on the issue and wished me well in my writing endeavours. I also called a colleague who is close to both the Apetu and the community. So, the die was cast! I started to map out a mental graph of the article.
Alas, a few hours after I discussed with the three personalities, the Osun State Government announced the dethronement of Oloyede! My colleague sent the ‘breaking story’ to me. Ha! Is this a joke? I ran a quick check, and it was true. The dethronement is true. Was it painful that a game was snatched from my jaws? No. Was I happy? Yes. I was happy that the Adeleke government did the right thing, though late. Going by the threats by many indigenes of Ipetumodu, who have vowed not to vote for Adeleke in the governorship election coming up in three months, one is tempted to believe that the belated dethronement was a political stroke to gain the votes of Ipetumodu people. On the other hand, however, it took courage on the part of Adeleke to smash the calabash of a friend’s royal house, risking political antagonism three months before a historic election.
In the spirit of equity and fairness, a Yoruba translated proverb says, “The chieftaincy title that is due to the Iwo community will also be due to Ede.” On this note, I humbly call on Governor Adeleke to revisit the criminal cases of the Oluwo of Iwo, Oba Abdulrosheed Adewale Akanbi, in the same United States of America, where he was jailed and deported. When the Englishman, in his intelligence, looked at the cases of Apetu and Oluwo and said, “What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander,” the Yoruba man, in his wisdom, responded, “Kò sí bí ọ̀bọ ṣe ṣe orí, tí ìnàkí ò ṣe.”
Running a banner headline, “Royal Exclusive: Harry and conman Nigerian king (Oluwo) twice deported from US,” British tabloid, The Mail on Sunday, in its May 19, 2024 edition, splashed the picture of the Oluwo of Iwo and Prince Harry on its cover, calling Akanbi a criminal, who wangled his way from being a fraudster to the royal stool of Iwo.
The headline and story of The Mail on Sunday were less acidic than that of The SUN, another British tabloid, which screamed, “Dodgy Royal: Nigerian king (Oluwo) who Harry called his ‘in-law’ is CONMAN jailed and deported after trying to cash stolen £247k cheque,” with the rider, “The Funky King was jailed 15 months in 1998.”
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Reporting a three-day visit of the 39-year-old Harry and his 42-year-old wife, Meghan, to Nigeria, THE SUN reveals Akanbi had been deported twice from the US and banned twice for life from entering the US.
THE SUN story reads, “But the Nigerian royal (Oluwo) is a convicted fraudster who was twice kicked out of America. He was allegedly first arrested in Boston in 1998 after he tried to cash a stolen cheque for £247,000 from the aviation company Boeing.
“Akanbi posed as a successful businessman called Joseph Pigott but cops were alerted by a suspicious bank teller at BankBoston. The conman (Oluwo) was also charged with forging a cheque for £59,000 using the name Thomas Eyring. He was also reportedly jailed for 15 months and deported to Nigeria in April 1999.
“His £1,500 fine was waived ‘because of an inability to pay’. Despite being banned from re-entering the US, he was then said to have been caught attempting to cross the border in March 2011. Akanbi was with his then-wife Rakiya Saidu, and young son and claimed they were going to New York to shop. Facing the prospect of a maximum prison sentence of 20 years and a £197,000 fine, Akanbi pleaded guilty. He was sentenced to time served, deported and banned from the US for life a second time.”
Anyone who believes Oluwo has a grain of integrity can get these stories by simply googling the headlines. Akanbi had kept mute despite my challenging him repeatedly to go to court to prove his integrity. I am not alone in calling the criminal Oluwo out; some of his royal colleagues had dragged him before courts on account of his fraudulent activities. In December 2016, the Oluwo of Iwo Oke, Oba Kadiri Adeoye, had dragged him before an Osogbo magistrate’s court, accusing him of forgery. In a 33-paragraph affidavit, Oba Adeoye deposed that Akanbi was unfit for the esteemed position of king.
Akanbi’s refusal to show up in court infuriated Magistrate Olusola Aluko, who issued a bench warrant and said, “I am baffled that the Commissioner of Police has not done his duty. I am also surprised by his claim that he was unaware of the bench warrant. This must be the joke of the century. I, therefore, order him (commissioner of police) to immediately arrest the respondent (Oluwo),” and bring him to court on January 6, 2017.
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Aluko’s order was sequel to another bench warrant made by an Iwo magistrate’s court headed by Mr I. Omisade, against Oba Akanbi, who sent one of his chiefs and a letter of apology to Aluko’s court on the following date of hearing, claiming he was indisposed.
Also, the Agbowu of Ogbaagba, Oba Dhikrullah Akinropo, had dragged Akanbi before another Osogbo magistrate’s court headed by Mr Olusegun Ayilara, alleging that the Oluwo was unfit for the position of king. This followed an alleged physical assault on the Agbowu by the Oluwo in 2020, but the Oluwo denied assaulting his colleague.
In June 2024, a leading anti-corruption and human rights group, Human and Environmental Development Agenda, called on Governor Adeleke to investigate Oluwo’s alleged criminal records, with a view to protecting the sanctity of the Iwo royal stool and the integrity of the Iwo community. A letter signed by HEDA’s chairman, Olanrewaju Suraj, said it behoved the state government to raise a special panel to investigate the criminal allegations against Akanbi.
In clear terms, HEDA said, “Traditional rulers are custodians of their people’s heritage and symbols of authority and respect. Traditional rulers must possess impeccable character and be above reproach.”
Oluwo’s continued stay on the throne has many far-reaching implications. One of them is the dangerous signals it sends to the younger generation. It queries the lesson our society teaches when standards shift according to influence. What morals are citizens expected to learn when the law dethrones the Apetu and cuddles the Oluwo, two monarchs whose conduct has been far from dignifying?
Young Nigerians already swim in the ocean of cynicism. They watch fraudsters become celebrities. They see convicted public officials receive traditional titles. They observe corrupt politicians welcomed into churches and mosques with front-row seats and thanksgiving ceremonies. They are confused by the invisible line separating heroes from villains. They are confused by felons who use religion as a tactic to gain public approval. The dethronement of Akanbi will elucidate and revalidate integrity over criminality in our society.
In the days of yore, the throne feared disgrace more than death itself. That was why once a king became an albatross upon the land, chiefs quietly delivered a covered calabash to him — a symbolic invitation to embrace honourable exit or death. Our forefathers understood a simple truth that seems lost on us today: a contaminated crown contaminates the kingdom. The spiritual effect of this is enormous. Only the deep can relate. Governor Adeleke, the Oluwo is a disgrace to the Omoluabi ethos of the Osun people. His calabash needs to be broken. Oluwo must go.
Email: tundeodes2003@yahoo.com
Facebook: @Tunde Odesola
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OPINION: An Agenda For Yoruba Oba, Leaders

By Lasisi Olagunju
On Friday, November 1, 1878, a decisive war was fought in the north-eastern corridor of Yorubaland. History remembers it as the Jalumi War. It was that one-day battle that permanently halted the southward march of the Fulani towards the sea.
One of the bitterest engagements of that war was fought in a place called Iba, a few kilometres off the Ikirun-Offa Road.
I remembered that episode of Yoruba history when the oba of the town, the Eburu of Iba, Oba (Prof) Adekunle Okunoye, invited me to deliver his tenth coronation anniversary lecture last Thursday. We agreed on the topic: ‘Old Crowns, New Worlds: Obas and the Future of Indigenous Leadership in Yorubaland.’
I told two friends about the assignment, and their responses were the same: how safe could that journey be with the Fulani around? They refused to accompany me. I did not find their apprehension amusing. That Osun State community is a shouting distance from Kwara South, with its blisters of insecurity. Imagine bandits from the north invading a gathering of Yoruba kings.
I could have told Kabiyesi that there was another assignment. For a reporter, there is always another deadline and a reason to postpone one journey for another. But then I asked myself whether it was divine design or mere coincidence that a major cultural event was taking place in that community at the very moment the aggressor of the nineteenth century appears to have resumed the abandoned campaign to penetrate and plunder Yorubaland.
Why are armed men from the north ravaging the peace of the Yoruba often without resistance? Why are they killing the old and abducting the young from communities that had known peace for almost two centuries? How have the Yoruba become so vulnerable at a time when a Yoruba man is President and Commander-in-Chief of Nigeria?
Eminent historian Professor Banji Akintoye, in ‘The Yoruba People: Profile of the Foremost Black Nation’ (2022:95), quotes equally eminent Professor Wande Abimbola as lamenting in exasperation, “in elite circles”, that “the British could not, and did not, conquer us Yoruba, but now Nigeria is conquering us.”
Professor Abimbola’s observation deserves careful reflection. I read it through the lens of the fourteenth-century North African thinker, Ibn Khaldun. In his Muqaddimah, Khaldun argues that every successful society carries within itself the seeds of decline. He calls the force that makes a people great ‘asabiyyah’ —group solidarity, social cohesion and a shared sense of purpose. It is this collective spirit that builds civilisations and sustains them through adversity. It worked for the Yoruba generations that fought the Fulani wars of the 19th century.
Yet prosperity and comfort can gradually erode solidarity. Men who inherit power often forget the hardships through which it was won. A further reading of Ibn Khaldun tells me that as asabiyyah weakens, societies become vulnerable to more cohesive, more determined challengers. Dynasties, Khaldun warned, have life cycles just as men do. The question confronting the Yoruba today is whether the insecurity engulfing their homeland is merely a failure of the Nigerian state or evidence of a deeper erosion of Yoruba asabiyyah.
In the past, a full Oba River was never an excuse for turning down the oba’s invitation. Now, something worse than a full, furious flood stands on the way of the Yoruba traveller. Should it be so bad that in the 21st century, there would be a part of the fatherland that a citizen would be afraid to go? In Yorubaland, offspring of the house does not knock before crossing the threshold; besides, a child should never dread his father’s home. So, I was there, in Iba, on Thursday to heed the king’s summon.
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The assignment turned out to be more than a lecture. It became an opportunity to reflect on an institution many have repeatedly buried but which stubbornly refuses to die: the Yoruba throne. For more than a century, prophets of modernity have predicted the disappearance of kingship. Colonialism was supposed to finish it. Democracy was expected to replace it. Globalisation was thought capable of making it irrelevant. Yet the palace remains.
But as what? A king without kingship. A ruler stripped of the sword but still burdened with his people’s expectations of protection in a time of war.
The lecture and the discussions in Iba were not merely about the past. They were also about the anxieties of the present. There were about forty obas at the event. I looked at them; they asked questions, I answered. We looked at one another. We found no magic with which to retrieve the peace of the past. It is gone.
A friend who hailed from Ogbomoso agonised over the recent mass kidnap of kids and teachers in her homestead. She sent me a staccato of messages conveying her fears and frustrations. She recalled what she encountered in that part of Yorubaland four years ago:
“I was in Ipapo in Oke Ogun, in 2022 for a research on the farmer-herder crisis. The town itself had about 70 per cent Hausa-Fulani population and the Yoruba residents were constantly harassed by these people. When we tried to have focus group discussions with them, we observed that as soon as any Hausa-Fulani passed, they either went quiet or carefully measured their responses. In the mosque, northerners were at the front and the Yorubas stayed at the back to pray. There was a demarcation. One of us was a Muslim who went into the mosque to pray; he briefed us on what he saw.
“These things had been brewing for long. The warning signs were ignored. What was overlooked has now come full blown in Yorubaland. These towns — Ipapo, Otu, Sepeteri — had always been terrorised. During that research, the only place that was clean of Fulani torment was Igangan. When we got to Sepeteri, the people told us which roads to take, which ones to avoid and the time to travel. It was tales of woe – and fear – throughout.”
Listening to her, I found myself wondering what the old Yoruba political order would have done in such circumstances.
The oba of old handled such situations as war commander. He was a lion. His authority was measured not by the ferocity of his roar but by the peace enjoyed by those under his care. He stood watchful and composed, a steady presence in turbulent times, unshaken when storms gathered over the land. That is why the Yoruba say: “Ibi tí kìnìún bá tọ̀ sí, ẹranko tó bá bá ibẹ̀ lọ kò so ríire.” Where the lion marks with its urine, any animal that passes through the place is doomed.
Such was the authority of the oba. But that was in the past. T. A. A. Ladele’s ‘Igbi Aye Nyi’ tells us of that transition from the substance of power to its abject opposite. The novel laments: Omi lọ ľáyé, pètèpétè l’o kù/ Oba lọ l’ayé, àworán l’ọbá dà (The spring water has gone; mud remains/ Kingship has departed; only its image survives).
One oba asked me how the past could be salvaged? I asked if there had ever been a river that flows backward. The challenge before today’s oba is not how to recover lost political power. That era is gone. The challenge is how to recover moral authority. A throne respected for integrity, restraint and service will remain relevant. A throne converted into a business venture may survive physically but lose its soul.
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I told the gathering of traditional rulers that the oba of the future must be more than a custodian of rituals and of beautiful regalia. He must be a custodian of relevance. He must understand tradition without becoming trapped by it. He must embrace innovation without becoming uprooted. He must be educated without becoming alienated. He must speak the language of ancestry and the language of technology.
I told them the oba must be an instrument of development, cultural renewal and community advancement. He should champion education, encourage enterprise, support social cohesion and serve as a voice of moderation in moments of tension. The palace should become more than a residence; it should become a living classroom.
We also discussed obas and politics.
Should an oba openly participate in partisan contests? I told them no. The oba is a citizen. He has opinions. He votes where the law permits him to vote. But the throne belongs to everybody. The palace must remain a place where supporters of opposing parties can sit together. Once a king becomes identified with one faction, he risks turning subjects into opponents.
Political victories come and go. The throne is expected to outlive them all.
Which brings me back to Jalumi.
If Jalumi was fought to halt an external threat to Yoruba existence, today’s threat is different. It comes on motorcycles instead of cavalry; with kidnappers instead of imperial armies. Yet the challenge remains the same: can Yoruba institutions still mobilise society in moments of danger?
The answer to that question may determine whether the throne remains merely a monument to history or a participant in shaping the future.
It is true that the obaship institution has lived through threats that threatened its existence. But survival alone is not enough. The palace faces a challenge our ancestors never imagined. That challenge is modernity, or what J. D. Y. Peel called olaju.
The danger is not technology. The danger is forgetting who we are. Odò tí ó bá gbàgbé orísun rẹ̀ yóò gbẹ. A river that forgets its source will dry up. The same is true of a people.
The modern oba’s battlefield is no longer the theatre of war. It is the frontier of ideas, organisation, intelligence and community resilience.
The future will not belong to societies imprisoned by tradition. Neither will it belong to societies ashamed of their heritage. It will belong to those wise enough to carry old crowns into new worlds.
The challenges of our age demand more than nostalgia. You cannot fight today’s AK-47 war with yesterday’s amulets. A Yorubaland that will survive the present existential threats must learn to hunt today’s hare with today’s hound. The wisdom of the ancestors remains invaluable, but the ancestors themselves taught adaptation. After all, a river that refuses to bend to the landscape never reaches the sea.
And perhaps that is the real agenda for the oba – and for Yoruba leaders in general.
As we discussed the place of the throne in today’s insecurity, a striking intervention came from the North. The Emir of Argungu, Alhaji Muhammad Samaila Mera, urged district heads, village heads and ward heads in Kebbi State to organise active community responses to banditry. He asked his people to match bandits’ arms with arms, gun with gun. He asked them to cure madness with madness. His point was simple: criminals thrive where communities are vulnerable, fragmented and fearful.
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Whether one agrees entirely with the Emir’s prescription is not the issue. The larger lesson is that a traditional ruler should not be a ceremonial spectator while his people live under siege. He must think. He must strategise. He must convene. He must use the moral authority of the throne to organise society against danger.
That, perhaps, is what the modern oba must become.
The oba of old rode at the head of armies. The oba of today cannot do that. The Constitution has taken away the sword, but it has not taken away the voice. It has not taken away influence. It has not taken away legitimacy. It has not taken away the capacity to bring hunters, farmers, traders, youth leaders, religious authorities, security agencies and community organisations to one table.
My point is that in an age of insecurity, the king must be more than a custodian of festivals and traditions. He must be the community’s chief thinker, chief strategist and chief mobiliser. He must understand the changing realities of his domain, encourage intelligence gathering, strengthen social cohesion and help transform frightened populations into organised communities.
Jalumi was won not merely because brave men fought. It was won because leaders recognised a threat, understood its implications and mobilised society to confront it.
Every generation has its own Jalumi.
The weapons change. The battlefield changes. The enemy changes.
But the need for leadership does not. That is why the future throne cannot afford to sleep, even if the old powers now reside in the pouch of the one who commands troops from Abuja.
Now, a spur away from the oba and their future. If the president has inherited the powers the oba once wielded, should he not also inherit the obligation that came with those powers?
The first duty of government is security. Everything else comes after that. Roads, bridges, rail lines and airports are useful only when citizens are alive and free to use them. History ultimately judges rulers not by the grandeur of their projects but by the safety of their people.
If the old oba was measured by the peace of his kingdom, if he rose and fell with his people’s security, the modern president cannot escape the same test. In a season of fear, protection is the highest form of leadership. The leader who secures his people earns their gratitude; the one who fails is remembered like Alaafin Aole under whom Yorubaland became an empire of refugees.
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Ohanaeze Ndigbo Bans Monarchical Titles In Edo

The Edo State chapter of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide has banned the use of unauthorized Igbo traditional titles such as Ezeigbo, Ezendigbo, Igwe, and similar monarchical designations outside recognized traditional institutions in Igboland.
Addressing journalists during a press conference in Benin, the state secretary of the group, Mr. Emmanuel Ofodu, said the directive follows a resolution of the organization’s General Assembly held on April 9, 2026, which according to him, applies to all Igbo communities in Edo State, the wider Diaspora, and across Nigeria.
He said that the creation or operation of parallel traditional leadership structures outside Igboland is not only culturally invalid but also allegedly inconsistent with a prior court ruling referenced as Suit No. B/290/2015.
Ofodu aɗded that the only constitutionally and traditionally recognized authorities in Igboland have the mandate to confer such titles, warning that any individual or group involved in unauthorized coronations or installations would be acting in violation of both cultural directives and legal pronouncements.
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He noted that the statement also reaffirmed cooperation with Edo State’s established traditional authority, including loyalty to the Oba of Benin, Ewuare II, and other recognized traditional rulers across Edo North and Central senatorial districts.
He urged security agencies, government authorities, and the public to treat any unauthorized use of such titles as invalid, insisting that enforcement of the directive is necessary to preserve cultural order and prevent inter-communal tensions.
He further emphasized that Igbo residents in Edo State should operate under recognized community frameworks, including town unions and the state chapter of Igbo Community Union, in line with broader coordination by Ohanaeze Ndigbi.
Speaking on the nationwide voter registration mobilization, he said the group announced the commencement of a statewide civic mobilisation campaign aimed at boosting participation in the ongoing voter registration exercise conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
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According to the Edo State leadership, “the registration window scheduled to close in July 2026 is a critical opportunity for eligible citizens to update their records, obtain Permanent Voter Cards and strengthen political participation ahead of future elections.
He appealed to all Igbo residents aged 18 and above to register, update their details where necessary, and ensure full participation in the electoral process.
He described voter participation as essential to civic influence, stating that “numbers determine representation in a democratic system” and urging eligible voters not to miss the registration window.
He said that the Ohanaeze Ndigbo s directives on traditional title regulation and voter registration are aimed at strengthening unity, ensuring lawful cultural practices, and enhancing political participation among Igbo residents in Edo State.
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He further reaffirmed the group’s commitment to peaceful coexistence with host communities and adherence to existing traditional and administrative structures in the state.
Speaking also, the state legal adviser of the group, George Igbokwe, said the decision to proscribe such titles stemmed from the incidence that happened in South Africa where some of their sons were taking different titles.
“The message sent to Edo Chapter is to disseminate the information from their last executive meeting where the issue of some Igbo people in the diaspora take the title of Eze Ndigbo or Eze Igbo in their various places of business.
“The Ohanaeze Ndigbo noted that it has caused several problems in Ghana, in South Africa, in Amsterdam and other parts of the world.
“So they have put their feet down in conjunction with the Council of Traditional Rulers of Ndigbo that, that Eze Ndigbo or Eze Igbo or performing the duties of Eze Ndigbo in any form or manner should be totally and permanently proscribed and prohibited”, Igbokwe said.
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World Ocean Day: Edo Coastal Communities Lament Loss Of Fish Species, Others

Fishing communities in the coastal areas of Ovia North-East Local Government Area of Edo State have lamented the disappearance of fish species in their rivers, blaming multinational companies’ extractive activities, climate change, and harmful fishing practices.
They spoke during an event organised by the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) to mark this year’s World Ocean Day in Ekewan community, Ovia North-East Local Government Area.
Participants drawn from Gelegele, Inikorogha, Iboro, Ikoro and Ekewan communities said that due to some harmful activities taking place on their rivers, many species of fish they used to catch 20 to 30 years ago are no longer available.
They added that the few species left now require fishermen to travel long distances before making catches.
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Obon Gardan from Iboro community lamented that crude oil spills in the river, which have persisted for years, have negatively affected fishing activities in the area.
He urged the government to empower fishing communities with fishing nets, engine boats, hooks and other equipment, just as free fertilisers are provided for farmers.
Divine Subotie from Inikorogha community said that although there were some practices among local fishermen that were harmful to fishing activities, coupled with river pollution and climate change, the dialogue had opened her eyes to many issues.
“Until now, I never knew that when we fish in a particular area, we need to allow the fishes some time to reproduce and mature before returning to the same spot to fish again. So, I will go back and tell my community people this. If only they agree to allow such a period of rest, the fish population will grow. This will also benefit us,” she said.

A cross section of participants at the event.
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Regina Awowo from Gelegele community, while appreciating HOMEF for organising the event, urged the government to assist the communities through empowerment programmes and other support initiatives.
Timothy Sibete, Chairman of Ekewan community, described the programme as an eye-opener and urged the organisation not to relent in its advocacy for climate justice and public enlightenment.
He said that before the event, he never knew that some fishing practices were harmful to humanity, adding that the dialogue had broadened his understanding of such practices.
Earlier in his remarks, Stanley Egholo, Project Lead for Fossil Politics at HOMEF and Coordinator of the FishNet Alliance Network, said the significance of the event was to celebrate the efforts of artisanal fishers in the area.
“At the FishNet Alliance, we focus more on artisanal fishing and also kick against exploitative activities by multinational oil corporations,” he said.
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Egholo advocated community-driven government policies, stressing that: “Policies must be driven from the community level. People must make inputs from the grassroots into whatever laws govern our oceans and water bodies.
“It should not just be for governments to make laws that are not community-related and that do not serve the interests of the people. Government must consider community inputs in whatever laws are made to regulate oceans and other water bodies.”
He also called for an immediate transition from fossil fuel extraction to renewable energy.
“That is the solution. Not the false solutions being promoted by some corporations that are also benefiting from environmental degradation,” he added.
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