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OPINION: Benin Monarchy And The Puppetry Of Some Enigie

By Washington Osa Osifo
Colonialism and modern government victimized and diminished traditional political institutions, particularly in great Benin Kingdom, which, in the defence of her sovereignty, fiercely fought against their satanic incursion. At best, the institutions were reduced to collaborative administrative facilitators of colonial mission, particularly in the Northern and Eastern Nigeria. Indeed, Warrant Chiefs were created in the East. Politically independent Nigeria, short-sightedly inherited the oppressive mentality against the traditional institutions and largely retained them as symbolic reminders of our great history to date. The Traditional Rulers and Chiefs Edit of 1979 recently dusted from archival shelf by an unhinged iconoclast and hurriedly being tested by puppetry typifies the perpetuation of an obnoxious colonial tradition. Many of its provisions are at variance and absolutely antithetical to the traditions, values, and heritage of our people. Similar laws may have been operational in parts of the North, West, and East of Nigeria, where monarchical systems were not as matured, sophisticated, and centralized as in Great Benin. Here, the monarchical system is widely recognized and studied as one of the most advanced, sophisticated, and most highly centralized systems globally. It’s complex structures, established way back into obscure memory, have continued to marvel scholars. It is one of African’s contributions to world civilization.
And any attempt to tamper it could only have emanated from the darkest columns in hell. It is as horrific as pulling a sword through the heart and soul of Edo people! This might trigger bloody revolts from the forces of traditionalists and culturalists in Edoland and beyond!
The throne of the Oba of Benin is sacred in the truest sense of the word. The Oba is a godform to any ‘Ovbi’Edo Kpataki’, a true Edo man, and he had power of life and death over all subjects before colonialism.
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He is the centre of the worldview of the people. Hence, a man is called ‘Okpioba’ and a woman is called ‘Okhuoba’. Edo idioms, expressions, and everything significant in the kingdom are named after the Oba.
No where else comes close to this. The closest is the British monarchy, where every political, cultural, and traditional decision or action is done in the name of the Queen or King of England. The process and procedures of induction of Edaiken and coronation of an Oba have been undiluted and preserved over the centuries. Again, it is only comparable with the tradition of the British monarchy with all its symbolisms. The process is highly complex, tortuous, and wrapped in transcendental spirituality. Political leaders have no bearing whatsoever with the process. The official presentation of the staff of office to a new crowned Oba is only symbolic of government recognition. The Oba of Benin, in the worst of times, could reign and thrive within the kingdom with a plate full of spiritual and traditional duties and responsibilities without social intercourse with political leaders. That underscores the independence of the throne of Benin kingdom.
In response to the dynamics of growth and development of the highly centralized monarchical system, Oba Oguola (1280 AD – 1295 AD)created Enogie (Duke)title and Avbiama village was one of the earliest Dukedoms in Benin Kingdom. The title ‘Enogie’ means ‘the one sent forth as representative’. Essentially, the Enogie of a town departed Benin City to live among the people under his authority. As the Oba’s representative, his duty was to oversee the interest of the Palace in the community as directed by the Oba. But if an Enogie falls out of favour for whatever reason, the Oba could neutralize him by dealing directly with the Odionwere, who is the de facto traditional leader of the village or community. The Enogie would, by that action, lose his accreditation and authority. Not only is he not an indigene of the community, but he also does not derive legitimacy from the people.
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The Odionwere and Edion in-Council ( Council of Elders) are the authentic leaders of the people. And they, too, act on behalf of the Oba. It is clear from the foregoing that the question of institutionalizing the office of Enogie as an autonomous ruler may turn the villages and communities into theatres of bloody crisis. It can not find a place in the village or community traditional governance system established from time immemorial.
The leadership of the Edo state government has been caught in technocratic divertimento in the last seven years. Thus, it has been in the character of Governor Godwin Obaseki to abandon the ship of state, preferring to prosecute imaginary wars and enemies with uncommon ferocity. The facts speak for itself; a fierce onslaught against APC in his first term and the PDP leaders in his second term, scheming to castrate and neutralize the legislative and judicial arms of government, power tripping against religious leaders and traditional rulers, scrambling for land not for developmental purposes in the most ingenious but destructive manner etc. These and many more speak volumes of an atmosphere of toxicity that has characterized the state administration. Ordinarily, the demand for fairness and suspension of judgement is compelling but every attempt to build up defensive arguments to shield the authorities of the State government collapses in the face of staggering weight of evidence to the contrary. What is more, Governor Obaseki lacks philosophical anchor and emotional intelligence that ought to fundamentally drive purposeful and visionary leadership and service delivery to the largely distressed citizens of the state. Thus, the toxic and sterile environment that prevails incentivized cantankerous and incendiary elements. At the moment, it is rife in the public domain that the raging fire of the weird contestation over artefacts with the Palace is still smouldering. And then came, the wicked and ill advised refusal to release Palace entitlements for several months. This was closely followed by the so-called proposal to create seven traditional councils in Edoland with all its sacrilegious imputation. And then this; the most vexatious of it all, the court case? All of these, under the watch of Governor Obaseki, who appear to have portrayed himself as cold heartedly vindictive with proven penchant for stoking distractive crisis, particularly so, in grim untested territories. It is far-fetched to regard the events highlighted as mere coincidences. The conspiracy and intransigence of the litigants in the court case, the Enigie, without an iota of doubt, are under the influence and direction of a control centre. It is dramatic puppetry! Call it the voice of Jacob and the hands of Esau.
Contentious royal feuds between siblings and uncles of the king or queen litter the history of monarchies from the ancient world.
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Benin Kingdom have had her share of royal feuds and surreptitious maneuvers in modern times, but they were subdued and well managed with a few crackdowns. The ongoing court case is anything but a royal feud. Rather, it is a vicious and diabolical attempt to undermine the power and prestige of the Benin throne by seeking the balkanization of the Kingdom. The Enigie who offered themselves as tools for this act of sacrilege were myopic and intensely driven by potential financial benefits of the struggle while the fiendish puppet manipulator concealed from them a more satanic mission – to pull down the world acclaimed ancient structures. It is saddening that some Enigie allowed a raging tyrant to lit a match for an apocalypse threatening the Edo nation. The future of Enogie title has been put on the cross fire and uncertain. Innocent generations will bear the consequences of this thoughtless blunder unless the greedy conspirators immediately retrace their steps and embrace acts of contrition. Edo people will stand firmly behind the Palace and defend their pride and identity as symbolized by the institution of Obaship in Great Benin.
In conclusion, it is obvious and must be mentioned again that sections 21-23 of the Traditional Rulers and Chiefs Laws, 1979 and the law itself, are one of the negative vestiges of military rule in Nigeria. It does not reflect our democratic values, traditions, and ethos as these sections specifically contradict and attempt to whittle down the powers of traditional rulers, especially first-class traditional rulers like the Oba of Benin Kingdom. These provisions give unbridled powers to the Governor and his Executive Council to act as “appointees” and “supervisors” to a traditional ruler whose seat, title and authority is traced customarily to his ancestors and the will of his people, and not the stroke of an Executive pen or a tinge of legislative prescription. No traditional ruler, let alone the revered Oba of Benin, deserves to be subject to the manipulative schisms of politicians, masquerading as members of the executive or legislative arms of government The traditional institution and indeed our culture should be insulated from politicians. This can be done not by sing songs or sound bites as the present occupants of Osadebe Avenue are wont to do, but by avoiding the use/abuse of anachronistic Legislations like the TRCL to attempt to whittle down the powers of traditional rulers, reduce the size of their kingdom or bulkanize it. Indeed, in view of this attempt to misuse/abuse these referenced provisions of the TRCL, we call for an urgent review of the law. We recommend a review process that will reflect the cultural values of the people. This is best achieved through public debates in the review process..We are hopeful that this should be the priority of the next government in Edo State. If this is done, no other governor will have the leverage and opportunity to use the same for otherwise altruistic purposes, as we have witnessed in Edo State recently.
Washington Osa Osifo, PhD
Public Affairs Analyst.
News
OPINION Generals, Marabouts And Boko Haram

By Lasisi Olagunju
General Lucky Irabor wrote a book that attracted a gathering of Generals in Abuja last Friday. Irabor, in the book, describes the January 1966 coup as “a shield that became a sword;” a solution that became a problem. He may be right. Bishop Matthew Kukah, who reviewed the book, described the January 1966 coup as the nation’s primary crime scene. I disagree. Nigeria’s real crime scene is located far before 1966. We still have not learnt any lesson.
General Irabor is the immediate past Chief of the Defence Staff. Born 5 October, 1965, he was a baby – three months, ten days old – when January 1966 happened to Nigeria. General Olusegun Obasanjo wrote the Foreword to the book and chaired the Abuja gathering. I have not seen what he wrote in the Foreword but I heard what he said at the book launch. He said Boko Haram was not about politics and not really about religion. So what is it about? He suggested that frustration and lack of “better life” perverted the pervert. He then wondered why terror and terrorism have become Nigeria’s way of life.
There were other Generals there. One of them is the Sultan of Sokoto; he belonged in the Armoured Corps. Another is the Etsu Nupe. Both of them left the army as Brigadier-General. The Sultan said Generals don’t retire. And because they do not retire or get tired, we keep seeing them in our lives beyond the barracks. Irabor’s book launch turned out to be a confab of Generals in search of what eludes them on the battlefield – victory over the collective enemy.
They were there looking for a solution to Nigeria’s interminable terrorism. I watched them and reached for 16th century English statesman, scholar and saint, Sir Thomas More. In his ‘A Dialogue Concerning Heresies’, More wrote a line which became the idiom: “looking for a needle in a haystack.” Our Generals need to interrogate that English clause locked in seven words of frustration. It speaks to their gathering. What they seek they won’t find except they really want to see it.
Irabor’s book carries the title: ‘Scars’ in bold, capital letters of blood. Beyond quotes from the review, I have not seen the book to get what his ‘SCARS’ really talks about. But ‘scars’ as book or as sabre cuts on the face cannot be anyone’s sweet story.
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Bishop Kukah, the book reviewer, said Irabor’s story is about Nigeria’s scars of insecurity; the ugly, unhealed, unhealable wound gashed on our collective face by Boko Haram. President Goodluck Jonathan was there with the Generals; and he got the metaphor right. He said the abduction of Chibok Girls is an everlasting scar on the face of his presidency; he hinted that it was a monument to leadership failure. But is Jonathan the only one with that scar?
Nineteenth century Scottish novelist and essayist, Robert Louis Stevenson (R. L. Stevenson) wrote ‘Treasure Island’, an excellent novel of pirates and blood, hidden treasure chests, death and disappointments. It was published in 1883. If you read more of Stevenson beyond his popular fiction, you would likely come across where he wrote the truth that our “wealth took their value from our neighbour’s poverty.” You would read how this someone who lived and died 131 years ago saw that despite the “free man’s” pretence to kindness, “the slaves are still ill-fed, ill-clad, ill-taught, ill-housed, insolently entreated, and driven to their mines and workshops by the lash of famine.” The passage reads like it is about 2025 Nigeria and its unfed, unclaimed, unclad, untaught children.
I watched the cream of Nigerian Generals, serving and retired, on Friday at that book launch of one of them. I watched them pontificating, one by one, on TV about Nigeria and its scars and I remembered Major-General Sir Thomas Vandeleur in R. L. Stevenson’s ‘The Rajah’s Diamond’, a story in his ‘New Arabian Nights’ published in 1881. Thomas Vandeleur is a General in blind, desperate but fruitless search for his family’s lost jewel. Nigeria’s Generals, like Vandeleur, old adventurers in uniform who once held the diamond of power, have ruled and been ruined by it. The nation’s story, like Vandeleur’s, is one of obsession with that fatal jewel called authority, which brings suffering to all who covet it.
Our Generals are helpless. That is what I saw at that event on Friday. Power has cast Nigeria’s fortunes into the river of defeat; it has left generations searching the muddy depths for the nation’s lost promise. Dethroned by coups and transitions, Nigeria’s power elite always come back as “handsome tobacconists” of democracy, reinvented messiahs and born-again democrats. They trade in influence and illusion; their scars, like Stevenson’s Vandeleur’s, are the marks of past violence disguised as experience, and their continued grip on Nigeria’s destiny shows that, though the diamond of nationhood is lost, its curse endures.
When I get General Irabor’s book to read, I will search for words that define wounds inflicted by bad and absent leadership, by aborted dreams and betrayed hopes. I will look for phrases, for sentences and paragraphs on heists that cut deeper into the nation’s face. I will love to read through its jagged pages of dreams deferred.
I scanned the Generals’ faces and read their lips. The gashes of insecurity, from Boko Haram’s bombs in Borno to herders’ bullets in Kwara, are the handiwork of decades of neglect and decay. The scar of insecurity has become our national birthmark, neither healed nor hidden; its permanence mocks every promise of reform. Obasanjo said at the book event that “Boko Haram is now virtually becoming part of our life. Should we accept that? If we should not accept it, what should we do? How much do we know? Even from the other side, and from this side, have we been active enough? Have we been proactive enough?” If a General and former president asked us those questions, to whom should we then turn for answers? Like Vandeleur’s scar, Nigeria’s wounds carry an ambiguity; they are signs of survival, yet also of complicity, for we are all, in one way or another, marked by a bad story we refuse to rewrite. General Irabor has done very well by writing a book that has provoked a discourse. We wait for others.
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The Generals who spoke were very eloquent on the scars of Boko Haram. Did I not hear excuses for what the terrorists do and why they do them? One of the Generals even said “they (Boko Haram) never said book is haram.” Valuable minutes were spent doing definition of terms. Is that also a solution to the problem? They said so much but I didn’t hear a word from the Generals on the millions of out-of-school children who feed the machinery of terrorism and banditry. Today, Nigeria has an estimated 20 million out-of-school children, the highest number in the world. Read United Nations’ records: More than 60 percent of these children are in the northern states; they are the almajiri; the system is there till tomorrow; entrenched.
Was it not General Obasanjo who wrote in one of his books that “our fingers will not be dry of blood” as long as lice abound in our clothes? I agree with him.
Because we are a dirty, contaminated nation, lice keep laying their nits in the seams of our garments. The line of Boko Haram lice is lengthened daily by mass child illiteracy and adult disillusionment. Our Generals would not acknowledge that the poverty of our streets is both symptom and scar: proof of the violence of neglect and the betrayal of the future. They, and we, still do not see that in every Almajiri begging for miserable morsels of leftovers, the nation’s unhealed wounds find new violence and new weapons.
Then, there is Bishop Kukah’s jarring charge that marabouts have become a substitute for government and governing. He hinted that we’ve outsourced the leadership of the nation to some “blind clerics” somewhere. That statement should strike a chord with all who heard him. But because it is true, all who heard it pretended it was not said.
The Bishop was on solid ground when he uttered what he said. The proofs are everywhere: In August 2015, the Adamawa State government announced that it had earmarked N200 million to engage prayer warriors against Boko Haram. In March 2016, a certain Aminu Baba-Kusa, once a powerful executive director of the NNPC, appeared before the High Court in Abuja with a witness statement and disclosed in it that a total of ₦2.2 billion was expended, not for arms or intelligence, but for prayers, solemnly commissioned to hasten the fall of Boko Haram. The money went out in two waves: ₦1.45 billion first, then another ₦750 million. It was a contract sanctified by faith and sealed by silence.
Nothing that has happened in the last ten years suggests a change of strategy. Marabouts still cash out from a mugu nation and a leadership that worships in unworthy shrines. Kukah stepped on toes; he said the manipulation of religion for politics, using religion to enforce power, has become destructive to religion in northern Nigeria. It took remarkable episcopal courage for Kukah to say publicly that northern politicians use Islam for political cash-out. I watched the Sultan, calm and angry at Bishop Kukah for daring to stray away from the book he was asked to review into a realm angels fear to tread. As the Sultan spoke, the TV man’s camera panned to a defiant Kukah fiddling with a piece of pamphlet.
Speaker after speaker spoke on what they thought caused insecurity in northern Nigeria. I waited in vain to hear the Generals acknowledge that northern children, denied books and purpose, are the soldiers of chaos in Zamfara, Sokoto, Niger and, now in Kwara. In vain I listened to hear the truth from our Generals that today’s violent elements, products of a past of negligence, are proof that unattended scars can erupt again in new forms of pain.
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Our Generals are searching for what is not lost. The spring head of terror and terrorism in northern Nigeria is the wrong religious philosophy which atrophies millions of children. Every child anywhere, including in northern Nigeria, wants and deserves what General Obasanjo called “better life.” A child who has opportunities for self-discovery and development won’t be readily available for employment by merchants of terror. Terrorism will dry out the moment its recruitment market winds up. Educating the street children of the North, and equipping them with the right skills will sound the death knell of Boko Haram and banditry, its brethren. But this is where even the Generals feared to tread last Friday. They were afraid of the clerics in whose hands lie the yam and the knife of power and privileges.
The people who spoke at that event were not up to ten. Several scores of other big men and women were there, silent and quiet, sometimes clapping. They either did not have the chance to be called to speak or they did not want to speak and be quoted into trouble. But, really, what is trouble? Trouble can sneak into the hole of silence. Jeff T. Johnson writes in his ‘Trouble Songs’ that “Trouble may appear in a title and disappear in a song,” and “’Trouble’ may sneak up in a song without warning.”
Trouble is Nigeria, the sick, denying its illness. Real trouble is homicidal or suicidal silence; it is treating eczema when leprosy is the ailment.
So, at the risk of courting abuse and insults and threats, I join Bishop Kukah in urging Nigeria to stop keeping quiet in the face of evil. Enough of saying that you do not want to ruffle feathers or open old wounds. Wounds that refuse to heal should be opened and given the right medicine. That is what heals.
A broken nation, sworn to silence, or to denial of truth, hurtles down a roller coaster of failure. Silence scars with ugly gashes. Screaming within, yet saying nothing out is sickness. The Yoruba say silence is the foundation of misfortune. Speaking out does not mean you will die young, broke and broken. Not speaking out when you have a voice is no guarantee for safety and comfort. Bishop Kukah’s Hausa proverb is the ultimate counsel here: “Not going to the toilet does not mean you won’t be hungry.”
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Group Defends VC Selection At FUGUS, Alleges Sabotage By Petitioners

A Civil society organisation, Kwararafa League for Good Governance has raised the alarm over what it described as a coordinated attempt to undermine the ongoing process of appointing a new Vice Chancellor at the Federal University, Gusau (FUGUS), Zamfara State.
In a strongly worded petition addressed to the Honourable Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, the group condemned a recent lawsuit filed at the National Industrial Court, Abuja, by three academic staff of the university, namely Professors Ahmad Galadima, Ibrahim Garba Zurmi, and Dr. Anas Sani Anka, against the university’s Governing Council and Management.
The petitioners had challenged the Council’s adoption of a minimum of ten (10) years post-professorial experience as requirement for applicants vying for the position of Vice Chancellor, a criterion they argued was designed to disqualify certain candidates.
In a counter petition to the education minister, the Kwararafa League insisted that the criterion was valid and aligns with directives issued by the Federal Ministry of Education and the National Universities Commission (NUC), particularly a pronouncement made by the Minister in May 2025, which emphasises on adherence to this standard by all university councils.
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“It is important to note that for the fact that some universities refused to abide by the directive does not make it legal or constitutional,” the group stated in the petition signed by its coordinator, Samuel Bature.
The group also accused the petitioners of pursuing selfish agenda and attempting to destabilize the institution.
They alleged that the Pro-Chancellor, Hon. Aminu Sani Isaac, may have prior connections to one of the claimants who reportedly received informal assurances of being appointed Vice Chancellor despite not meeting the advertised requirements.
Describing the lawsuit as “baseless and malicious,” the group maintained that the university has operated in full compliance with applicable laws and guidelines, and called on the minister not to recognise or support the ongoing legal challenge.
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“This representation is made in good faith, as a body committed to fairness, justice, and the development of education in Nigeria,” the petition stated.
The League also urged the Minister to direct the University’s Governing Council to take disciplinary action against the trio involved in the litigation, citing their actions as detrimental to the peace and credibility of the university system.
Copies of the petition were also sent to the Executive Secretary of the National Universities Commission (NUC), the President of the National Industrial Court, and the Pro-Chancellor of FUGUS.
As the legal and administrative battle continues, stakeholders in the education sector await the ministry’s response and the final outcome of the Vice Chancellor selection process.
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Oba of Benin Renews Bond With Ancestral Relations, Nigerians During Emorhọ Feast

The palace of the Oba of Benin was agog with activities during the 2025 Emorhọ fest, declared by Omo N’Oba N’Edo Uku, Uku Akpolokpolo, Ewuare II, Oba of Benin as part of activities to mark the ancient Emorhọ, otherwise known as the ‘New Yam Festival’.
Oba of Benin, who reenacted the age-long festival, renewed the bond that exist between him and his ancestral relations from Issele-Uku in Aniocha North Local Government Area of Delta State at the event, which attracted dignitaries, including Benin people, indigenes and non-indigenes across Edo State.
Members of the Benin Royal family, Edionwere (village heads), youth leaders across the various communities in Benin, market women group, palace chiefs, traditional priests and priestesses in Benin, were also in attendance.
READ ALSO:Oba Of Benin Declares Two-week Fasting, Prayer For Edo
A special prayer offered on behalf of the palace by Chief Enorense Ozigbo-Esere, the Osuma of Benin, paved the way for the commencement of the feast, where Secretary to the Benin Traditional Council, Frank Irabor, welcomed guests and highlighted the essence of the gathering.
Speaking in an interview, Oba Ewuare younger ancestral relations from Issele-Uku led by Chief Michael Odiakosa, expressed delight for the privilege to be part of the historic celebration.
He explained the relationship between Benin and Issele-Uku, reaffirming that, “Issele-Uku is an extension of Benin Kingdom. We are all descendants of Benin. So, we are at home”.
READ ALSO:Oba Of Benin Ushers In ‘Emorọ’
“We are in a safe place. We came to celebrate the festival with our father, the Omo N’ Oba, and we are happy to be here”, Odiakosa said.
On his part, 99-year-old Pa. Paul Osarumwense Oyemwen, the Odionwere of Orior-Ozolua community in Uhunmwode LGA who thanked the Oba for the gesture, said the festival is not new in Benin and it’s devoid of sacrifices.
Expressing her appreciation to the Oba of Benin, the ‘Edo markets leader’, Pastor (Mrs) Josephine Ibhaguezejele, noted that members of the group have been waiting anxiously for the opportunity to partake in the yearly festival, while praying God that the blessings of the festival to transform lives.
Also speaking, Pa. Daniel Osunde, the Odionwere of Idumwun-owina, N’ Iyeke-orhiomwon, also prayed for the Oba and thanked the first Class traditional ruler for his foresight.
Excited guests in their numbers were fed with African delicacy, amid dancing and jubilation, while members of Isikhian women group who gave a good account of their stewardship, were not left out in the celebration by the Oba who rewarded them with cash gift and other items in acknowledgement their duties in Benin.
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