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OPINION: It Is Finished

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By Suyi Ayodele

If I were President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, after the Thursday, October 26, 2023, affirmation of my election as the winner of the February 25, 2023, keenly contested and equally controversial presidential election, by the Supreme Court, I would call my diviners and offer them praises. I would call on Títírí lorí ogbo (the aged one). I would summon Bììrìpé lomi okòó dà (the water that drifts the canoe are both ways). I would ask Dídà lomi okòó dà, omi ókò kii yi (the water that drifts the canoe simply waves, it doesn’t overturn) to come in haste. I would remember the day the trio sat on the divination mat for Oodua, whose praise name is Atèwònrò, when his enemies told him that he would never ascend the throne of his forebears. When they all arrive, I would pay homage to the ones who assured Oodua that whether he offered the prescribed sacrifices or not, he would ascend the throne of those before him.

And to my opponents, the very ones who travelled as far as the United States of America (USA), and fought me up to the Supreme Court, I will let them know, the same way Oodua told his opponents that: Sábèé lóró (The people of Sábèé have full arsenal); Tògún lófà (The people of Tògún have arrows). I will warn them that: tí wón bá tún sígun Ìlúbìrin kì wón má ba won lo mó (When next they wage war against Ìlúbìrin – the town of women – they should not participate again). It was a battle badly fought. It was a victory won with blood and sweat. The scars will remain indelible. Generations yet unborn will tell the story. The international community will marvel at our ingenuity. The merits and demerits of the Supreme Court decisions will be topics for future symposia. As individuals, we will have lessons to learn and unlearn. While the bottom line is that a winner has finally emerged and all disputes are settled, the echoes of how we arrived at this stage of our nationhood will keep ringing in our brains.

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Someone asked me what my take-home from the Supreme Court judgement was. I answered by saying that every parent or guardian now has the onerous responsibility of impressing on their children and wards alike that crime does not pay irrespective of the opinion of the highest court of the land. The Supreme Court is the final authority in all legal matters in Nigeria. Its finality, however, does not mean that its decisions on all matters are without human errors. But the court is covered by the very provisions of the constitution which makes it final. Besides, the legendary Justice of the Supreme Court, the late Hon. Justice Chukwudifu Akunne Oputa, recognised this fact when he submitted thus: “We are not final because we are infallible; rather we are infallible because we are final.” One of the cases similar to the Atiku versus Tinubu matter in Nigeria’s legal jurisprudence is that of the 1979 Awolowo versus Shagari matter, where the Supreme Court then, under the leadership of the late Justice Fatayi-Williams, ruled on the contentious issue of what constituted two-thirdsof the then 19 states of the Federation. After the legal fireworks, their Lordships ruled in favour of Shagari and added a caveat: the case must never be cited in future legal matters. Till date, not a few Nigerians believe that the Supreme Court then erred by the calculation that 12 states, and not 13, would make two thirds of a 19-state structure. In his piece titled: “Awolowo vs Shagari- A case of Compromise Between Law and Political Expediency”, M. Olu Adediran, says: “… It was a case in which all Nigerians and in fact the whole world was highly interested. The case further showed the sign of the attitude or toga, the Supreme Court would wish to put on, concerning constitutional issues likely to arise in the second Republic.” That was some 44 years ago.

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The question we may wish to ask ourselves today as a people is: What has changed? The lesson in the final warning of the apex court that its decision on the matter should never be used as future references, to a lay man like me is that the Supreme Court then knew that it suffered human error in arriving at that decision, especially on the issue of two-third of 19. The court, in its supreme decision, threw overboard the expert calculation and opinion by the late Professor of Engineering and Applied Mathematics, Ayodele Awojobi, who submitted that no one could determine a two-thirds majority in Kano without the use of a computer. Interestingly, just like in the present case, the apex court then also held that there was non-compliance with the provisions of Section 34A(1)(c)(ii) of the Decree 1977, which spelt out the modus operandi for the election that for a candidate to be declared winner of an election, he has to have a majority of the votes cast and not less than one-fourth or one-quarter of the votes in two-third of the states in the Federation. In the alternative, the court ruled that by the provision of Section III subsection 1, which provides that non-compliance with part II will not affect the result of the election, it dismissed the case and Shagari was sworn in as the president. Justice Kayode Eso, however, gave a dissenting judgement, which suffered what all minority opinions suffer in the hands of the majority. The rest is now history. But history will always repeat itself, when the lessons therein are not learnt by all the parties concerned.

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Truth be told, there can never be a completely perfect judgement, especially in a clime like Nigeria, where the judiciary is precariously tied to the apron string of the executive. Our judiciary will only be free, fair, and just when it truly gains independence, and is no longer treated as an appendage of the executive arm. No matter how independent-minded our judges and justices pretend to be, if their appointments, or the ratification of their appointments is determined by the head of the executive, the judiciary will continue to suffer mistrust from the public. While no one expects perfect judgment from the scenario we have here in Nigeria, our judicial officers must have at the back of their minds that they owe the people the duty to build confidence in the system. One of the lessons of the Supreme Court judgement in the Tinubu vs others is the fact that our judiciary is not snail-speeded as they have made it to be. What the seven wise men did on Thursday last week is novel in the annals of Nigeria’s judiciary. Nobody has ever given it a chance that a matter could come before our courts on a Monday and by Thursday, it has been dispensed with! When the news broke that the Supreme Court would be delivering the judgement on Thursday after listening to all parties on Monday, many Nigerians did not believe it. But it happened. It did not just happen, all the seven Justices were unanimous in their decision that irrespective of the flaws in the elections, the result cannot be invalidated. Where did that speed come from? Why has it been impossible for the same court to apply the same speed to all other matters that have been before it over the years? One man answered these questions. He is one man who should know, and actually knew what the problems are with our apex court. His name is justice Musa Dattijo Muhammad, Justice, Supreme Court (JSC). He is now retired.

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Until Friday, October 27, 2023, when he took his final bow as a JSC, Justice Dattijo was the second -in-command to the Chief justice of Nigeria, Justice Olukayode Ariwoola. As is customary, a valedictory session was organised for the retiring JSC, who was in service for 47 years, and had attained the age of 70. Against “his will”, Dattijo spoke at the event and what he said speaks to the reasons why cases gather dust on the shelves of our Supreme Court, and possibly the courts below it. According to the foremost jurist, the biggest problem of the Supreme Court today has to do with the composition of the court. Hear him: “The conversation about the diminishing number of justices at the Supreme Court has become a refrain. As I bow out today, the number is further reduced to 10 against the Constitutional requirement of 21 justices. That this avoidable depletion has affected and will further affect the court and litigants is stating the obvious.” Justice Dattijo did not stop there. He spoke to the contentious issue of election petitions and the need to properly constitute the Supreme Court Panel that would hear the appeal emanating from the presidential election petition tribunal, and the governorship elections. The retired jurist lamented thus:

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“We are in an election season where the Election Tribunals and appellate courts are inundated with all manner of petitions and appeals. The Supreme Court is the final court in the Presidential, Governorship and National Assembly election appeals. Yet, there are only 10 justices left to determine these matters. Constitutionally, each of these appeals requires a panel of seven justices to sit on them. When a panel of seven justices is constituted to sit on a particular appeal, only three justices are left out. Even when regular appeals are being heard in the Supreme Court, a panel of five justices is required to sit. We must not forget that the Court, being the highest in the land, receives all manner of appeals from the court below… Again, beside election matters which are seasonal, the Supreme Court’s docket is overflowing with civil and criminal appeals, some of which took many years to arrive. Most of these are still pending. Several have not even been assigned hearing dates.”

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He went to the crux of the matter by submitting that: “To ensure justice and transparency in presidential appeals from the lower court, all geo-political zones are required to participate in the hearing. It is therefore dangerous for democracy and equity for two entire regions to be left out in the decisions that will affect the generality of Nigerians. This is not what our laws envisage. Although it can be posited that no one expected the sudden passing of Hon. Justice Nweze JSC, yet, it has been two years and seven months since the previous Justice from the South-East died and no appointment was made. Ditto for the replacement of Justice Eko JSC of North-Central.” With his exit from the apex court, Justice Dattijo pointed out that “the North Central zone that I represent ceases to have any representation until such a time new appointments are made. My lord Hon. Justice Ejembi Eko JSC who also represented the zone retired on the 23rd of May 2022. It has been a year and five months now. There has not been any replacement. With the passing of my lord, Hon. Justice Chima Centus Nweze, JSC on 29th July 2023, the South-East no longer has any presence at the Supreme Court. My lord, Hon. Justice Sylvester Nwali Ngwuta JSC died on 7th March 2021. There has not been any appointment in his stead for the South-East.” The retiree stressed that there had been sufficient time for the management of the apex court to fill all the vacancies in the Supreme Court and ensure that all the zones are adequately represented as provided for, but it failed to do that. Yet the rule says all geo-political zones must be represented in the hearing of the presidential appeals.

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The seven JSCs who sat on the panel that determined the Tinubu vs Atiku matter are Justice John Inyang Okoro (Akwa Ibom, South-South), Justice Uwani Musa Abba-Aji (Yobe State, North-East); Justice Mohammed Lawal Garba (Zamfara, North-West); Justice Ibrahim Saulawa (Katsina, North-West); Justice Adamu Jauro (Gombe, North-East); Justice Tijani Abubakar (Yobe State, North-East), and Justice Emmanuel Agim (Cross River, South-South). The issue before us is the fact that, as Justice Dattijo openly pointed out, the Supreme Court “deliberately” refused to have a full complement of justices as provided in the statutes establishing it. Could the absence of three geo-political zones (North-Central, South-East and South-West), on the presidential appeal panel that heard the Tinubu vs Atiku matter be fatal to the decision of the Supreme Court in the matter? The answer is hanging in the air. Why, for instance, was there no JSC from the South-West on the panel, when Justice Dattijo said that the zone has three serving Justices? Was it an error of omission, or a “deliberate” act? We may never know. However, Justice Dattijo’s words, to wit: “…Appropriate steps could have been taken since to fill outstanding vacancies in the apex court. Why have these steps not been timeously taken? It is evident that the decision not to fill the vacancies in the court is deliberate” and will continue to assail our consciousness. The retired JSC did not only point out the anomaly, but he also equally did justice to the imperial power wielded by the CJN, who is the alpha and omega as the “Chairman of the National Judicial Council,NJC, which oversees both the appointment and discipline of judges, he is equally Chair of the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC), the National Judicial Institute (NJI), the Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee (LPPC), that appoints Senior Advocates of Nigeria.” When you have an “’absolute CJN’ as we do, presiding over a Supreme Court that has the final say in all legal jurisprudence, we can only seek solace in the bosom of the Creator, who is the Ultimate Judge. Consummatum est – it is finished!

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JUST IN: 50 Abducted Niger Catholic School Students Escape, Reunite With Families — CAN

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At least 50 students kidnapped at the St Mary’s Catholic School, Papiri, Agwara local government, Niger State have reportedly escaped and reunited with their parents, bringing hope to families of the abducted victims.

Recall on November 21,2025 armed bandits stormed the school and abducted 303 students and 12 teachers bringing the total to 315.

The state Chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) Rev. Bulus Dauwa Yohanna who is also the Proprietor of the school and Catholic Bishop of Kontagora Diocese gave the update in a statement issued by his Media Aide, Daniel Atori in Minna.

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The chairman explained that the pupils escaped between Friday and Saturday and have reunited with their parents as they could not return to the school after they escaped.

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“We were able to ascertain this when we decided to contact and visit some parents.

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” This is to notify the public that, as at Sunday 23rd November, 2025 we have received some good news as fifty pupils escaped and have reunited with their parents. We were able to ascertain this when we decided to contact and visit some parents, ” the statement disclosed”

“For the records, we now have Primary 251 pupils, 14 Secondary students and 12 teachers still with their abductors”.

”In the primary section out of the total number of 430 pupils we have in the school, 377 of them are boarders and the remaining 53 others are non boarders”

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“Currently, aside from the 50 pupils that escaped and have returned home, we have 141 pupils who were not carried away. As it stands now, we have 236 pupils, another 3 children who belong to our staff, 14 Secondary students making a total of 253 children including 12 members of staff with the abductors, ” the CAN chairman stated.

The cleric called on everyone to remain calm and prayerful as he assured of continous active collaboration with security operatives, community leaders, government and relevant authorities for the safe and quick return of all abductees.

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As much as we receive the return of these 50 children that escaped with some sigh of relief, I urge you all to continue in your prayers for the rescue and safe return of the remaining victims, ” Bishop Yohanna added..

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OPINION: The Girls Of Chibok, Maga, Papiri And Our Frankenstein

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By Festus Adedayo

Famous Ogbomoso, Oyo State-born bard, Foyanmu Ogundare, had some words for evil spins and spinners. Religionists call these spinners “workers of iniquity”. They are a legion in Nigerian politics. Ogundare popularised this genre of oral poetry called Ìjálá Ọdẹ, traditionally chanted by hunters and warriors. Though a special verbal art of worshipers of Ogun, the Yoruba god of iron and war, Ìjálá is sung by hunters most times at their leisure, upon return from hunting expeditions. In an Ijala chant which he entitled Òré Òdàlè – Betrayer – Foyanmu chanted: “While the liar dies and his legs are buried in a sprinkle of ashes; the evil one, at death, has his legs laid inside hot charcoal, the legs of the righteous, at death, are stretched inside a coffin made of brass.” The bard rendered the poetry thus in Yoruba: “Purópuról’ókús’ójúeérú o/Sìkàsìkàkú, ò nasès’áàrò/Sòótó-sòótó nìkan l’óku sí’núpósí ide.” In this particular poetry, Foyanmu compared evil-doers to “alágàbàgebè” – hypocrites. They are deft and adept at killing and burying their victims, away from the gaze of the world. He, however, reminded them that when they have successfully killed and safely buried their victims, God alone is one who could take the evil shovel off their hands and unbowel their dark secrets. You will see Foyanmu’s poetry in action in Sayo Alagbe’s Ijala: Ogundare Foyanmu (2006).

On the night of April 14, 2014, rumour took over the Nigerian space. On that night, as Islamic jihadists’ trucks and buses forcibly conveying abducted 276 girls from Chibok, Borno State, disappeared into the Sambisa forest, a scary rumour whooshed in the Nigerian air. The girls were aged 16 to 18 and students of Government Girls Secondary School, Chibok. It brings the question, what is the place of rumour in our everyday society? Nicholas DiFonzo and Prashant Bordia, in their “Rumor, gossip and urban legends” Diogenes (2007) say rumour is an “unverified and instrumentally relevant information statement in circulation”. As such, even with power, majesty and Intel reports at his disposal, as the Jihadists ferried the girls into Sambisa, President Goodluck Jonathan chose to queue behind “rumour” as an instrumentally relevant information. Rumour then assumed the place of fact.

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But, what was the rumour of Chibok? That the abducted schoolgirls, mostly Christians and a sprinkle Muslims, were instruments in the hands of Nigerian politicians. But, how? When? Why?

While the All Progressives Congress (APC) was seeking to meander its way into Aso Rock in 2014, it was caught in the web of that rumour. Before anyone could stand in its way, the rumour had spiralled in like a typhoon. Even the maishai hawking hot tea by the sidewalks was sold the hot rumour. It was retailed on every outlet. Deft politicians of the APC were said to have woven the plot like a spider weaves its gossamer. Having brilliantly pelted the sour grape of “lacklustre” and “clueless” on Jonathan, “ineptitude” would finally ram in the last nail on his government’s coffin. America would buy it and APC would coast home to power. The rumour goes thus: enlisting local militants to siphon the girls out of Chibok was a top-notch political masterplan to tar-brush Jonathan. It has been said that the global outrage the Chibok abduction courted, with Barack Obama and his wife becoming willing recruits of the agenda, incinerated Jonathan. Its effect was so massive that, when he got to the polls in 2015, Jonathan was as worthless as a roll of tissue paper. For a very long time, a Big Man in the APC, said to have been handed the job of ferrying those girls out of Chibok, was never in good terms with Jonathan. Now, payday is here.

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Fast-forward to last week. When their projection hits the bull’s eye, Yoruba say, the Babalawo had hardly unpacked his Ifa divination tablet, also known as an OpónIfá, than physical affirmation of his prophecy came to pass. DiFonzo and Bordia’s rumour definition again perched on us like a recalcitrant vulture on carcass. Events of last week earned the epaulette to be saluted as Nigeria’s most harrowing week. Gory occurrences happened in less than 24 hours span from one another. They were followed by high-quality rumours which traveled at the speed of light, bearing cadences of truth. Nigeria’s recent insecurity nightmares, the rumours say, are pay-day for persons in this government who, eleven years ago, gathered to cook a broth of lies with faggots of untruth.

If you saw last week’s viral video of worshipers at a branch of the Christ Apostolic Church (CAC) Eruku in Kwara State, the picture you would get is a prostrate Nigeria, on its knees. When you add that sobering picture to last Tuesday’s story of armed Islamic terrorists’ killing of a vice principal, abducting at least 25 students of Government Girls’ Comprehensive Secondary School, Maga, Kebbi State, as well as the killing of a Nigerian Brigadier-General by ISWAP terrorists, the picture becomes complete. The week was almost ending when another horror occurred. Three hundred and fifteen students of St. Mary’s Catholic Secondary and Primary School, Papiri, Niger State were abducted. So huge is the terror that, in panic, government shut all the 47 unity colleges.

When you dig a trench to bury your enemy, folk wisdom counsels that you dig it as shallow as possible. The nugget of the counsel is that, that same trench may well be your sepulcher. In the wake of the week of palpable agony that was unleashed on Nigeria last week, the Jonathan narrative returned to Nigerian public discourse. It is the narrative of a Nigeria being run by a government that is clueless in taming the shrew of insecurity, but heavy in propaganda. The Obamas have now been replaced by Donald Trump, Ted Cruz and co. as taunters of those who dug Jonathan’s grave. Evil has turned full circle.

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The Eruku church invasion has preyed on the subconscious of the world ever since. Its preying comes with terrifying and terrorising images.

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And then, the bandits stormed the church of God. Sporadic gunshots exploded. It was as if Eruku was Kyiv. When they eventually stepped their blood-stained feet on God’s sacred groove, the mainstreaming cameras caught the innermost recess of their hearts. It was thirsty for the blood of worshipers. Their physiognomy was unmistakable. It was that of our national tormentors, the Fula ethnic group, otherwise called Fulani. Dispersed across the Sahara, Sahel, West Africa and northern parts of Central Africa, South Sudan, Darfur and regions near the Red Sea coast in Sudan, this ethnic group has a sacred bonding that goes beyond the surreal.

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In Nigeria, they are at the pinnacle of power. One of their topmost bloodlines in government today is Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu. So also, was Muhammadu Buhari, who was once quoted to have said in 2013 that “the military offensive against Boko Haram is anti-North”. Former Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai, was also openly supportive of Fulani terror. In a viral video which had him crying and asking for retaliation, Isa Pantami, Nigeria’s erstwhile Minister of Communications, cried that there were retaliatory attacks against insurgents. In another sermon, Pantami called Boko Haram Islamic Jihadists “our Muslim brothers” who were being massacred “like pigs” rather than being accorded the privileges of Niger Delta militants. Under the Muhammadu Buhari presidency, a top official of that government shocked Nigerians when he said the Fula of countries in Africa had the “inalienable rights” to ingress into and egress out of Nigeria. They didn’t need Visas.

Last Tuesday, the Fula tormentors, cuddling menacing rifles like a mother cuddles her newborn, stormed Eruku. They stomped in like an army of occupation. Inhabitants said they got prior Intel of their invasion which they shared with security agencies. The question is, would Fula top chiefs manning Nigerian security hurt their bloodline to appease Eruku ‘infidels’?

So, they struck. Viral videos of their clinical operation showed about five armed bandits. They must have muttered “Allahu akbar” as they killed. Kwara State has confirmed that 38 worshipers, which included the pastor and congregants, were equally rounded up and marched into the forest. But, judging by its contiguity to the southwest, does Tinubu know that the next place to walk into for the Fulani terrorists of Eruku is Yorubaland?

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Twenty four hours before, the terrorists found encore in Maga. Around 4a.m. on Monday, they struck this sleepy town in Kebbi State. It was the Government Girls’ Comprehensive Secondary School, Maga, in Danko/Wasagu Local Government Area that they chose. Maga brings fond memories of Kebbi State to me. Thirty two years ago, I saw caravans of traders, travelling on their mules galloping across the deserts through Yelwa-Yauri, Koko-Besse, Zuru, Suru, Jega, down to Argungu. Maga existed for us in conversations. Carrion-hungry ravens would seem to have polluted the unvarnished peace of Kebbi. When they concluded their pre-dawn raid of terror, 25 students were matched into the bush while the vice principal and a security guard were said to have been shot dead. In an interview, Malama Amina, wife of the slain vice principal, said the Jihadists, who dressed in army camouflage, spoke fluent Fulfude.

If you follow the unleashing of terror on the Nigerian space this past week, its abnormality would strike you firsthand. Was there a choreographed attempt to foist the narrative of an inept leadership? Or Christian persecution? The incongruities are manifest. One is that, kidnap of school students, since Chibok, would seem to have receded. Why is it resurgence now? Second is that, the inundation of the country with about four terrorist attacks in one week cannot be a happenstance. Piling the horrors into one single week raises a red flag of suspicion. At a time when America is firing its tempers at Tinubu from all cylinders, even an incompetent military analyst would confirm that this fusillade of attacks is not organic. In the manner of a recent lingo curated in Ibadan, Oyo State, that went viral, it looks like some persons, sitting somewhere, have chosen to cure past madness or even recent ones, with madness.

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The upsurge of violence in Nigeria by Islamic fundamentalists looks like what Yoruba would refer to as egbìnrìn òtè. It is a complex and endless web of plots, intrigues and conspiracies. In this roller-coaster of intrigues, any attempt to find solution to one plot leads to more plots surfacing. It is comparable to a recurring infestation of disease.

To douse the fire of egbìnrìn òtè requires tact. Nigeria must do three things to wean this repeated violent blood-let off it. First, we must find out what the ideology of Boko Haram and other Islamists is. It is only when we know what makes them tick that we can find solutions to the insurgents’ irritancy. It is apparent that the “book is Haram” philosophy credited to the insurgents’ spiritual leader, Mohammed Yusuff, is no longer the Jihadists’ current ideology. Is the ideology a Fulanization agenda? Is it Islamic? Is it ethnic? These questions become necessary because there is so much Fulanization wrapped round the Boko Haram insurgency which makes prising them apart difficult. Second, in trying to tame this Frankenstein’s monster of insurgency and banditry, the Tinubu government must come clean with itself, just as it must be ready to clean the Augean stable.

For so long, Nigeria has accommodated seeds of destruction within itself like the proverbial foetuses within the gaboon viper, (Oka) which my people believe will eventually kill the snake. In Nigeria’s week of terror, security forces were fingered as enabling the insurgents. Government must clearly identify military barons and their civilian accomplices who see insurgency as business, religion or tribe. Upon identification, it must go after them with the venom of the western taipan, a species of extremely venomous snake of central east Australia origin. Saboteurs are a legion at the apex of power and are agents of the multiplication of the seeds of insurgency in Nigeria. It was this crack that Donald Trump entered in performing his “disgraceful country” showmanship. If Tinubu will, this hour, de-emphasise the politics of 2027 and embrace country, we will not have to repeat this orgy of bloodshed and kidnapping of our children.

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Edo Seeks FG’s Intervention On Land Dispute With Delta

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The Edo State Government has appealed to the Federal Government to, as a matter of urgency, intercede on the land dispute between the state and its neighboring Delta.

Deputy governor of the state, Hon. Dennis Idahosa made the appeal when he led a delegation comprising officials of the state government and members of the Edo State Boundary Committee on a fact finding mission to disputed communities.

A statement by his Chief Press Secretary, Mr Friday Aghedo, said the fact finding mission was part of an effort to ensure peace,

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Idahosa used the avenue to appeal to President Bola Tinubu to use his good office to ensure justice, equity, and fairness prevailed in the areas in dispute.

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“I passionately call on the President to use all necessary demarcation agencies to resolve these lingering issues,” he appealed.

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While suing for peace from the affected communities, Idahosa noted that the state government was determined to protect the territorial dignity of Edo State and that of the people of Orhionmwon.

He pointed out that the Jameson River is a natural demarcation landmark to the disputed Ugbakele boundary Community.

While calling on the state boundary committee to be diligent in their investigation, he stressed that the outcome of the investigation will guide the recommendations of the committee to the governor.

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We decided to ask questions and the history of this area. We found out that this Jameson River is the natural boundary between Edo and Delta States.

‘You can see the previous structures of the AT&P company. This land is clearly for Edo State.

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“We thank the community people and settlers. We plead they continue to maintain the peace pending the outcome of the National Boundary Commission,” he pleaded.

Earlier, Idahosa and his team interfaced with stakeholders and community leaders of Oben, Ikobi, Iguelaba, and Obozogbe-Nugu communities to verify their claims and grievances.

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At the town hall meeting, the communities complained of non-regonition by oil companies operating in the area.

They further decried ceeding of their communal land to private individuals by the immediate past administration of the state without compensation.

The previous government has done injustice to the Edo people by allocating land to investors without having interactive sessions with us,” they noted.

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