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OPINION: Murder And Vengeance In Okuama

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By Lasisi Olagunju

I have a very senior police officer friend whose nickname is Ambush. On the front of my friend’s left shoulder is an ugly scar. At the back of the shoulder is an even bigger scar. I remembered Ambush the day it became known that 17 soldiers were murdered in a community in Delta State. My friend got his scars two decades plus two years ago somewhere in the Niger Delta during a routine police assignment. His team walked into an ambush mounted by militants and a firework ensued. A bullet meant for my friend’s heart missed it by an inch. The bullet whistled into my friend’s shoulder, ripped through flesh and bone and escaped. He was carried off the war field by his colleagues with very little hope of making it. But he did. If he was a Yoruba, he would kneel down and affirm that it was his orí that declined taking that destiny of premature death – his inner head refused to accept fatal ambush.

That near-death experience gave my friend his nickname, Ambush. And he loves being so called.

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I spoke with the officer last week. His first daughter was about three years old and his wife heavy with the second child when he suffered that shot. The daughter has left the university now, top of her class. We agreed that if he had died in that incident, his daughter’s destiny may have been fatally altered. She would not have had any serious memory of the father beyond his being a victim of Nigeria and the career he chose. We agreed that only the grace of God would have saved the child, the unborn and their mum from life’s effective abandonment.

We discussed the Federal Government’s promise to give the 17 dead soldiers a befitting burial complete with national honours. We thought that was highly thoughtful and commendable. But I pointed out to my friend that national honours do not pay school fees. We agreed on that truth and on the truth that tributes do not buy love and do not give the warmth which only a father and a husband can give. We agreed that life can be really ice-cold for widows and children without fathers or mothers or both.

We discussed other incidents that ended more tragically for persons we knew: The Ombatse mass murder of May 7, 2013 at Alakyo, Nasarawa State, saw a militia kill 74 security operatives. We knew one promising young man among the fallen. Many of those wasted souls were married with children. The ones that were not married had loved ones. What has happened to those they left behind? Some anti-kidnapping operatives were ambushed, overpowered and murdered by vandals in Ikorodu, Lagos State in September 2015. One of them was personally known to us. He was part of our team when we were in government. He left a family and a fiancée. Whatever anyone may have done or may be doing to mitigate the loss cannot compensate for the broken pot and the spilt water.

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So, what eventually happened to those who shot my friend? He didn’t tell me. They don’t tell.

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You can’t convince soldiers not to avenge their colleagues’ death. Epe is one of the principal towns in today’s Lagos State. It is a community pockmarked by a fissured history of fights and recriminations. It is a two-in-one town made up of Ijebu Epe and Eko Epe. Thirteen years before Lagos became a colony, there was a case of killing and revenge killing of lead warriors in Epe. Celebrated Epe historian, Theophilus Avoseh (1960) recorded in his ‘A Short History of Epe’ that in about 1848, Epe and one of its neighbours, Makun Omi, had a trade dispute. One of Ijebu Epe’s war chiefs was Balogun Agoro. His counterpart in Makun Omi was a strong man called Nabintan. Nabintan warned Agoro not to come to his side to trade or there would be trouble. But Agoro was like William Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar who thinks himself “elder and more terrible” than danger. You remember Caesar’s famous rebuff of warnings about the Ides of March: “Danger knows full well that Caesar is more dangerous than he.” For Agoro, it was ibi tí wón bá ní kí gbégbé má gbé, ibè níí gbé. Ibi tí won ba ni ki tètè má tè, ibè níí tè… Like importunate Caesar, Agoro put his feet where he was warned not to. He went to the other side to trade in palm kernels and there was a fight and Agoro was murdered.

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The historian wrote that a violent cry for vengeance rent the air in Epe: “The news of his assassination was soon broken to the Ijebu Epe, who trooping out to retaliate, drove and forbade the Makuns from fishing in their creeks. Makun people became apprehensive and as they were reduced to starvation by the measures taken by the Epes, they quickly appealed to Awujale Anikilaya to use his regal office to pacify the Epes. To engender mutual reconciliation and understanding, a date was fixed by the Awujale for the Epe and Makun people to meet at Epe Oju Alaro, Lagbade. During the settlement, however, Balogun Omini (of Epe) suddenly and without warning shot Nabintan dead with a gun. This resulted in a civil war. Omini praised himself for having revenged the assassination of Agoro and named himself ‘Omìní pa ohùn oba dà’ which interpreted means ‘Omini altered Awujale’s order for reconciliation.’ That was how it became a proverb in the town that ‘Ohun tí ó se Àgòrò tí kò bò ní Makun, òun náà ló se Nabintan tí kò bò ní Epe’ which means ‘the thing that prevented Agoro from coming back home from Makun has also prevented Nabintan from returning from Epe.’ The historian noted that the Awujale, who was initially angry at the killing was later pacified. Oba Anikilaya ‘winked at the offence’ and the fugitive offenders ‘returned to their respective homes.’”

Do not kill the Igúnnugún (vulture) of warriors so that you can live to see the year end. Kill the hornbill (àkàlàmàgbò) of the army and die this month. There is always a price to pay for every enemy action directed at soldiers.

Because we are far removed from the experience, some people are making excuses for the mass murder of soldiers in Okuama, Delta State. It takes very horrendous amounts of destruction for a storm abroad to make news at home. Distance is a factor when we interrogate tragedies. The farther they are, the less empathy we feel for the victims. Should it be like that? In my very long years as a reporter covering governors and governments, and in my short years in public office, I encountered and befriended persons across all professions. And, these included civil servants, doctors, nurses, soldiers, policemen, SSS operatives. Some of them have grown old and have retired. Some are dead. Many have grown tall and big and are still in service. They all dote on me and I monitor their career welfare and their personal wellbeing the way mother-hen casts furtive glances at its eggs. Every news of attack on service men or death in active service gives my heart a skip. Photographs and names of the murdered soldiers were released last week. I scanned the faces and skimmed through the names, holding my breath. None of them was known to me but all of them shared the human space with us. They did not deserve that death.

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How should we mourn them? Or how are we mourning them? A gush of regional and ethnic emotions flood our common course. Our partisan reactions question the humanness of our existence. The soldiers who fell were some parents’ sons; some ladies’ husbands; some children’s fathers. Their children no longer have a father to hug them; the kids do not again have a father for them to hug. The dead were brothers to some persons. The courses of those streams of life are altered forever – some now flow inexorably to extinction. It will only be in dreams that things will smell nice again for those families. Yet, we ethnicise the mass murder and conditionise condolence for the lost souls. Some pillory their memory because of the cyclone of their colleagues’ anger.

All through military history, those whose hens break soldiers’ pot of medicine always suffer mass loss of eggs. You heard that young soldier who went online to vow a revenge of the killings? I heard him and felt a chill at the cadence in his carefully chosen words: “We take good things to good people, bad things to bad people. Since you don price, you must collect.” That does not sound like a hollow boast from a lone wolf. If you think it is, scroll back to August last year when bandits killed scores of soldiers in Niger State. The Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, uttered these words in August 2023: “When you have to bury your own, you feel very pained. I call on all commanders and troops all over Nigeria that we must avenge this. Those who did this and those who continue to kill our men wherever they are, we will smoke them out.” The young soldier issued his promise of revenge in poetry; the CDS’s pledge of vengeance was in plain prose. Those who wreaked the latest havoc in Delta should have listened to Musa’s unleavened words of last year. If they had taken heed and followed the word and the law, there would not have been this hackneyed talk about another deathly journey to Odi and a deadly detour to Zaki-Biam.

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‘Revenge in Warfare’ is the title of an editorial comment published on May 27, 1861, by the defunct American newspaper, Springfield Daily Republican. It was in the early weeks of the American Civil War. A unit of soldiers from Massachusetts going to Washington was attacked by a pro-secession mob in Baltimore. The mob killed four soldiers. The newspaper said the Massachusetts troops “were proceeding so peaceably upon their patriotic errand, they had responded so promptly to the president’s call, the attack upon them and its fatal results thrilled the country’s heart, and men could hardly be restrained from taking the task of vengeance into their own hands.” There was a response from the troops, and the walls of Baltimore itself bore testimony to that day of murder and vengeance.

Vengeance and payback are ready companions to incidents of murder. In Yoruba, we say Akóda oró, kò dàbí àdágbèhìn – vengeance is always meaner than the original act of wickedness. You may call it retribution or reprisal or payback. If you like call it anything. All the wounded desires is to smash the thick walls of the enemy. A Second World War Soviet writer for the army wrote about why Germany must suffer fire. “When you walk through streets in the smoke of a conflagration, there is no pity in your heart. Let it burn – it is not a pity! I do not feel sorry for houses, I do not feel sorry for things. I do not feel sorry for the city. We have no pity left for Germans. Payback has come to Germany. May the robber’s nest become ashes and decay. Let them! Not a pity!” Whether in Russia or in America or in Nigeria, soldiers think that thought for whoever is the enemy that has visited them with death. It didn’t start with modern armies.

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The Warrior Ethos governs the conduct of soldiers. It has done so from Achilles to today, coast to coast. Americans have formalized the Ethos into four pledges: “I will always place the mission first. I will never accept defeat. I will never quit. I will never leave a fallen comrade.” Not leaving a fallen comrade is at the heart of the present ‘war’ in the Niger Delta. And, if the military are not yielding the space to our pleadings for kindness and forgiveness, it is because the officers and men know as Prussian General, Carl von Clausewitz (1780-1831) observed in his ‘Vom Kriege’ that in the dangerous business of war, “the mistakes which come from kindness are the very worst.” So, if the air is presently heavy from Delta to Bayelsa in pursuit of the killers of our soldiers, the forces expect us to understand.

But, I join in pleading with the military. If they stay too long in that space, grass may start growing under their feet. More importantly, the innocent should be spared from sharing in the fate of the sinner. Indiscriminate recriminatory operations won’t prevent the sinner from committing the next sin. If they could, there would not have been Zaki-Biam soon after Odi; there would not have been Okuama after Zaki-Biam. How many officers and men have we lost in this democracy to killings such as the latest in Delta State? Even the authorities may have lost count. It is obviously rain that is yet falling. We do not know who will be next. And there will be another one unless we say enough.

How to say enough should be the present conversation. If Nigerians won’t stop killing Nigerian troops in Nigeria how about another look at the architecture of our forces, the structure of their formations and the social texture of their operational deployments? I have read low-toned social media whispers on the ethnic configuration of the Okuama casualties. More than 90 percent of those names sound northern. Why? From comments and commentaries on the tragedy, I could glean some sounds of fear and lack of trust in the fairness and justice of the forces. Martha Nussbaum, American philosopher and professor of Law and Ethics, said “a fearful people never trust the other side.”

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We send policemen and soldiers to the north east, they get killed by terrorists bred locally; we send them to Zamfara and Niger states, they get killed by homegrown bandits; we deploy them to the Niger Delta, wanton militants give them the grasshopper treatment – they kill them “for their sport.” Why don’t we start sending children of death to death? If we, henceforth, send the children of fire to fire, will they still get charred? Send Yoruba soldiers and policemen to Yorubaland; send children of the creek to the creeks. If they misbehave, their misbehaviour will be to their people; if they are attacked, their attackers would know they are attacking their brothers. Everyone would know the compounds of who killed whom.

A word for the Niger Delta. It should rethink its ways. Every feud should not draw the sword. Tomorrow always eludes the land that allows every disagreement to end in war and bloodshed. Why do you think some lands are deserts and some are oases? Ask myths and legends. They have lessons to tell on how some soil sucked forbidden blood and suffered the eternal curse of aridity; nothing grows there again. Modern warfare would call it scotched-earth effect. Yet, some tragedies could be avoided if only patience is offered a seat in the heart of anger. That is why our elders warn that even when you are right, if you don’t fight right, you lose all rights. They say if you must fight, fight with sense:

E má bínúkínú

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Kí e má baà j’ìjà k’ijà;

E má j’ìjà k’ijà

Kí e má baà j’èbi k’ébi.

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Meaning:

Do not be unduly angry

So that you won’t fight undue fight;

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Do not fight undue fight

So that you won’t be unduly guilty.

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Nigeria Army Alone Cannot Defeat Bandits — Sheikh Gumi

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Islamic cleric Sheikh Ahmad Gumi has said the Nigerian military cannot defeat bandit groups through force, arguing that dialogue remains the only path to resolving insecurity in the northwest and other regions.

In an interview with the BBC, Gumi stated that modern armies worldwide struggle against guerrilla fighters, and Nigeria is no exception.

“But even the military says that in dealing with this civil unrest and criminality, only 25% is kinetic action; the rest depends on the government, politics, and local communities. The military cannot do everything,” he said. “Where have you ever seen the military defeat guerrilla fighters? Nowhere.”

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His comments come as President Bola Tinubu’s administration introduces sweeping security reforms, including changes in military leadership and a nationwide security emergency aimed at tackling violent groups responsible for kidnappings, extortion and rural attacks.

READ ALSO:Gumi Reacts As Saudi Bars Him From Hajj

Addressing accusations of maintaining ties with bandit leaders, Gumi said he has had no contact with them since 2021, when the federal government formally designated the groups as terrorists. “I never went there alone,” he said.

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“It was in 2021 when I was trying to see how we could bring them together. But unfortunately, the government at the time, the federal government, was not interested. They declared them terrorists, and since that time we have completely disengaged from all contact with them.”

Despite criticism that his advocacy emboldens armed groups, Gumi maintained that negotiation with non-state actors is a global practice. “When they say we don’t negotiate with terrorists, I don’t know where they got that from,” he said. “It is not in the Bible, it is not in the Quran. America had an office negotiating with the Taliban in Qatar. Everyone negotiates with outlaws if it will stop bloodshed.”

He described the armed groups as largely “Fulani herdsmen” engaged in what he called an “existential war” linked to threats to their traditional livelihoods of cattle rearing. “They want to exist. That is their life.

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READ ALSO:Insecurity: What Sheikh Gumi Told Me After Visiting Bandits Hideouts — Obasanjo

They know where to graze and how to care for their cattle,” he said, adding that the crisis has grown from farmer–herder tensions into widespread criminality.

Gumi has long faced public backlash for his engagements with bandits and for remarks such as his earlier claim that kidnapping schoolchildren is a “lesser evil” than killing soldiers.

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Meanwhile, Gumi, in the same interview, also restated his view that the abduction of schoolchildren by armed groups constitutes a “lesser evil” than attacks on Nigerian soldiers, while emphasising that both acts are unacceptable.

“I think part of what I said then is correct and part of it wrong,” Gumi said, referring to his controversial 2021 statement.

“Saying kidnapping children is a lesser evil than killing soldiers, definitely it is lesser. But all of them are evil. All evils are not the same.”

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How France Helped Benin Foil Coup Detat

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France helped the authorities in Benin thwart a coup attempt at the weekend, an aide to President Emmanuel Macron said Tuesday, revealing a French role in a regional effort that foiled the latest bid to stage a putsch in West Africa.

Macron led a “coordination effort” by speaking with key regional leaders, the aide, asking not to be named, told reporters, two days after Sunday’s failed coup bid.

France — at the request of the Beninese authorities — provided assistance “in terms of surveillance, observation and logistical support” to the Benin armed forces, the aide added.

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Further details on the nature of the assistance were not immediately available.

A group of soldiers on Sunday took over Benin’s national television station and announced that President Patrice Talon had been deposed.

READ ALSO:

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But loyalist army forces ultimately defeated the attempted putsch with the help of neighbouring Nigeria, which carried out military strikes on Cotonou and deployed troops.

West Africa has endured a sequence of coups in recent years that have severely eroded French influence and presence in what were French colonies until independence.

Mali saw coups in 2020 and 2021, followed by Burkina Faso in 2022 and then Niger in 2023. French forces that had been deployed in these countries for an anti-jihadist operation were consequently forced to withdraw.

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A successful putsch in Benin, also a former French colony, would have been seen as a new blow to the standing of Paris and Macron in the region.
Guinea-Bissau, a former Portuguese colony, was meanwhile rocked by a coup in November after elections which led to military authorities taking over.
– ‘Caused serious concern’ –

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On Sunday, Macron spoke with Talon as well as the leaders of top regional power Nigeria and Sierra Leone, which holds the presidency of West African regional bloc ECOWAS, the Elysee aide said.

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The situation in Benin “caused serious concern for the president (Macron), who unequivocally condemned this attempt at destabilisation, which fortunately failed”, said the aide.

ECOWAS has said troops from Ghana, Ivory Coast, Nigeria and Sierra Leone were being deployed to Benin to help the government “preserve constitutional order”.
“Our community is in a state of emergency,” Omar Alieu Touray, president of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) said on Tuesday, highlighting the jihadist threat in the region as well as coups.

The bloc had threatened intervention during Niger’s 2023 coup that deposed president Mohamed Bazoum — an ally of Macron — but ultimately did not act.
France also did not carry out any intervention against the Niger coup.
“France has offered its full political support to ECOWAS, which made a very significant effort this weekend,” said the aide.

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At least a dozen plotters had been arrested and all hostages, including high-ranking officers, had been released by Monday, according to loyalist military sources.

Talon made his own television appearance late Sunday, assuring the country that the situation was “completely under control”.

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Talon, 67, is due to hand over the reins of power in April after the maximum-allowed two terms leading Benin, which in recent years has been hit by jihadist violence in the north.

On Tuesday, former Beninese president Thomas Boni Yayi, whose opposition Democrats party has been excluded from next year’s presidential elections, condemned the failed coup.

“I condemn most vigorously and strongly condemn this bloody and shameful attack on our country,” said Boni Yayi, a former chairman of the African Union who served as Benin’s president from 2006 to 2016.

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The transfer of state power “responds to a single cardinal and unconditional principle: that of the ballot box, that of the people, that of free and transparent elections”, Boni Yayi added in a video posted on Facebook.
(AFP)

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Reps Panel Grills TCN Officials Over Poor Grid Stability

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The House of Representatives Ad-Hoc Committee investigating multi-billion-naira power sector reforms on Tuesday interrogated officials of the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN), exposing fresh gaps between Nigeria’s installed power capacity and the electricity actually delivered to homes and industries.

Appearing before the committee chaired by Hon. Ibrahim Aliyu, TCN Managing Director, Dr. Sule Ahmad Abdulaziz, dismissed widely circulated claims that Nigeria currently generates 13,000 megawatts of electricity. He stressed that the figure reflects installed capacity—not what the national grid has ever produced.

The highest ever generated this year was 5,801MW,” Abdulaziz said. “Nigeria has never produced 13,000MW on the national grid. That number is installed capacity, not generated capacity.”

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He explained that until April 2024, the National Control Centre responsible for daily generation and dispatch records was under TCN’s direct supervision, giving the company access to “accurate and verifiable” data.

READ ALSO:Collapsed National Grid Restored – TCN

Responding to scrutiny from committee member Hon. Abubakar Fulata, who questioned why only about 6,000MW is typically wheeled despite supposedly higher available generation, Abdulaziz insisted TCN had never failed in transmission.
“Our transmission capacity today is 8,600MW,” he stated. “At no time has power been generated that TCN could not evacuate. Anyone claiming otherwise should produce the data.”

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On the company’s financial health, TCN’s Executive Director of Finance told lawmakers the company is weighed down by massive debts owed by electricity distribution companies (DisCos), revealing: N217 billion in electricity subsidy debt (Jan 2015–Dec 2020) taken over by the Federal Government
N450 billion owed by DisCos from Jan 2021 to date.

Clarifying controversies around grid instability, a senior TCN system operations official said the company recorded 11 grid collapses, contrary to the 22–23 often quoted.

Giving a breakdown of causes, he explained that six collapses were caused by generation issues, including gas shortages, four linked to vandalism of transmission towers, leading to sudden loss of load, one triggered by distribution network failures, often due to rainfall-induced feeder trips.

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READ ALSO:Blackout Looms As Vandals, Again, Attack Transmission Line – TCN

He emphasised that all three segments generation, transmission and distribution can trigger system collapse, adding that the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), with Central Bank support, had implemented Service Level Agreement (SLA) interventions to address systemic bottlenecks.

TCN officials further disclosed the company has over 100 ongoing transmission projects, many of which are 65%–90% complete but stalled for lack of funding.
Power infrastructure cannot be energised at 99%. It must be 100% complete,” an official noted.

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If outstanding debts are paid, we can finish priority projects and strengthen the grid.”

He added that TCN aims to expand wheeling capacity to 10,000MW by March next year through network upgrades and simulation-based grid optimisation.

Committee chairman Hon. Ibrahim Aliyu said the presentations had clarified earlier misconceptions about TCN’s role in the sector’s failures but expressed concern over the slow expansion of critical infrastructure, pledging the parliament intervention to address the anomaly in due course.

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