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OPINION: Nigeria’s Children Of Sweet Power

By Suyi Ayodele
Isabel dos Santos is the first daughter of Angola’s longest serving president, José Eduardo dos Santos, who died on July 8, 2022. The late Angolan president ruled the country for 38 years (1997-2017). Isabel grew up in the presidential palace. She became influential in government circles. That transformed her to become rich, not just rich, but wealthy. At a time, Forbes recorded her as the richest woman in Africa. She leveraged on her father’s presidency to corner good business deals. She sat atop Boards of the nation’s biggest companies from telecommunications to oil, prospecting for precious stones and other thriving enterprises.
But now, the ‘Daddy’s Girl’ is in trouble. Forbes, for instance, has deleted her from the hall of fame of the richest in Africa. Why? Shortly after her father left power, the truth of how she became wealthy started coming to light. All over the world, where Isabel has her assets, there are plans to have them frozen. The reason is simple. The ex-first daughter is said to have acquired her wealth through underhand dealings during the 38 years her father ruled Angola.
This is how Forbes, in a May 27, 2022, article, describes her: “As best as we can trace, every major Angolan investment held by Dos Santos stems either from taking a chunk of a company that wants to do business in the country or from a stroke of the president’s pen that cut her into the action. Her story is a rare window into the same, tragic kleptocratic narrative that grips resource-rich countries around the world.” The summary of Isabel is that of a lady who became wealthy without any antecedent of good business in the enterprise world. Her father, the late president Santos of Angola, was the proverbial squirrel that cracked her financial palm kernel.
At home here, we have more than enough shares of our own Isabel dos Santos. Never in the history of Nigeria have we been assailed by the impunity and affluence of the children of our leaders. That ugly trend started with General Muhammadu Buhari, who, as our husband between 2015 and 2023, could not impose the simple discipline of discretion on her children.
In this current political dispensation, we have had an Olusegun Obasanjo as our president. The most noticeable of his children, while he presided over our affairs (1999-2003), happened to be his first daughter, Iyabo. While one may find it difficult to defend the claim that Obasanjo was instrumental to Iyabo becoming a commissioner in Ogun State and later a senator, we cannot deny the fact that the woman, on her own, has all the credentials required for those positions. And, on a general note, besides her foray into politics, Iyabo remained lowkey all through her father’s presidency. I cannot recall here, any inanity she engaged in.
The late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s children did not come across as children who were over-indulged when their father was president between May 29, 2007, and May 5, 2010. The best we knew of his children while he was in office is the fact that his daughters, Zainab, Nafisa and Maryam, all married into homes of affluence. His successor, President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ), is unarguably the only president in this dispensation with no known indulgence of children. Apart from his wife, Madam Patience, who was loud and frivolous like other First Ladies of this era, GEJ succeeded in reining in her children. Majority of Nigerians don’t even know the names of President Jonathan’s children. They were shielded, and still shielded from public glare. “Clueless”, as they labelled the Otuoke-born politician, Jonathan has demonstrated to us that he has full and adequate control of his children.
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In contrast, the one they said is the Mai Gaskiya, and epitome of discipline of our era, General Buhari, is the one who first subjected our sensibilities to serious attack with the way and manner he used the State resources to pamper his children. Hanan, one of Buhari’s daughters, took advantage of her father’s position to fly about in Presidential jets to attend the most frivolous of all functions like flying to Bauchi to go and take photographs of the traditional Durbar and the architectural designs in the city!
The Presidency later explained to us that the president’s daughter needed the Bauchi photographs for her fieldwork in her Master’s programme at one of the universities in the United Kingdom. Bunkum! Needless to say, when Hanan touched down in Bauchi with the Presidential jet and the insignia of the president, Bauchi State Government officials were at the airport to receive her.
If we felt that we have seen it all in Buhari’s case, Nigerians have new tales to tell in the attitudes of the children of our current husband, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. From the first daughter of the president, Folasade Tinubu-Ojo, to her two brothers, Seyi and Yinka, it has been one indulgence to the other. Seyi, until his father was prevailed upon, was said to be attending the weekly Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting in the Presidential Villa. While Yinka has been relatively self-effacing, Seyi remains loud and ubiquitous! At one time, he was spotted in the Presidential jet enroute to Kano to go and play polo!
The president’s son was present ‘officially’ when the new Chief Justice of Nigeria was being sworn in. Someone said the big boy was learning the rope, that one day may come when the young shall grow and he will swear in his own CJN. Someone please say Amen!
The most recent of the explorations and exploits was the trip by Seyi and Yinka to Maiduguri, Borno State, last week. They were said to have gone to the flood-ravaged state to commiserate with the victims of the self-inflicted pains caused by the failure of government to do what is right. In the one-minute and 18-second video of the visit in circulation, not less than 20 Borno State Government officials received the duo at the airport. And before you ask if the Office of Sons of the President is part of our government structure, Seyi and Yinka were driven straight to the Government House to see Governor Babagana Umara Zulum; and from there, they were moved to the Palace of the Sheu of Borno, Alhaji Ibn Umar Garba, in a state-visit style. On that trip were a handful of aides, whose duty was to attend to the nation’s First and Second Son!
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I tried to rationalise that trip. Someone, however, said that my attention should be on the kindness Seyi Tinubu demonstrated in Maiduguri. The president’s son was said to have donated N500 million to the victims of the Borno flood, in addition to other items. Wao! I think, like it was suggested to me, Seyi deserves our accolades. He is such a generous son of our husband. His mum, (or, step-mum), Mrs. Remi Tinubu, also donated the same amount (N500m) to the flood victims, days before Seyi breezed into Maiduguri. Nigerians are fortunate to have such a generous First Family. We should not ask how Seyi made his money. That will amount to what my people call etanu (malicious envy)!
When you have a father who was once a senator, who once ruled Lagos for eight years, and still appoints who rules the state to date, you cannot but be rich. When the man who sired you transformed from being a kingmaker, National Leader of an opposition-turned-ruling party, and becoming the president of the most populous Black nation, N500 million is nothing. Why? The elders of my place say that when the madman is given a hoe, he makes the heaps in between his two legs.
Nobody begrudges a child who resembles the father (Omo ò lè jo baba ká máa bínú omo). Seyi cannot have a father like Daddy Tinubu, who does not know the tribal marks money has, the Ninalowo (Money is meant to be spent), and be stingy! “What is money? Money is nothing. Premium or Nothing.” Those are lyrics of Flavour the Afro pop star in his Big Baller Single. The aides and officials who were on that trip would also ‘lick’ their fingers; I take a bet on that! My friends, Seyi’s fans, told me that he is a “self-made man”, and I agreed with them. Most children of our politicians are “self-made.”
One of the “self-made” children of our leaders was also in the news last week. His name is Abdulaziz Abubakar Malami, son of the immediate past Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), Abubakar Malami. If the video is real and its content true and correct, Abdulaziz is just 29 years old, but he already has a conglomerate that runs into billions of Naira. The narrator in the video, where Abdulaziz’s wealth is flaunted, said that the young man has in his employ, over 2,000 staff. The narrator added that besides being a lawyer with a law firm located at Sani Abacha Road, Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, there was nothing else about the one described as “the third youngest Nigerian” managing one of the richest conglomerates in Nigeria.
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The junior Malami is said to own a secondary school, a university, a clothing line, hotels, a rice mill, supermarket and others. His father, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), and former AGF is just 57 years old. Before the senior Malami became a minister under Buhari, he was not known as old money. But the God of transformation smiled on his family. There is nothing God cannot do. Today, his son, who is not 30 years yet, is said to sit atop a conglomerate that employs over 2,000 Nigerians. All we are required to do is to praise the boy’s ‘industry’ and his sense of ‘patriotism’ in establishing companies that have taken away a full 2,000 people off the job market. Some children came to this world with the star of fortune! Juxtapose the aforementioned against this story from the days of my childhood.
We were three little primary two pupils of Local Authority Primary School East (LA East), Ikole Ekiti. The first is a cousin. He will not be reading this because of his present circumstances. The second, my childhood friend, and twin brother, is an officer in our state’s local government service commission. Then, yours sincerely was the leader of the ‘gang’ that day.
Our Eskisi ma, (teacher), had a presence. We knew her as Eye Pelu (Pelu’s mother), that’s what the locals called her. Pelu, her son, was our classmate too. It was harvesting time. The older pupils in the higher classes worked on the school farm and harvested groundnuts. A basket of the groundnuts was kept in our class. We had the mid-day break, called “long break”, and Eskisi ma stepped out of the class. Pelu took the advantage. He went to the basket of groundnuts, took a handful, and beckoned on us to come forward for our ‘shares’. He attached a condition. He took the mother’s cane and announced that anyone who accepted to be flogged by him would partake in the groundnuts.
In my little head, I knew that taking the groundnuts in the first instance without permission was wrong. I was taught that early in life. Besides, I could not reconcile why Pelu should flog me first before giving out the groundnuts; we are of the same age bracket. Then, something also told me that the items belonged to all of us, and Pelu was just an Omo Tisha (the teacher’s son).
I stayed back. My cousin and my friend likewise. The three of us shared the same bench in the class. When Pelu was through with those who volunteered to be flogged, he came to us. He asked why we didn’t get up to collect groundnuts. Trust yours sincerely, I was the spokesman for the ‘rebels’. I answered by saying that the groundnuts were not his’ and he had no right to take them or flog anyone. The devil took over Pelu. He landed the cane on me. Mine was a natural reflex. I leapt on him like a leopard. The two other rebels joined. It was a commotion. Sacrilege! Nobody would dare touch an Omo Tisha those days! A classmate once told me that he nearly fainted the day he saw his teacher answering the call of nature! Teachers, then, were regarded as deities, not mortals. Pelu’s yell attracted those in the adjoining classes.
Eskisi ma and two others rushed in. They saw the ‘abomination’. The fight stopped. The three of us stood up, we knew we were in trouble. One of the Eskisi mas that followed Eye Pelu wanted to descend on us. Eye Pelu restrained her. Our Eskisi ma asked what happened. We explained. She confirmed from one or two other pupils if Pelu indeed took the groundnuts, and she got an affirmative answer.
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It was like a flash. The next thing we saw was that Pelu was on the floor. The mother, with her heavy presence on top of him. She was beating, pinching and kicking the son. Then she burst into tears. We were alarmed. Other Eskisi mas and sirs came and took her off the boy. The three of us, musketeers, lost colour. We were shaking like a virgin seeing ‘it’ for the first time. We knew we were finished. If Eskisi ma could handle her son, Pelu, the way she did, there was nothing she would not do to us. We waited with bated breath.
Normalcy was restored. Eskisi ma simply went back to her table without looking in our direction. She ordered everyone back to their desks. The three of us stood where we were. She looked at us and asked us to go back to our seats. We obeyed her. Minutes later, class resumed, and Eskisi ma taught us as if nothing happened. That session ended and we moved to a higher class. Eskisi ma did not change her attitude towards us, she never mentioned that we once beat her son. No other teacher reprimanded us for beating an Omo Tisha (teacher’s child).
The lesson registered in my heart in an indelible manner. I got to know from that cradle incident that it is the responsibility of every parent to teach his or her children ethics, morals and good discipline. Pelu’s mum felt bad that her son would go and touch the groundnuts kept on her watch. She knew it was wrong to use the community’s patrimony to indulge her son! No leader should do that! She felt she had failed; that was why she cried while beating Pelu. Wonderful woman, our Eskisi ma, Eye Pelu! While on this script, I asked my friend about Eye Pelu. He answered that our Eskisi ma is healthy and kicking. I owe her a visit; I intend to make that happen as soon as possible. Such a treasure must be honoured! Do we still have leaders like her around?
Seyi and his other “self-made” siblings are lucky. They did not grow up when we had many teachers like my old Eye Pelu. He did not sit under the tutelage of a no-nonsense Eskisi ma, who had the orientation that State property is different from one’s personal effects. Seyi and his siblings don’t have the picture of their school Eskisi mas or sirs, beating up their children for daring to touch what belonged to the entire school without permission.
He and his other folks did not grow up under a mother, like Eye Pelu, whose philosophy is, ohun tí a fi ńké omo wà lórí àte Òyó (what one uses to over-indulge a child is only gotten in the wares of an Oyo trader). Growing up, they were probably not told to differentiate between government property and assets and family belongings. From the State House in Lagos to Aso Rock Villa in Abuja, the philosophy is, gbogbo ejò ni jíje (all snakes are edible). So, leaping to Kano from Abuja in the presidential jet for a polo game is no big deal. Donating N500 million from an inexhaustible bank account is as easy as A B C!
As for those who think that Seyi and his siblings are like Angola’s Isabel dos Santos and would want to interrogate their wealth and the tax or taxes they pay, I have one piece of advice: Tell your own old man to join politics and conquer the world like Alexander the Great, Napoleon and yes, Bola Tinubu!
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Out-of-school: Group To Enroll Adolescent Mothers In Bauchi

Women Child Youth Health and Education Initiative (WCY) with support from Malala Education Champion Network, have charted a way to enroll adolescent mothers to access education in Bauchi schools.
Rashida Mukaddas, the Executive Director, WCY stated this in Bauchi on Wednesday during a one-day planning and inception meeting with education stakeholders on Adolescent Mothers Education Access (AMEA) project of the organisation.
According to her, the project targeted three Local Government Areas of Bauchi, Misau and Katagum for implementation in the three years project.
She explained that all stakeholders in advancing education in the state would be engaged by the organisation to advocate for Girl-Child education.
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The target, she added, was to ensure that as many as married adolescent mothers and girls were enrolled back in school in the state.
“Today marks an important step in our collective commitment to ensuring that every girl in Bauchi state, especially adolescent who are married, pregnant, or young mothers has the right, opportunity, and support to continue and complete her education.
“This project has been designed to address the real and persistent barriers that prevent too many adolescent mothers from returning to school or staying enrolled.
“It is to address the barriers preventing adolescent mothers from continuing and completing their education and adopting strategies that will create an enabling environment that safeguard girls’ rights to education while removing socio-cultural and economic obstacles,” said Mukaddas.
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She further explained to the stakeholders that the success of the project depended on the strength of their collaboration, the alignment of their actions, and the commitments they forge toward the implementation of the project.
Also speaking, Mr Kamal Bello, the Project Officer of WCY, said that the collaboration of all the education stakeholders in the state with the organisation could ensure stronger enforcement of the Child Rights Law.
This, he said, could further ensure effective re-entry and retention policies for adolescent girls, increased community support for girls’ education and a Bauchi state where no girl was left behind because of marriage, pregnancy, or motherhood.
“It is observed that early marriage is one of the problems hindering girls’ access to education.
READ ALSO:Bauchi: Auto Crash Claimed 432, Injured 2,070 Persons In 1 Months — FRSC
“This organisation is working toward ensuring that girls that have dropped out of school due to early marriage are re-enrolled back in school,” he said.
Education stakeholders present at the event included representatives from the state Ministry of Education, Justice, Budget and Economic Planning and Multilateral Coordination.
Others were representatives from International Federation of Women Lawyers, Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE), Bauchi state Agency for Mass Education, Civil Society Organization, Religious and Traditional institutions, among others.
They all welcomed and promised to support the project so as to ensure its effective implementation and achieve its set objectives in the state.
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OPINION: Fubara, Adeleke And The Survival Dance

By Israel Adebiyi
You should be aware by now that the dancing governor, Ademola Adeleke has danced his last dance in the colours of the Peoples Democratic Party. His counterpart in Rivers, Siminalayi Fubara has elected to follow some of his persecutors to the All Progressive Congress, after all “if you can’t beat them, you can join them.”
Politics in Nigeria has always been dramatic, but every now and then a pattern emerges that forces us to pause and think again about where our democracy is heading. This week on The Nation’s Pulse, that pattern is what I call the politics of survival. Two events in two different states have brought this into sharp focus. In both cases, sitting governors elected on the platform of the same party have found new homes elsewhere. Their decisions may look sudden, but they reveal deeper issues that have been growing under the surface for years.
In Rivers, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has crossed into the All Progressives Congress. In Osun, Governor Ademola Adeleke has moved to the Accord Party. These are not small shifts. These are moves by people at the top of their political careers, people who ordinarily should be the ones holding their parties together. When those at the highest levels start fleeing, it means the ground beneath them has become too shaky to stand on. It means something has broken.
A Yoruba proverb captures it perfectly: Iku to n pa oju gba eni, owe lo n pa fun ni. The death that visits your neighbour is sending you a message. The crisis that has engulfed the Peoples Democratic Party did not start today. It has been building like an untreated infection. Adeleke saw the signs early. He watched senior figures fight openly. He watched the party fail to resolve its zoning battles. He watched leaders undermine their own candidates. At some point, you begin to ask yourself a simple question: if this house collapses today, what happens to me? In Osun, where the competition between the two major parties has always been fierce, Adeleke was not going to sit back and become another casualty of a party that refused to heal itself. Survival became the most reasonable option.
His case makes sense when you consider the political temperature in Osun. This is a state where the opposition does not sleep. Every misstep is amplified. Every weakness is exploited. Adeleke has spent his time in office under constant scrutiny. Add that to the fact that the national structure of his party is wobbly, divided and uncertain about its future, and the move begins to look less like betrayal and more like self-preservation.
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Rivers, however, tells a slightly different story. Fubara’s journey has been a long lesson in endurance. From the moment he emerged as governor, it became clear he was stepping into an environment loaded with expectations that had nothing to do with governance. His political godfather was not content with being a supporter. He wanted control. He wanted influence. He wanted obedience. Every decision was interpreted through the lens of loyalty. From the assembly crisis to the endless reconciliation meetings, to the barely hidden power struggles, Fubara spent more time fighting shadows than building the state he was elected to lead.
It soon became clear that he was governing through a maze of minefields. Those who should have been allies began to treat him like an accidental visitor in the Government House. The same legislators who were meant to be partners in governance suddenly became instruments of pressure. Orders came from places outside the official structure. Courtrooms turned into battlegrounds. At some point, even the national leadership of his party seemed unsure how to tame the situation. These storms did not come in seasons, they came in waves. One misunderstanding today. Another in two weeks. Another by the end of the month. Anyone watching closely could see that the governor was in a permanent state of emergency.
So when the winds started shifting again and lawmakers began to realign, those who understood the undercurrents knew exactly what was coming. Fubara knew too. A man can only take so much. After months of attacks, humiliations and attempts to cage his authority, the move to another party was not just political. It was personal. He had given the reconciliation process more chances than most would. He had swallowed more insults than any governor should. He had watched institutions bend and twist under the weight of private interests. In many ways, his defection is a declaration that he has finally chosen to protect himself.
But the bigger question is how we got here. How did two governors in two different parts of the country end up taking the same decision for different but related reasons? The answer goes back to the state of internal democracy in our parties. No party in Nigeria today fully practices the constitution it claims to follow. They have elaborate rules on paper but very loose habits in reality. They talk about fairness, but their primaries are often messy. They preach unity, but their caucuses are usually divided into rival camps. They call themselves democratic institutions, yet dissent is treated as disloyalty.
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Political parties are supposed to be the engine rooms of democracy. They are the homes where ideas are debated, leaders are groomed, and future candidates are shaped. In Nigeria, they increasingly look like fighting arenas where the loudest voices drown out everyone else. When leaders ignore their own constitutions, the structure begins to crack. When factions begin to run parallel meetings, the foundation gets weaker. When decisions are forced down the throats of members, people begin making private plans for their future.
No governor wants to govern in chaos. No politician wants to be the last one standing in a sinking ship. This is why defections are becoming more common. A party that cannot manage itself cannot manage its members. And members who feel exposed will always look for safer ground.
But while these moves make sense for Adeleke and Fubara personally, the people they govern often become the ones left in confusion. Voters choose candidates partly because of party ideology, even if our ideologies are weak. They expect stability. They expect continuity. They expect that the mandate they gave will remain intact. So when a governor shifts political camp without prior consultation, the people feel blindsided. They begin to wonder whether their votes carry weight in a system where elected officials can switch platforms in the blink of an eye.
This is where the politics of survival becomes dangerous for democracy. If leaders keep prioritizing their personal safety over party stability, the system begins to lose coherence. Parties lose their identity. Elections lose their meaning. Governance becomes a game of musical chairs. Today you are here. Tomorrow you are there. Next week you may be somewhere else. The people become bystanders in a democracy that is supposed to revolve around them.
Rivers and Osun should serve as reminders that political parties need urgent restructuring. They need to rebuild trust internally. They need to enforce their constitutions consistently. They need to treat members as stakeholders, not spectators. When members feel protected, they stay. When they feel targeted, they run. This pattern will continue until parties learn the simple truth that power is not built by intimidation, but by inclusion.
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There is also the question of what these defections mean for governance. When governors are dragged into endless party drama, service delivery suffers. Time that should be spent on roads, schools, hospitals, water projects and job creation ends up being spent in meetings, reconciliations and press briefings. Resources that should strengthen the state end up funding political battles. The public loses twice. First as witnesses to the drama. Then as victims of delayed or abandoned development.
In Rivers, the months of tension slowed down the government. Initiatives were stalled because the governor was busy trying to survive political ambush. In Osun, Adeleke had to juggle governance with internal fights in a crumbling party structure. Imagine what they could have achieved if they were not constantly looking over their shoulders.
Now, as both men settle into new political homes, the final question is whether these new homes will provide stability or merely temporary shelter. Nigeria’s politics teaches one consistent lesson. New alliances often come with new expectations. New platforms often come with new demands. And new godfathers often come with new conditions. Whether Adeleke and Fubara have truly found peace or simply bought time is something only time will tell.
But as citizens, what we must insist on is simple. The politics of survival should not become the politics of abandonment. Our leaders can fight for their political life, but they must not forget that they hold the people’s mandate. The hunger, poverty, insecurity and infrastructural decay that Nigerians face will not be solved by defection. It will be solved by steady leadership and functional governance.
The bigger lesson from Rivers and Osun is clear. If political parties in Nigeria continue on this path of disunity and internal sabotage, they will keep losing their brightest and most strategic figures. And if leaders keep running instead of reforming the system, then we will wake up one day to a democracy where the people are treated as an afterthought.
Governors may survive the storms. Parties may adjust to new alignments. But the people cannot keep paying the price. Nigeria deserves a democracy that works for the many, not the few. That is the real pulse of the nation.
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Human Rights Day: Stakeholders Call For More Campaigns Against GBV

Panel of discussants at an event to commemorate the International Human Rights Day, 2025 on Wednesday called for more campaigns against Gender-Based Violence, adding that it must start from the family.
The panel of discussants drawn from religious and community leaders, security agents, members of the civil society community, chiefs, etc, made the call in Benin in an event organised by Justice Development & Peace Centre (JDPC), Benin, in collaboration with Women Aid Collective (WACOL) with the theme: Multilevel Dialogue for Men, Women, Youth and Critical Take holders on the Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence (GBV).
The stakeholders, who said causes of GBV are enormous, called for more enlightenment and education in the family, community and the religious circle.
Security agents in the panel charged members of the public to report GBV cases to security agents regardless of the sex Involved, adding: “When GBV happens, it should be reported to the appropriate quarters. It doesn’t matter if the woman or the man is the victim. GBV perpetrators should not be covered up, they must be exposed. We are there to carry out the prosecution after carrying out the necessary investigation.”
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Earlier in his opening remarks, Executive Director, JDPC, Rev. Fr. Benedicta Onwugbenu, lamented that (GBV) remains the most prevalent in the society yet hidden because of silence from victims.
According to him, GBV knows no age, gender or race, adding that “It affects people of all ages, whether man or woman, boy or girl.”
“It affects people from different backgrounds and communities, yet it remains hidden because of silence, stigma, and fear. Victims of GBV are suffering in silence.”
On her part, Programme Director, WACOL, Mrs. Francisca Nweke, who said “women are more affected, and that is why we are emphasising on them,” stressed “we are empowering Christian women and women leaders of culture for prevention and response to Gender-Based Violence in Nigeria through the strengthening of grassroots organisations.”
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