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OPINION: The Judicial Adultery In Kano

By Lasisi Olagunju
The falcon no longer hears the falconer. A commercial flight landed in Asaba on Sunday but its cabin crew welcomed passengers to Nnamdi Azikiwe Airport, Abuja. A certified true copy of an Appeal Court judgment last week gave victory to both the respondents and the appellants. Nigeria of today is the textbook definition of confusion.
I seek to describe what the Court of Appeal did with the Kano governorship case as judicial adultery. I also seek to call it an adulteration of justice. I write with the help of my dictionary which has pointed it out to me that ‘adulterate’ and ‘adultery’ come from the same Latin root, adulterare, meaning “to falsify, corrupt.” Rodents of karma peed into the soup pot of the absolute monarchs in our court halls last week. A court that chops knuckles with parties before it is sure to deliver hybrid judgments – a little to the right, a little to the left; a salad of poisonous confusion. Fuji megastar, Kollington Ayinla, sang decades ago about indecorous mating in music-sphere. The product, he says, will have the face of the lead singer; the arms and legs of the child will belong to the drummer; the head will go to the gong man (Oju l’oju Kola/Apa l’apa Social/Ese l’ese Aromire/Ori l’ori Jimoh Agogo/Eti l’eti Marcus…).
Scholars after scholars have stressed, repeatedly, that the role of a judge in a case is to “transform the uncertainty about the facts into the certainty of the verdict.” A judge that leaves parties before it uncertain and confused after judgement has failed at doing his work. He deserves neither his pay nor a pat nor the usual allowances of reverence. Like the hybrid child in Kollington Ayinla’s ‘Ta ni o jo’ song, the Kano governorship judgement birthed a shapeshifter; a certified true copy that carved the verdict’s trunk in the image of the APC respondents while the gavel head of the bull goes to the NNPP appellants. It is the first hybrid judgment in the history of the world and the court system.
Every reasonable Nigerian was shocked to know of this case. The Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja heard and decided an appeal on the governorship of Kano State. It read its judgement in the open court sacking the incumbent governor who was the appellant in the case. Five days later, the party that lost got a certified true copy (CTC) of the judgement but saw that the decision and orders of the court on the document actually gave them the crown of victory. On the face of the CTC of the judgment signed by the chairman of the panel, the court resolved “live issues” in the case in favour of the respondents (APC) and dismissed the Appeal. It then scandalously proceeded to resolve “all issues” in favour of the appellants (NNPP) – the party it had earlier pronounced losers. The court went further on that route of confusion setting aside the judgement of the tribunal that had earlier sacked the governor and which it had earlier affirmed. It went farther further awarding costs against the APC, the party it had earlier pronounced winners: “The sum of N1,000,000.00 (one million naira only) is hereby awarded as costs in favour of the appellant and against the 1st respondent,” the CTC read. Was that an error or two parallel judgements of the same case, one grafted onto the other by karma?
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Judges are traditionally like eagles – they are not expected to flock and join the crowd to make silly mistakes. That is perhaps the reason why the Romans said an Eagle does not catch flies. When a court judgement has the type of ‘mistakes’ you find in exam scripts of below-average pupils, know that the Eagle of the nation now flies down to hunt flies. The poet is a prophet. William Butler Yeats (1865 – 1939) saw this Kano conundrum over 100 years ago. His poet-persona speaks in ‘The Second Coming’ of “a shape with lion body and the head of a man…” That is a monster – the image of a judgement that says both parties have won.
Cynthia Gray was the director of the Centre for Judicial Ethics of the American Judicature Society. In 2004, she published in the Hofstra Law Review an article on ‘The line between legal error and judicial misconduct: balancing judicial independence and accountability.’ A Nigerian judge reading the piece would be happy to cite it as a proof that misbehaviour in the temple of justice is not copyrighted for Nigeria. There are cases cited there that leaves mouths unclosed – like more than one judge caught deciding cases by lot in the open court. One judge decided a child custody case by flipping a coin; another asked the courtroom to vote on the guilt or otherwise of a man charged with battery: “If you think I ought to find him not guilty, will you stand up?” When that judge was charged with misconduct, his defence was that he called for an audience vote to “involve the public in the judicial process.” Some of those errant judges argued that they were right; some said they did not know it was wrong to be wrong. If a judge has no clue as to which is the way between the bush and the road, we should know that the society is in trouble. As Gray argues “it would be incongruous if the principle: ‘ignorance of the law is no excuse’ applies to everyone but those charged with interpreting and applying the law to others.”
The day the Kano CTC scandal broke, I sat down with my Nigerian-American friend for a sad chat on the Kano fiasco. What is this? The court explained it as a “clerical error” but my friend said: “That’s neither a faux pas nor a slip of judgement. That’s a revelation!” A revelation?! I thought that was deep. W.B. Yeats probably saw this too and also told us how it may end: “Surely some revelation is at hand; Surely, the Second Coming is at hand.” Even non-Christians know the implication of the ‘second coming’. It signposts, first, the coming of the “rough beast” slouching “towards Bethlehem”, then the end of the world.
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A convulsing world denies its terminal illness. It is not true that if you find yourself in a hole you should stop digging. If you dig horizontally you may escape the enemy’s snare at the end of your tunnel. The appeal court appeared to have done exactly that. It doubled down, boring a tunnel of explanations on how its cock turned to a bull within five days. It said the sin it committed was a mere “clerical error.” Could three whole paragraphs carefully written with words correctly spelt be called a ‘clerical error’. The World Law Dictionary defines ‘clerical error’ as “a small mistake (eg a spelling mistake) made by accident in a document.” No one, apart from the judges who sat in that court, knows exactly what happened. We can only guess. The court should just go quietly into the night. It is a very bad, low moment for Nigeria itself.
Where else can this “clerical error” be found in the history of court judgements? I spent the weekend doing some searches for similar errors in history and around the world. The nearest I could find was the 1941 Bastajian v Brown case decided by the United States Supreme Court. On May 14, 1936, a trial judge made a decision entry in the court records. It was his conclusion on a real estate case. He wrote: “395524. Blanche H. Comstock v. James E. Brown, et al. Cause heretofore tried and submitted, the court now orders judgement for defendants.” Court records showed that “a year expired during which time no findings of fact and conclusions of law were submitted to the court. On about May 11, 1937, findings of fact and conclusions of law and a judgment prepared by C. P. Von Herzen, one of plaintiff’s attorneys, were filed by him with the clerk to be presented to the judge; they were signed by the judge and filed on June 4, 1937.” It turned out that what the judge signed was the direct opposite of his May 1936 decision and entry. The cheated side read what was signed and complained to the judge. They called his attention to what the decision truly was. On September 29, 1937, the judge issued a corrective order agreeing with the complainant/defendants that the said judgment was signed by his court “inadvertently and by mistake, and did not express the intent of this court nor the true judgment rendered herein, and that the signing of the same by said court constituted a clerical mistake.” The judge further held that the plaintiffs’ “presentation of said Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law and said Judgment to this Court for signature constituted a fraud and deception practiced upon this Court in misrepresenting and misstating the true decision of the court after the lapse of a long period of time…” The case became a very controversial one that went up to the Supreme Court. On December 19, 1941, the Supreme Court ruled that the judge properly exercised his powers by “vacating the judgement and the finding of fact and conclusions of law upon which the judgement was rested.” Friends and beneficiaries of the Nigerian Appeal Court would read this case and say: “you see, there is no new thing under the sun.” They would refer us to the author of the book of Ecclesiastes: “The thing that hath been, it is that which shall be; and that which is done is that which shall be done: and there is no new thing under the sun.”
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But I think they should wait: A layman like me will easily see that the contentious judgement in the US case was drafted by the counsel of the plaintiffs for the judge to sign. And he signed. Anyone in Nigeria who would seek to benefit from that case should prepare to explain how judges of the second highest court in the land wrote ‘yes’ when they meant to write ‘no’. The Court of Appeal has not disowned the authorship of the judgement; it wrote and signed it. It even, after its delivery, dotted the i’s and crossed the t’s for more than four days before releasing the CTC The court has not told us how the “error” crept into its spick and span work.
It is so nice that this case has moved up to the Supreme Court. We should all look forward to reading how the apex court will “transform the uncertainty” of the case to the certainty of untainted reasoning. One thing, however, appears true here: The poet is a prophet. Chinua Achebe’s ‘Things Fall Apart’ derives its title from the poetic prescience of W. B. Yeats. It foretells the horrific “error” that was certified by the Court of Appeal last week. I will be surprised if anyone says things are alright with the Nigerian system. With every passing day, sheets of darkness unfurl. The innocent have long lost their innocence; an epidemic of guilt without shame distresses the land. That is why you would hear the unclad Court of Appeal, while sacking Bauchi State Speaker on Friday accusing INEC of “dancing naked in the market”. Before “the Second Coming”, Yeats says the falcon will no longer hear the falconer. Where succour used to be, what you see is anarchy. The poet foretells all that. As the gyre widens, we feel the silence of philosophers and the ignorant chatter of promoters of vile excuses. The best in Nigeria today “lack all conviction”; the worst is “full of passionate intensity.”
News
IPF Throws Weight Behind Otuaro-led PAP, Urges Critics To Be Constructive

The Ijaw Publishers’ Forum (IPF) has openly expressed its support for the leadership of Dr. Dennis Burutu Otuaro (Ph.D.) as Administrator of the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP).
The body, made up of Ijaw media owners across the Niger Delta region, said Otuaro administration has revived confidence, restored focus, and repositioned the programme for the genuine empowerment of Niger Deltans.
Addressing a press conference in Warri, Delta State, on Thursday, the President of IPF, Comrade Austin Ozobo, said since his appointment in March 2024, Chief Otuaro has demonstrated clarity of purpose, measurable achievements, and dedication to service.
Ozobo, flanked by other executives of the body, said “as journalists of conscience, we commend and defend good leadership wherever it is found, especially among Ijaw sons and daughters who have distinguished themselves in service,” stressing that “our allegiance is to the truth, the people, and the progress of the Niger Delta.”
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The IPF President, while noting that lending “our voice in support of any public office holder is not out of sentiment, politics, or personal gain, but out of an objective recognition of results, integrity, and purposeful leadership,” said under Otuaro leadership, “PAP has moved beyond mere stipend payments to ex-agitators and launched broader human capital development interventions.”
Ozobo said Otuaro is concerned in “giving the programme a human face… developed for the people of the Niger Delta for a better future,” adding that “he has consistently called for stakeholder inclusion, including women’s participation in the peace process for the Niger Delta.”
“He has reaffirmed the programme’s mandate of promoting sustainable peace, security, and development in the Niger Delta region. Strategic Repositioning of PAP:
“These are not symbolic gestures alone — they reflect a strategic repositioning of PAP to deliver tangible value, particularly through education, vocational training, and stakeholder engagement for communities long impacted by militancy, environmental degradation, and underdevelopment,” he said.
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Ozobo, who called on all and sundry to support Otuaro in his bid to actualising the aims and objectives of the PAP in the region, urged critics to see the good things the current PAP administration is doing, and if they want to criticize to be constructive rather than “destructive opposition.”
He added: “Genuine criticism and oversight are welcomed — but what we are witnessing in certain quarters are attempts to undermine a capable, reform-minded leader through misdirection, misinformation, and vested-interest campaigns.”
He, therefore, called on “all arms of government — federal, state, and local — to give PAP the institutional backing it needs to fulfil its mandate. The region deserves no less.”
News
OPINION: Trump Of War

By Israel Adebiyi
When a man stays too long where he passes excreta, different kinds of flies will visit him. This Yoruba adage carries deep metaphorical meaning about the dangers of overstaying or remaining in an undesirable, corrupt, or degrading situation. It teaches that there is wisdom in knowing when to leave a place, position, or situation. Staying too long in an unpleasant or unproductive environment can bring unnecessary troubles, shame, or ridicule. Just as flies gather where filth remains, prolonged presence in one spot, especially one associated with decay or negativity, can attract unwanted attention, gossip, or enemies. Donal Trump, the “gun blazing” U.S President has hit this home, setting the Nigerian public sphere on fire.
Nigeria’s long, unending bromance with insecurity and the reign of non-state actors breathing down the necks of innocent citizens has finally caught global attention, and not in a flattering way. For years, the most populous black nation sat comfortably amid filth – moral, economic, and political. We normalized insecurity, institutional decay, and leadership failure, as though chaos were a national identity. Now, the flies have arrived, from within and without, and this time, the buzzing comes from the White House.
For those who may have forgotten, back in 2018 in his first term in office, Trump had branded African countries a “shithole”. A subsequent meeting with late President Muhammadu Buhari that same year dwelled largely on the compelling reasons that earn Nigeria that label – killing of Christians in the Middle Belt.
These were his exact words about seven years ago: “We have had very serious problems with Christians who are being murdered in Nigeria. We are going to be working on that problem very, very hard because we cannot allow that to happen.”
Seven years down the line, the same allegations have resurfaced. In a statement that shocked the global diplomatic community, Trump, in his usual unfiltered bravado branded Nigeria “that shameful country” and threatened possible military invasion over what he called “the ongoing Christian genocide in Nigeria.” His words have sparked outrage, debate, and even admiration among some Nigerians. But behind the drama lies a hard truth: a nation that refuses to manage its rot will one day become a playground for the flies of ridicule.
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Let’s not deceive ourselves, Trump’s language was offensive, reckless, and imperialistic. Yet, what moral high ground does Nigeria currently occupy to push back convincingly? Since Boko Haram’s rise in 2009, the country has spiraled from insurgency to banditry, terrorism, kidnapping, and armed robbery. From Chibok to Dapchi, from Southern Kaduna to Benue, and from the Northwest to the Middle Belt, blood has flowed too freely.
Almost two decades later, the question is no longer whether the government can protect its people, it is whether it even knows how to try.
Billions of dollars have vanished into so-called counter-terrorism operations, yet terrorists still move with ease, sometimes better armed than the troops sent to confront them. Villages are erased overnight. Farmlands are deserted. IDP camps have become permanent homes for millions. And in the midst of all this, politicians trade blames, hold thanksgiving services, and prepare for the next election cycle, while Nigerians bury their dead in silence.
It is this silence that the world now interprets as complicity.
And when a nation appears complicit in its own tragedy, it loses the moral right to indignation.
Trump’s threat should offend every Nigerian, but it should not surprise anyone. Nations that fail to fix themselves invite pity, and sometimes, predation. We have built a global reputation as a land of endless potential and endless failure. The “Giant of Africa” now stands on the frail legs of corruption, insecurity, and poverty.
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It is this contradiction that emboldens the likes of Trump to hurl insults and contemplate intervention.
For a country so rich in natural resources, human capital, and spiritual fervor, Nigeria’s misery index is a paradox too glaring to ignore. Inflation sits above 30 percent, the naira gasps at ₦1,600 to a dollar, and youth unemployment continues to rise. When leadership turns failure into culture, ridicule becomes inevitable.
The greater tragedy, however, is not Trump’s words but Nigeria’s weakness that made them plausible. For years, our leaders have slept through crises. The insurgency grew under their watch. Banditry expanded under their silence. Farmers abandoned their fields. Schools became abduction zones. The economy bled, and they responded with propaganda and prayer breakfasts.
We have been a country at war without admitting it. And because we have refused to confront our internal decay, our tragedy has become global gossip.
The #EndSARS protest of 2020 was a warning shot, a generation’s cry against oppression and bad governance. Yet, five years later, nothing has changed. The same impunity that dehumanized young protesters at Lekki Tollgate now governs our security architecture. The same arrogance that dismissed public outrage then, dismisses international concern now.
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What is perhaps more disturbing than Trump’s arrogance is the chorus of applause from some Nigerians, Christians and non-Christians alike, who celebrated his threat as divine justice. They cheer an outsider’s insult as though humiliation were a cure.
But as the Yoruba proverb warns: “Omo ale lo n fi owo osi juwe ile baba re.” Only a bastard points to his father’s house with the left hand.
Criticizing one’s country is noble when done in the spirit of correction, but applauding its shaming is folly. A foreign bomb will not discriminate between the guilty and the innocent. Trump’s rhetoric is not motivated by love for Nigeria’s Christians, it is driven by the old Western savior complex, where Africa is the backdrop for another man’s ego and another nation’s geopolitical theater.
If history has taught us anything, it is that America does not invade to save, it invades to reshape. Ask Iraq. Ask Libya. Ask Afghanistan. They all began with the language of “liberation” and ended in ruins.
We are a people living dangerously on the brink, between pride and paralysis.
Trump’s verbal assault should not drive us to defensive anger; it should drive us to national introspection. This moment calls for leadership that listens, acts, and reforms with courage.
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Nigeria must rebuild faith in governance, starting with security sector reforms. We need intelligence-driven operations, proper welfare for troops, and an end to political interference in military command. Every attack on a community should prompt accountability, not recycled condolences.
Equally vital is rebuilding trust between the government and citizens. We must stop treating civic outrage as rebellion. Democracy thrives on the people’s voice, not their silence. When government disconnects from public pain, even sympathy from abroad becomes weaponized.
Finally, leadership must abandon propaganda and embrace truth. Nigerians are not asking for miracles; they are asking for sincerity.
America’s saber-rattling may fade, but the insult will linger if we fail to change. The way out is not to fight Washington’s words, it is to fix Abuja’s reality. A nation that works will not need to plead for respect. The flies will leave when we clean our house.
Nigeria remains a great country, wounded, weary, yet still standing. But greatness is not measured by slogans or population; it is measured by justice, accountability, and the value we place on human life.
If our leaders will finally lead, if our citizens will rise above apathy, and if our institutions will choose integrity over indulgence, then maybe, just maybe, the story will change.
And at that time, when the world looks our way again, it will not be with contempt or pity, but with admiration. Until then, we must keep asking:
When will Nigeria stop attracting flies and start commanding respect?
News
Anambra Poll: INEC Begins Distribution Of Election Materials

The Independent National Electoral Commission on Thursday commenced the distribution of sensitive and non-sensitive materials to various local government areas across Anambra State ahead of the governorship election scheduled for Saturday, November 8, 2025.
The distribution exercise, which took place at the Central Bank of Nigeria branch in Awka, was supervised by the state Resident Electoral Commissioner, Dr Queen Elizabeth Awgu, amid heavy deployment of security personnel.
Party agents, representatives of civil society organisations, and security operatives were also present at the venue to monitor the movement of the materials.
The sensitive materials distributed included the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), Forms EC8A, and Forms EC8B, which, according to the commission, would be moved to the various Registration Area Centres (RACs) ahead of the election.
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Speaking with journalists during the exercise, Awgu explained that the early distribution of materials was part of measures to ensure that the election commenced on schedule across the state.
She said, “People should come out and vote; participate in this election process. Do not stay at home thinking that your vote will not count, and do not assume that your candidate has already won. INEC is fully prepared for this election, and we are assuring the people of Anambra State of a credible and peaceful exercise.
“Party agents and security operatives jointly supervised the distribution of sensitive materials to ensure transparency. We have been at the CBN since 9 am, and everything has gone smoothly without any challenges or complaints. This shows our readiness and commitment to delivering a credible election.”
Awgu noted that INEC had made comprehensive preparations in collaboration with political parties, security agencies, and civil society organisations to guarantee a free, fair, transparent, and credible process.
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INEC officials distributing electoral materials… Credit: Ikenna Obianeri
She said the three categories of sensitive materials—BVAS, Forms EC8A, and Forms EC8B—were being moved to the RACs for final deployment ahead of the election.
Meanwhile, the Commissioner of Police in charge of election security in Anambra, Abayomi Shogunle, disclosed that the number of security personnel deployed for the poll had been increased from 45,000 to 55,000 officers.
According to him, the measure is to ensure adequate protection of voters, electoral officials, and election materials across the 21 local government areas.
Shogunle said, “The increase in security personnel is not to intimidate eligible voters but to ensure effective operations and safety at every polling unit. We want to guarantee voters’ confidence in coming out to cast their ballots without fear.
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“The number would be increased to 55,000 as against the initial 45,000 personnel. The officers will be drawn from the Nigeria Police Force, Immigration Service, NDLEA, DSS, and other sister agencies. At least three security officers will be deployed to each polling unit across the state.
“We assure the people of Anambra that the election will be free, fair, transparent, and devoid of intimidation. Our collective aim is to ensure the safety of voters, INEC officials, and all stakeholders involved.”
Shogunle, who monitored the process at the CBN office, confirmed that the materials being moved included the BVAS devices and result sheets (Forms EC8A and EC8B) for the Saturday poll.
According to INEC, 16 candidates from 16 registered political parties are contesting in the governorship election to wrest power from the incumbent governor and candidate of the All Progressives Grand Alliance, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo.
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