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OPINION: Tinubu, Sanwo-Olu And The Fish God

By Festus Adedayo
As Ngugi wa Thiong’o says in his Wizard of the Crow, (2007), ire is more corrosive than fire. Make no mistake about it: President Bola Tinubu is angry. When Tinubu was similarly angry, I wrote a piece entitled Tinubu the Ap’ejalodo and his strange fish friend (September 18, 2018). That fable was one of the stories that helped to tame the greed of pre and post-colonial Yoruba society, as well as any tendency within it to play God.
By that 2018, Tinubu had made up his mind to replace Akinwunmi Ambode as governor of Lagos State. The piece, using that anecdote, was to warn him not to take the place of God. Suchlike stories helped to shape the moral man in Africa. His cosmology was governed by anecdotes, lore and mores which prescribed moral codes. For centuries, these sustained the associational and moral forte of Africa. Anecdotes that restrained a potential emperor from treading the path of ruination were told to children, even in their infancies; same about petty thieves who came to ghastly ends. For instance, the destructive end of greed was foretold in pre-colonial Yoruba society in the emblematic story of Tortoise and the scalding hot porridge on the fire he stole and covertly put on his head. It burnt his scalp. Permit me to retell the anecdote.
Set in an African village, the story is that of a young wretched fisherman (Ap’ejalodo) who was ravaged by failure. He was unable to catch enough fish over the years to rescue him from the pangs of lack. One day, however, as he thrust his fishing hook into the river, it caught one of the largest fishes he had ever seen. Excited, Ap’ejalodo pulled his awesome catch up to the riverbank and proceeded to yank it off the hook.
As he attempted to carry it to the basket, however, the fish began to speak like a human being. Ap’ejalodo was at first afraid but he eventually pulled himself up and listened to the sermon of the strange fish. Singing, Ap’ejalodo, mo de, ja lo lo, ja lo lo… (Fisherman, here I come…) the fish pleaded to be rescued by the fisherman.
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It promised that if the fisherman spared its life, in lieu of this rescue, he should ask for whatever he wanted in life. Excited, Ap’ejalodo let it off the hook and asked for wealth. Truly, by the time he got home, the ragged clothes on him and his wife had become very big damask agbada and aran, respectively, with their wretched hut transformed into a big mansion. Both now began to live the life of unimaginable splendour.
After a few years, the couple was however barren and the wife entreated Ap’ejalodo to go fishing again and ask his fish friend to rescue them from the social shame. As he thrust his hook into the river again, it caught the strange fish and the earlier process was repeated. This time, he asked for a child and the strange fish granted it, giving him children. Over the years, the fisherman magisterially summoned the fish through same process and the fish bailed the couple out.
Then one day, Ap’ejalodo and wife were just waking up from their magnificent bed when a blinding and intruding ray of the sun meandered into their bedroom. Enraged, Mrs. Ap’ejalodo couldn’t understand the audacity the sun had to intrude into their sacristy. Couldn’t it respect the privacy and majesty of the richest couple in the land? She then angrily commanded Ap’ejalodo to go meet his fish friend and ask that they be given the power to control the temerity of the Sun and other impertinent celestial forces.
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Off Ap’ejalodo went to the river bank, thrust his fishing hook into the river and again invoked the strange fish. And Ap’ejalodo made his plea. The fish was peeved by the fisherman’s greed and audacity.“You were nobody; I made you somebody and you now have everything at your beck and call. Yet, you want to compete with God in majesty and you will not allow even a common sun to shine and perform the illuminating assignment God brought it to perform on earth!”
The fish angrily stormed back into the river and as Ap’ejalodo, downcast, walked back home, his old torn and wretched dress suddenly came back on him, his mansion transformed into the hut of the past and the couple’s latter wretchedness was more striking than the one of yore.
After writing that piece in 2018, as fate would have it, I was wrong and Tinubu was right. In spite of the several entreaties to him, Ap’ejalodo had his way and Ambode became history. Today, Ap’ejalodo has warred with all his governor nominees since 2007. He attempted to remove all of them but only succeeded with Ambode. On each occasion, he made himself the victim of his disagreements with his mentee governors, answering to that Oscar Wilde statement that you cannot be too careful in the choice of your enemies. Babajide Sanwo-Olu has joined the infamous train of victims of Tinubu’s ferocious anger.
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As far back as January of this year, sullen murmurs of bees of power in Alausa and Aso Rock hinted that Ap’ejalodo was angry. While Ambode’s err was failure to offload requested funds, Sanwo-Olu’s was his indiscretion and temerity. An alleged female friend of the governor was said to have helped him courier Lagos funds to Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi to enable him win the 2023 governorship. In violation of the laws of power, Sanwo-Olu thus outshone the Master. While he won his Lagos election, Ap’ejalodo lost. Ap’ejalodo actually didn’t mind him losing the election, with the aim of cutting his wings but regaining his overlordship of Lagos in a subsequent estimated victory in the court. At a meeting of the two, while the governor swore his innocence, Ap’ejalodo was said to have derisively laughed him off, maintaining he had security reports which affirmed the transaction. The stroke that broke the camel’s back was the governor’s effrontery in removing Speaker Mudashiru Obasa, Ap’ejalodo’s protege who had been overtly rude to the governor.
Twice in a week, Ap’ejalodo has ridiculed Sanwo-Olu at both the Lagos-Calabar highway and Lekki Free Port road commissioning. He skipped shaking his hands in one and ensured his absence in the other. You could hear the ghoulish cries of vultures waiting to feed off the flesh of the governor. At the Port road commissioning, Ap’ejalodo was fuming from all cylinders: “I am glad the Deputy Governor of Lagos is here. Take it that we will remove all those approvals given on the setbacks already given. No more planning approvals for those unplanned island being created illegally,” he said. Ngugi wa Thiong’o was indeed right. Ire is corrosive.
Ap’ejalodo, having been lifted up by his fish god friend to have an elephant firmly rested on his head, still wants to know what tiny crickets are doing in their small holes. He is enraged by the audacity of Sanwo-Olu’s Sun to intrude into his sacristy. Couldn’t the lanky fellow respect the majesty of the No. 1 Citizen of Nigeria, its richest
News
CDD Assesses Anambra Guber Poll, Says Vote Buying Prominent In South, Central

The Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD-West Africa), has released its preliminary observation in the November 8 Anambra State governorship election, lamenting that voting buying was prominent in Anambra Central and South senatorial districts.
The CDD said these “multiple incidents of vote buying and trading,” often “carried out in full view of voters and officials, directly undermined the transparency and fairness of the electoral process.”
In a preliminary assessment statement read by Professor Victor Adetula, Chair,
CDD-West Africa Election Analysis Centre, during a press briefing in Akwa, said in some instances, party agents used money transfer platforms rather than direct cash payments to complete the transactions.
“In Awka South, Anambra Central, and in Nnewi North LGA, vote buying was observed in high-density polling clusters, including Nodu Village Hall 1 (PU 009, 2,780 registered voters), Nodu Hall 2 (PU 010, 1,983 voters), and Ezinifitte Hall 2 (PU 008, 3,352 voters) and Nibo 002 Maternity I. Voters were seen participating in “vote-and-snap” behavior taking pictures of their marked ballots, likely as proof of compliance in exchange for financial incentives.”
READ ALSO: Yiaga, Kukah Centre, CEMESO, Others, Assess Anambra Guber, Advocate Electoral Laws Enforcement
He added: “Party agents offered voters up to ₦10,000 and ₦5,000, depending on the location. For example, in PU 005, Achina Ward 3, and in Aguata LGA, opposite PU 012, Ward 1, agents distributed ₦5,000 and ₦2,000 payments to voters.”
According to the CDD, despite “strong interest shown by youth during the Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) period, turnout among young voters on election day was visibly low, especially in urban centres such as Awka and Onitsha.”
The CDD said the “contributing factors appeared to include disillusionment with the political process, logistical delays, and perceived lack of impact.”
The CDD lamented that “Women, particularly female candidates, continued to face voter apathy and discriminatory behaviour,” adding that “observers recorded instances where female candidates were subjected to dismissive or sexist commentary at polling units, reinforcing the cultural and institutional barriers to women’s political participation.”
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“Accessibility for persons with disabilities remained limited in several areas, including Onitsha North and Idemili South LGAs.
“Despite INEC’s public commitment to inclusion, observers reported that many polling units lacked wheelchair access, signage for the visually impaired, or priority voting arrangements.”
On security, the CDD said it observers “observed a high concentration of security officials, media and election observers in polling units associated with popular political figures,” noting that “in contrast, polling units with fewer registered voters showed inadequate security coverage, which aligns with the 12.7% of PUs that had no security personnel present.”
“The absence of law enforcement in these units exposed electoral officials and voters to potential risks and created space for political interference.
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“This disparity in deployment raises concerns about strategic allocation of security resources, especially in rural polling units.
“While the overall security coverage was sufficient in most areas, the lack of consistent deployment risks undermines electoral integrity and public trust.
“All polling units, regardless of size or location, require adequate and competent security coverage to safeguard the voting process and ensure that all voters can participate without fear or interference,” CDD advocated.
On BVAS, the CDD said “in 78.9% of polling units, a single BVAS device was deployed, while 18% had two machines available, and 1.5% reported having more than two devices.
“Our observers also noted that in 96.2% of polling units, the BVAS machines correctly displayed the required zero count before the commencement of accreditation.”
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Yiaga, Kukah Centre, CEMESO, Others, Assess Anambra Guber, Advocate Electoral Laws Enforcement

A coalition of election monitoring civil society organisations has released a preliminary assessment of the November 8 Anambra State governorship election, focusing on deployment of election materials
and personnel, accreditation and voting, as well as inclusivity and
accessibility, amongst others.
The coalition, referred to as Anambra Election Observation Hub,
comprised of Yiaga Africa, The Kukah Centre, International Press
Centre (IPC), Centre for Media and Society (CEMESO), Nigeria
Women Trust Fund (NWTF), ElectHER, and TAF Africa.
Addressing journalists in Akwa on behalf of other partners, Executive Director, Yiaga Africa, Samson Itodo, said the coalition jointly deployed 711 citizen observers across the 21 LGAs of the state, Each organization leads on a specific thematic pillar, including election integrity, results verification, election security, disability inclusion, gender participation, peacebuilding, misinformation tracking, and media safety.
He described the election as generally peaceful with a secure environment, adding that election officials and security personnel in polling units displayed
professionalism and adequate knowledge of electoral procedures.
READ ALSO: PHOTOS: Low Turnout, Voter Apathy Mar Anambra Guber
According to him,
while electoral materials were deployed as scheduled
in most polling units, some logistical challenges, such as delays in the arrival of materials
and election personnel, were recorded, adding that these led to the late commencement of polls
in some polling units.
He said BVAS, register of voters, voting cubicle, and Indelible Ink were present in 100% of polling
units observed, noting that election materials like the PWD Voter information and Statistics
Form (Form EC 40H) were seen in 86% of polling units, and PWD Poster (Form EC 30E) in
84% of polling units.
“Additionally, 5% of the polling units had two or more BVAS devices deployed. However,
in 3% of polling units, the BVAS accreditation count were not displayed to voters before
accreditation commenced. This procedural oversight could undermine transparency and
affect voter confidence in the integrity of the accreditation process,” he added.
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He said “notable gaps in security coverage were also recorded. In some polling units,
such as PU 014, Nkwelle Ezunaka, Oyi LGA, voting commenced without the presence of any security personnel. Such security gaps expose polling units to potential disputes,
intimidation, or electoral malpractice, especially in politically tense or high-stakes areas.
It also questions the accuracy of the 55,000 security personnel deployed for the election
as reported by the security agencies.”
Itodo, however, decried the prevalent of vote buying in the election, saying “these acts undermine the
integrity of the election.”
The Yiaga Africa ED, while calling for an urgent enforcement of electoral laws to deter vote buying and selling at election, noted: “In some instances, political agents adopted new and covert strategies to perpetrate vote buying.
“We received reports of party agents recording the details of voters for post-voting financial inducement. POS machines were also deployed at or near polling units to facilitate financial transactions in exchange for votes.”
News
AnambraDecides: KDI Decries Vote Buying, Compromise of Ballot Secrecy

The Kimpact Development Initiative (KDI) has decried political parties agents interference and vote trading in the November 8 Anambra State governorship election.
KDI, in mid-electiom findings made available to newsmen in Akwa, said the interference and vote buying by party agents “represents a fundamental assault on the integrity of the electoral process, undermining the principles of free, fair, and credible elections.”
The KDI, in the mid-electiom statement signed by its Team Lead, Bukola Idowu, stated that failure
of INEC officials and security personnel at affected polling units to curtail these
activities raise serious concerns about enforcement of electoral guidelines and protection of voters’ rights.
“One of the most concerning
developments observed across polling units is the pervasive interference by
political party agents in the voting process.
“Our observation documentation
shows systematic violations of electoral guidelines by agents representing
primarily the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), All Progressives Congress
(APC), and Young Progressives Party (YPP).
READ ALSO:AnambraDecides: Let Every Vote Counts, Situation Room Tasks INEC
“Party agents were observed
engaging in blatant vote-buying operations, approaching voters with cash inducements ranging from ₦3,000 to ₦10,000, establishing “verification points”
where voters received payments after casting their ballots.
“These violations
represent a fundamental assault on the integrity of the electoral process, undermining the principles of free, fair, and credible elections, while the failure
of INEC officials and security personnel at affected polling units to curtail these
activities raise serious concerns about enforcement of electoral guidelines and protection of voters’ rights.”
Key Observations
The CSO said it observers in the field recorded late “commencement was due to absence of
INEC officials in some places, voters and at the instance of INEC ad-hoc officials they link this to the absence of security officials,” adding that compromise of ballot secrecy
across several polling units, and relatively efficient BVAS was also observed.
KDI said despite the huge number of security personnel deployed to the state for the election, troubling disconnect
between these figures and actual ground presence was observed.
“Our observers have documented sparse and uneven distribution of security personnel at polling units, with many locations having minimal or no visible security presence, while security forces appear concentrated at strategic locations – There were report of
security concentration in Anambra South – like Aguata but major urban centers, and semi-urban LGAs seems to have sparse. Reports show that in Awka South
LGA, Ward 19, PU-21, as at 9:57am, no security officer was seen,” it said.
On violence, KDI said it observers recorded “twenty-one (21) incidents of violence across the
over 1000 polling units observed,” adding, “these incidents involved group clashes, voter intimidation and harassment, physical assault, and ballot box snatching.”
It further said: “Of the
reported cases, seven (7) in Oyi, three (3) occurred in Ogbaru, Njikoka, and one
(1) in Anambra East, Anaocha, Nnewi North, Orunmba and Nnewi South.
“The perpetrators were identified as party agents and voters, with one incident
involving a security officer who discharged tear gas at a polling location.”
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