Connect with us

News

Union Gloves vs Corporate Fists: The Dangote–NUPENG Showdown

Published

on

By Israel Adebiyi

The impasse between the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) and the Dangote Refinery has at last been calmed, thanks to the intervention of the Federal Government. For days, the matter stirred debates in homes, offices, and market squares, with Nigerians asking where the truth lay. At first glance, it seemed to be a straightforward struggle for workers’ rights, but beneath the chants of solidarity and the stern defenses of corporate efficiency lies a bigger question about where our national interest truly resides.

The constitutional foundation is clear. Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) provides that “every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests.” On the surface, therefore, NUPENG’s position that workers in the Dangote Refinery should have the right to unionize appears unassailable. Rights, however, do not operate in isolation; they must be exercised with responsibility and with due regard for broader societal implications.

Advertisement

Dangote, on his part, argued from the perspective of efficiency, discipline, and streamlined management. His position reflects the concern of many private investors in Nigeria who see unions not always as partners in progress but as instruments of disruption. The fear is not theoretical. The country has endured decades of industrial actions that cripple essential services, often at great cost to the very citizens unions claim to protect. In this light, Dangote’s resistance may not be a desire to trample on rights, but rather an attempt to avoid the familiar cycle of strikes and standoffs that have strangled other vital sectors.

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: 200k – The Shameful Prize For Academic Excellence

This tension raises an important question about the role of unions in Nigeria today. Historically, unions have been the moral compass of industrial society. They emerged to fight exploitation, to ensure fair wages, and to secure humane conditions of service. In many parts of the world, they remain engines of progress and defenders of justice. But the Nigerian experience has too often revealed another picture. For decades, our government-owned refineries remained in comatose state, swallowing billions of dollars in endless turnaround maintenance exercises without yielding a single barrel of refined product. Salaries were still paid, union offices remained open, but the voice of labour was curiously faint. There were no nationwide pickets demanding accountability, no strikes to compel government action, no campaigns to rescue the sector from ruin. Silence prevailed. The unions were alive, but they appeared comfortable in a system that rewarded failure.

Advertisement

Contrast that with the arrival of a private giant, a refinery built with vision, audacity, and sheer resilience against Nigeria’s hostile investment climate. Suddenly, the unions rediscovered their voice. They sang solidarity songs and raised placards, anchoring their grievance not on unpaid salaries or unsafe conditions, but on the right to membership. It is here that many Nigerians began to sense hypocrisy. Where was this passion when government after government wrecked our refineries and denied Nigerians the dignity of energy sufficiency? Why does the urgency to act appear strongest only when a private-sector initiative threatens the comfort zones of labour cartels? As the adage goes, “It is not every shout of fire that comes from a burning house; sometimes it comes from a kitchen disturbed.”

The problem with this form of unionism is that it begins to mirror the same oppression it claims to fight. In many Nigerian markets, traders’ unions act as cartels, fixing prices, intimidating dissenters, and distorting the natural balance of willing seller and willing buyer. Instead of protecting livelihoods, they suffocate them. This is not unlike the present standoff in the oil and gas sector, where the noble idea of protecting workers’ rights appears entangled with the less noble ambition of protecting turf and revenue through membership dues. The ordinary Nigerian is left wondering: who union help? The buyer who cannot afford inflated prices? The worker whose voice is often drowned in the politics of union executives? Or the society that pays the price when productivity is disrupted?

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: Ezekwesili, The NBA, And The Mirror Of Truth

Advertisement

None of this suggests that Dangote should be sanctified or given a blank cheque. Investors, no matter how ambitious or patriotic, are not immune to the temptations of overreach. It is possible to seek efficiency at the expense of fairness, or to pursue discipline at the cost of liberty. The Constitution must be respected, and the rights of workers must not be undermined in the name of corporate ambition. But balance is essential. Rights must coexist with responsibility, and unions must rediscover their higher calling.

The bigger picture is what should concern us most. Nigeria stands at a crossroads. A working refinery capable of reducing our import bills, creating jobs, stabilizing the naira, and boosting our pride is a national priority. Any action, whether from unions or from corporate actors, that frustrates this goal is ultimately against the interest of the people. The adage says, “When two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers.” In this case, the elephants are NUPENG and Dangote, and the grass is the Nigerian people, weary from years of fuel scarcity, inflation, and economic hardship.

What is needed is not confrontation but cooperation. Strong unions can and should coexist with strong companies. Around the world, the most competitive firms are often those that engage constructively with organized labour, ensuring that productivity and fairness walk hand in hand. Nigerian unions must learn to wield their power not as a bludgeon but as a lever for progress. They must fight for safety, equity, inclusiveness, and opportunity, not merely for compulsory membership. Investors, in turn, must recognize that respecting rights and upholding dignity is not a burden but a foundation for long-term stability.

Advertisement

In the end, the test is simple: which path best serves Nigerians? Not the preservation of union dues, not the preservation of corporate control, but the preservation of national interest. If unions can return to their nobility and investors can temper ambition with fairness, then the people win. And that, in the final analysis, is the only victory that matters.

News

OPINION: An Agenda For Yoruba Oba, Leaders

Published

on

By Lasisi Olagunju

On Friday, November 1, 1878, a decisive war was fought in the north-eastern corridor of Yorubaland. History remembers it as the Jalumi War. It was that one-day battle that permanently halted the southward march of the Fulani towards the sea.

One of the bitterest engagements of that war was fought in a place called Iba, a few kilometres off the Ikirun-Offa Road.

Advertisement

I remembered that episode of Yoruba history when the oba of the town, the Eburu of Iba, Oba (Prof) Adekunle Okunoye, invited me to deliver his tenth coronation anniversary lecture last Thursday. We agreed on the topic: ‘Old Crowns, New Worlds: Obas and the Future of Indigenous Leadership in Yorubaland.’

I told two friends about the assignment, and their responses were the same: how safe could that journey be with the Fulani around? They refused to accompany me. I did not find their apprehension amusing. That Osun State community is a shouting distance from Kwara South, with its blisters of insecurity. Imagine bandits from the north invading a gathering of Yoruba kings.

I could have told Kabiyesi that there was another assignment. For a reporter, there is always another deadline and a reason to postpone one journey for another. But then I asked myself whether it was divine design or mere coincidence that a major cultural event was taking place in that community at the very moment the aggressor of the nineteenth century appears to have resumed the abandoned campaign to penetrate and plunder Yorubaland.

Advertisement

Why are armed men from the north ravaging the peace of the Yoruba often without resistance? Why are they killing the old and abducting the young from communities that had known peace for almost two centuries? How have the Yoruba become so vulnerable at a time when a Yoruba man is President and Commander-in-Chief of Nigeria?

Eminent historian Professor Banji Akintoye, in ‘The Yoruba People: Profile of the Foremost Black Nation’ (2022:95), quotes equally eminent Professor Wande Abimbola as lamenting in exasperation, “in elite circles”, that “the British could not, and did not, conquer us Yoruba, but now Nigeria is conquering us.”

Professor Abimbola’s observation deserves careful reflection. I read it through the lens of the fourteenth-century North African thinker, Ibn Khaldun. In his Muqaddimah, Khaldun argues that every successful society carries within itself the seeds of decline. He calls the force that makes a people great ‘asabiyyah’ —group solidarity, social cohesion and a shared sense of purpose. It is this collective spirit that builds civilisations and sustains them through adversity. It worked for the Yoruba generations that fought the Fulani wars of the 19th century.

Advertisement

Yet prosperity and comfort can gradually erode solidarity. Men who inherit power often forget the hardships through which it was won. A further reading of Ibn Khaldun tells me that as asabiyyah weakens, societies become vulnerable to more cohesive, more determined challengers. Dynasties, Khaldun warned, have life cycles just as men do. The question confronting the Yoruba today is whether the insecurity engulfing their homeland is merely a failure of the Nigerian state or evidence of a deeper erosion of Yoruba asabiyyah.

In the past, a full Oba River was never an excuse for turning down the oba’s invitation. Now, something worse than a full, furious flood stands on the way of the Yoruba traveller. Should it be so bad that in the 21st century, there would be a part of the fatherland that a citizen would be afraid to go? In Yorubaland, offspring of the house does not knock before crossing the threshold; besides, a child should never dread his father’s home. So, I was there, in Iba, on Thursday to heed the king’s summon.

READ MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Boko Haram Comes South

Advertisement

The assignment turned out to be more than a lecture. It became an opportunity to reflect on an institution many have repeatedly buried but which stubbornly refuses to die: the Yoruba throne. For more than a century, prophets of modernity have predicted the disappearance of kingship. Colonialism was supposed to finish it. Democracy was expected to replace it. Globalisation was thought capable of making it irrelevant. Yet the palace remains.

But as what? A king without kingship. A ruler stripped of the sword but still burdened with his people’s expectations of protection in a time of war.

The lecture and the discussions in Iba were not merely about the past. They were also about the anxieties of the present. There were about forty obas at the event. I looked at them; they asked questions, I answered. We looked at one another. We found no magic with which to retrieve the peace of the past. It is gone.

Advertisement

A friend who hailed from Ogbomoso agonised over the recent mass kidnap of kids and teachers in her homestead. She sent me a staccato of messages conveying her fears and frustrations. She recalled what she encountered in that part of Yorubaland four years ago:

“I was in Ipapo in Oke Ogun, in 2022 for a research on the farmer-herder crisis. The town itself had about 70 per cent Hausa-Fulani population and the Yoruba residents were constantly harassed by these people. When we tried to have focus group discussions with them, we observed that as soon as any Hausa-Fulani passed, they either went quiet or carefully measured their responses. In the mosque, northerners were at the front and the Yorubas stayed at the back to pray. There was a demarcation. One of us was a Muslim who went into the mosque to pray; he briefed us on what he saw.

“These things had been brewing for long. The warning signs were ignored. What was overlooked has now come full blown in Yorubaland. These towns — Ipapo, Otu, Sepeteri — had always been terrorised. During that research, the only place that was clean of Fulani torment was Igangan. When we got to Sepeteri, the people told us which roads to take, which ones to avoid and the time to travel. It was tales of woe – and fear – throughout.”

Advertisement

Listening to her, I found myself wondering what the old Yoruba political order would have done in such circumstances.

The oba of old handled such situations as war commander. He was a lion. His authority was measured not by the ferocity of his roar but by the peace enjoyed by those under his care. He stood watchful and composed, a steady presence in turbulent times, unshaken when storms gathered over the land. That is why the Yoruba say: “Ibi tí kìnìún bá tọ̀ sí, ẹranko tó bá bá ibẹ̀ lọ kò so ríire.” Where the lion marks with its urine, any animal that passes through the place is doomed.

Such was the authority of the oba. But that was in the past. T. A. A. Ladele’s ‘Igbi Aye Nyi’ tells us of that transition from the substance of power to its abject opposite. The novel laments: Omi lọ ľáyé, pètèpétè l’o kù/ Oba lọ l’ayé, àworán l’ọbá dà (The spring water has gone; mud remains/ Kingship has departed; only its image survives).

Advertisement

One oba asked me how the past could be salvaged? I asked if there had ever been a river that flows backward. The challenge before today’s oba is not how to recover lost political power. That era is gone. The challenge is how to recover moral authority. A throne respected for integrity, restraint and service will remain relevant. A throne converted into a business venture may survive physically but lose its soul.

READ MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: [OPINION] Awolowo: Legacies And Prophecies

I told the gathering of traditional rulers that the oba of the future must be more than a custodian of rituals and of beautiful regalia. He must be a custodian of relevance. He must understand tradition without becoming trapped by it. He must embrace innovation without becoming uprooted. He must be educated without becoming alienated. He must speak the language of ancestry and the language of technology.

Advertisement

I told them the oba must be an instrument of development, cultural renewal and community advancement. He should champion education, encourage enterprise, support social cohesion and serve as a voice of moderation in moments of tension. The palace should become more than a residence; it should become a living classroom.

We also discussed obas and politics.
Should an oba openly participate in partisan contests? I told them no. The oba is a citizen. He has opinions. He votes where the law permits him to vote. But the throne belongs to everybody. The palace must remain a place where supporters of opposing parties can sit together. Once a king becomes identified with one faction, he risks turning subjects into opponents.

Political victories come and go. The throne is expected to outlive them all.

Advertisement

Which brings me back to Jalumi.
If Jalumi was fought to halt an external threat to Yoruba existence, today’s threat is different. It comes on motorcycles instead of cavalry; with kidnappers instead of imperial armies. Yet the challenge remains the same: can Yoruba institutions still mobilise society in moments of danger?
The answer to that question may determine whether the throne remains merely a monument to history or a participant in shaping the future.

It is true that the obaship institution has lived through threats that threatened its existence. But survival alone is not enough. The palace faces a challenge our ancestors never imagined. That challenge is modernity, or what J. D. Y. Peel called olaju.
The danger is not technology. The danger is forgetting who we are. Odò tí ó bá gbàgbé orísun rẹ̀ yóò gbẹ. A river that forgets its source will dry up. The same is true of a people.

The modern oba’s battlefield is no longer the theatre of war. It is the frontier of ideas, organisation, intelligence and community resilience.

Advertisement

The future will not belong to societies imprisoned by tradition. Neither will it belong to societies ashamed of their heritage. It will belong to those wise enough to carry old crowns into new worlds.

The challenges of our age demand more than nostalgia. You cannot fight today’s AK-47 war with yesterday’s amulets. A Yorubaland that will survive the present existential threats must learn to hunt today’s hare with today’s hound. The wisdom of the ancestors remains invaluable, but the ancestors themselves taught adaptation. After all, a river that refuses to bend to the landscape never reaches the sea.

And perhaps that is the real agenda for the oba – and for Yoruba leaders in general.

Advertisement

As we discussed the place of the throne in today’s insecurity, a striking intervention came from the North. The Emir of Argungu, Alhaji Muhammad Samaila Mera, urged district heads, village heads and ward heads in Kebbi State to organise active community responses to banditry. He asked his people to match bandits’ arms with arms, gun with gun. He asked them to cure madness with madness. His point was simple: criminals thrive where communities are vulnerable, fragmented and fearful.

READ MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: An Epidemic Of Sorrow

Whether one agrees entirely with the Emir’s prescription is not the issue. The larger lesson is that a traditional ruler should not be a ceremonial spectator while his people live under siege. He must think. He must strategise. He must convene. He must use the moral authority of the throne to organise society against danger.

Advertisement

That, perhaps, is what the modern oba must become.

The oba of old rode at the head of armies. The oba of today cannot do that. The Constitution has taken away the sword, but it has not taken away the voice. It has not taken away influence. It has not taken away legitimacy. It has not taken away the capacity to bring hunters, farmers, traders, youth leaders, religious authorities, security agencies and community organisations to one table.

My point is that in an age of insecurity, the king must be more than a custodian of festivals and traditions. He must be the community’s chief thinker, chief strategist and chief mobiliser. He must understand the changing realities of his domain, encourage intelligence gathering, strengthen social cohesion and help transform frightened populations into organised communities.

Advertisement

Jalumi was won not merely because brave men fought. It was won because leaders recognised a threat, understood its implications and mobilised society to confront it.

Every generation has its own Jalumi.
The weapons change. The battlefield changes. The enemy changes.
But the need for leadership does not. That is why the future throne cannot afford to sleep, even if the old powers now reside in the pouch of the one who commands troops from Abuja.

Now, a spur away from the oba and their future. If the president has inherited the powers the oba once wielded, should he not also inherit the obligation that came with those powers?

Advertisement

The first duty of government is security. Everything else comes after that. Roads, bridges, rail lines and airports are useful only when citizens are alive and free to use them. History ultimately judges rulers not by the grandeur of their projects but by the safety of their people.

If the old oba was measured by the peace of his kingdom, if he rose and fell with his people’s security, the modern president cannot escape the same test. In a season of fear, protection is the highest form of leadership. The leader who secures his people earns their gratitude; the one who fails is remembered like Alaafin Aole under whom Yorubaland became an empire of refugees.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

News

Ohanaeze Ndigbo Bans Monarchical Titles In Edo

Published

on

The Edo State chapter of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide has banned the use of unauthorized Igbo traditional titles such as Ezeigbo, Ezendigbo, Igwe, and similar monarchical designations outside recognized traditional institutions in Igboland.

Addressing journalists during a press conference in Benin, the state secretary of the group, Mr. Emmanuel Ofodu, said the directive follows a resolution of the organization’s General Assembly held on April 9, 2026, which according to him, applies to all Igbo communities in Edo State, the wider Diaspora, and across Nigeria.

He said that the creation or operation of parallel traditional leadership structures outside Igboland is not only culturally invalid but also allegedly inconsistent with a prior court ruling referenced as Suit No. B/290/2015.

Advertisement

Ofodu aɗded that the only constitutionally and traditionally recognized authorities in Igboland have the mandate to confer such titles, warning that any individual or group involved in unauthorized coronations or installations would be acting in violation of both cultural directives and legal pronouncements.

READ ALSO: Two Governors Behind Plan To Destroy Ohanaeze Ndigbo – Secretary-General

He noted that the statement also reaffirmed cooperation with Edo State’s established traditional authority, including loyalty to the Oba of Benin, Ewuare II, and other recognized traditional rulers across Edo North and Central senatorial districts.

Advertisement

He urged security agencies, government authorities, and the public to treat any unauthorized use of such titles as invalid, insisting that enforcement of the directive is necessary to preserve cultural order and prevent inter-communal tensions.

He further emphasized that Igbo residents in Edo State should operate under recognized community frameworks, including town unions and the state chapter of Igbo Community Union, in line with broader coordination by Ohanaeze Ndigbi.

Speaking on the nationwide voter registration mobilization, he said the group announced the commencement of a statewide civic mobilisation campaign aimed at boosting participation in the ongoing voter registration exercise conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Advertisement

READ ALSO: Edo Police Recover Live Cartridges, Arrest Suspect

According to the Edo State leadership, “the registration window scheduled to close in July 2026 is a critical opportunity for eligible citizens to update their records, obtain Permanent Voter Cards and strengthen political participation ahead of future elections.

He appealed to all Igbo residents aged 18 and above to register, update their details where necessary, and ensure full participation in the electoral process.

Advertisement

He described voter participation as essential to civic influence, stating that “numbers determine representation in a democratic system” and urging eligible voters not to miss the registration window.

He said that the Ohanaeze Ndigbo s directives on traditional title regulation and voter registration are aimed at strengthening unity, ensuring lawful cultural practices, and enhancing political participation among Igbo residents in Edo State.

READ ALSO: Two Governors Behind Plan To Destroy Ohanaeze Ndigbo – Secretary-General

Advertisement

He further reaffirmed the group’s commitment to peaceful coexistence with host communities and adherence to existing traditional and administrative structures in the state.

Speaking also, the state legal adviser of the group, George Igbokwe, said the decision to proscribe such titles stemmed from the incidence that happened in South Africa where some of their sons were taking different titles.

The message sent to Edo Chapter is to disseminate the information from their last executive meeting where the issue of some Igbo people in the diaspora take the title of Eze Ndigbo or Eze Igbo in their various places of business.

Advertisement

“The Ohanaeze Ndigbo noted that it has caused several problems in Ghana, in South Africa, in Amsterdam and other parts of the world.

“So they have put their feet down in conjunction with the Council of Traditional Rulers of Ndigbo that, that Eze Ndigbo or Eze Igbo or performing the duties of Eze Ndigbo in any form or manner should be totally and permanently proscribed and prohibited”, Igbokwe said.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

News

World Ocean Day: Edo Coastal Communities Lament Loss Of Fish Species, Others

Published

on

Fishing communities in the coastal areas of Ovia North-East Local Government Area of Edo State have lamented the disappearance of fish species in their rivers, blaming multinational companies’ extractive activities, climate change, and harmful fishing practices.

They spoke during an event organised by the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) to mark this year’s World Ocean Day in Ekewan community, Ovia North-East Local Government Area.

Participants drawn from Gelegele, Inikorogha, Iboro, Ikoro and Ekewan communities said that due to some harmful activities taking place on their rivers, many species of fish they used to catch 20 to 30 years ago are no longer available.

Advertisement

They added that the few species left now require fishermen to travel long distances before making catches.

READ ALSO: 200 Gelegele Community Residents Benefit From TEAAF Free Medical Care

Obon Gardan from Iboro community lamented that crude oil spills in the river, which have persisted for years, have negatively affected fishing activities in the area.

Advertisement

He urged the government to empower fishing communities with fishing nets, engine boats, hooks and other equipment, just as free fertilisers are provided for farmers.

Divine Subotie from Inikorogha community said that although there were some practices among local fishermen that were harmful to fishing activities, coupled with river pollution and climate change, the dialogue had opened her eyes to many issues.

Until now, I never knew that when we fish in a particular area, we need to allow the fishes some time to reproduce and mature before returning to the same spot to fish again. So, I will go back and tell my community people this. If only they agree to allow such a period of rest, the fish population will grow. This will also benefit us,” she said.

Advertisement
A cross section of participants at the event.

A cross section of participants at the event.

READ ALSO: GMOs: HOMEF Trains Gelegele Farmers, Urges Them To Embrace Agroecology

Regina Awowo from Gelegele community, while appreciating HOMEF for organising the event, urged the government to assist the communities through empowerment programmes and other support initiatives.

Timothy Sibete, Chairman of Ekewan community, described the programme as an eye-opener and urged the organisation not to relent in its advocacy for climate justice and public enlightenment.

He said that before the event, he never knew that some fishing practices were harmful to humanity, adding that the dialogue had broadened his understanding of such practices.

Advertisement

Earlier in his remarks, Stanley Egholo, Project Lead for Fossil Politics at HOMEF and Coordinator of the FishNet Alliance Network, said the significance of the event was to celebrate the efforts of artisanal fishers in the area.

“At the FishNet Alliance, we focus more on artisanal fishing and also kick against exploitative activities by multinational oil corporations,” he said.

READ ALSO: Oil Extraction Gelegelegbene Residents Lament Pollution, Heat Waves

Advertisement

Egholo advocated community-driven government policies, stressing that: “Policies must be driven from the community level. People must make inputs from the grassroots into whatever laws govern our oceans and water bodies.

“It should not just be for governments to make laws that are not community-related and that do not serve the interests of the people. Government must consider community inputs in whatever laws are made to regulate oceans and other water bodies.”

He also called for an immediate transition from fossil fuel extraction to renewable energy.

Advertisement

“That is the solution. Not the false solutions being promoted by some corporations that are also benefiting from environmental degradation,” he added.

Continue Reading

Trending