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Gaza Or Jerusalem: Where Should Nigerians Be Found? [OPINION]

By Lasisi Olagunju
If history were a child, the Yoruba would insist on calling it an Abiku. History keeps climbing the chimney and, in Wole Soyinka’s voice, yelling at us: “I am Abiku, calling for the first/ And the repeated time.” And with J.P. Clark’s opening glee, his entrance chant, history revels in “coming and going these several seasons.” Hundreds of years before Christ, a rampaging General called Alexander the Great from Macedonia staged what history recorded as the Siege of Gaza. Second century Greek historian and military commander, Arrian of Nicomedia, wrote on the last days of the siege. He also gave a gripping account of the massacre which followed the siege: “Their land now in the hands of the enemy, the Gazanians stood together and fought; so that they were all slain fighting there as each man had been stationed. Alexander sold their wives and children into slavery…” That mass murder happened in October 332 BC. This year, another trouble started in Gaza on October 7. Fifty-years ago, on October 6, 1973, Israel suffered a surprise attack launched simultaneously by Egypt and Syria. Those two Arab countries said they wanted to correct the ‘error’ of the six-day war of June 1967 in which they lost land and honour and prestige to small Israel. In 1967, Syria lost the Golan Heights to Israel; Egypt lost the Sinai Peninsula to Israel; the Palestinian people lost the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. It was those losses that provoked the 1973 war. And who won in 1973? History says both sides claimed victory but the real victor is the power occupying the occupied territories today.
On 7 October, 2023, Palestinian militant group, Hamas, launched a surprise, condemnable assault on southern Israel. Hundreds of innocent Israelis were killed. Israel has been fighting back with bombs and bullets. The entire Gaza is under a total siege. Israeli Defense Minister, Yoav Gallant, days ago told anyone who cared to listen that the strip would receive “no electricity, no food, no water, no fuel.” Suffering that measure are 2.2million souls who live there. Condemnable. And, in that cold announcement is a deja vu. At a postmortem of the six-day war of 1967, the then Prime Minister of Israel, Levi Eshkol, reportedly told his ministers his solution to the Arab problem in Gaza: “Perhaps if we don’t give them enough water they won’t have a choice…We’ll deprive Gaza of water, and the Arabs will leave.” This past weekend, Israel announced that it was about to begin a ground operation in Gaza to hunt down Hamas. It then ordered over one million Palestinian civilians living in northern Gaza to leave the place within 24 hours. The old people who live in today’s Gaza are refugees uprooted from the area that became Israel in 1948. The young ones there are their descendants. Both generations are about to be refugees again.
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That corridor called Gaza is a jinxed strip. The International Dictionary of Historic Places puts its date of first habitation as the 15th century BCE. The introductory paragraph of an 11 October, 2023 report by Reuters news agency tells the city’s grim history: “Gaza is a coastal strip of land that lay on ancient trading and marine routes along the Mediterranean shore. Held by the Ottoman Empire until 1917, it passed from British to Egyptian to Israeli military rule over the last century and is now a fenced-in enclave inhabited by over two million Palestinians.” The unjust fencing was done by Israel in 1994 for security and economic reasons. The barrier notwithstanding, the Gaza-Israeli border has continued to be a thunderclap headache to Israel because of extremist reactions to its ‘overlordship’ from the other side.
This 2023 war is not the first and won’t be the last. But then, you want to ask why this war and all the others before it? At the centre of it all is land, the breath that comes with it and the duties attached to its protection. The Jews believe they were promised and gifted the land called Israel by the ‘God of Israel’ and it is their sacred duty to keep it. Palestinians call the land Palestine and they claim it as a bequest to them from the God of their ancestors. They hold that the land, particularly Jerusalem, hosts holy sites and buildings entrusted to their care by God. Both sides won’t surrender it; they won’t betray their ancestors; they won’t sin against God. That is my summary of the problem and why it is a war that may last till (or lead to) the end of the world.
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While these historical racial rivals fight over their inheritance, should black Africa be divided between the warring two? Ghana and Kenya are officially with Israel; South Africa is with Palestine; Nigeria says it is neutral although its citizens are badly divided over the war. But the two fighting forces have zero respect for black people no matter how pious and religious we think we are. There are Afro-Palestinian people in Jerusalem. They suffer everything black South Africans suffered in apartheid South Africa. In a 2014 report, The Times of Israel reported that in spite of the strong identification of Afro-Palestinians with Palestine “there is nonetheless a degree of racial discrimination against them by the broader Arab population.” Also, writer and journalist, Charmaine Seitz, in a 2002 article published in Jerusalem Quarterly, said “some Palestinians still refer to those with dark skin as ‘abeed,’ literally translated as ‘slaves.’” Seitz was appalled that “racial slurs against blacks are oddly frequent in a society that has experienced its own share of prejudice and discrimination at home and abroad.” The discrimination is not from the Arab side alone. Israelis also loathe blacks mainly for the colour of their skin. A March 2018 report by Al Jazeera on the attitude of the Israeli state and its religious authorities to blacks comes to mind here. The title of that report is: “Black lives do not matter in Israel.” The author is not an Arab, not a Muslim. His name is David Sheen, a journalist from Canada but reporting from Israel and Palestine.
Twenty-three years ago, ‘mysterious’ musician, Lagbaja (Bisade Ologunde), told us to smile and laugh and be merry no matter what we were going through. That was at the beginning of this democracy. His song: ‘No Matter Condition, F’ẹyín ẹ’. I am not sure he would obey himself today. What has happened to Nigeria and its people is much more than what hit the Yoruba Akalamagbo and took laughter from its mouth. A newspaper screamed on Wednesday last week: ‘Naira plunges to $1,050; job losses, factory shutdown loom.’ This is October, not many people in this country are sure of what December will do to their jobs. However, despite the existential challenges ravaging Nigeria, I find it curious that what takes our time is much more than the post-election lightning striking the skies of Lagos and Yola. We’ve allowed into our discourse matters that should not concern us beyond what we feel as members of the human community. The war in the Middle East between Israel and Palestine is one of them. We are involved like the old man who carries a stranger’s load on his head and kicks his own down the hill.
I told a senior colleague mid last week that the war between Palestine and Israel would become a Nigerian war. I told him that I prayed my reading would be wrong. I also told him that there had been relative calm so far in Nigeria because the casualty figures on both sides appeared to be gruesomely equal. I said the moment one side overtook the other and the news was out, we should expect terrible reactions here. One week into the war, the omens here are not good at all. Some Muslim groups held a rally in Ibadan on Friday in solidarity with Palestinians. They called the Arabs their brothers. RCCG’s Pastor Enoch Adeboye also last week sent a solidarity message to the State of Israel: “Hello my beloved brothers in Israel, I want you to know that we are praying for you, that all members of the Redeemed Christian Church of God all over the world are standing by you at this critical moment. The Almighty God, the Holy one of Israel, will give you absolute victory and give you permanent peace from now on in the mighty name of Jesus.”
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Ninety-eight percent of Israel won’t say Amen to the pastor’s prayers. They are not followers of Jesus Christ. The State of Israel which Nigerian pastors pray for has a population that includes Arab Muslims. The ‘Israel’ of today is not exactly the ‘Israel’ of the Bible. It is not just for cosmetic reasons that citizens of today’s Israel call themselves ‘Israelis’, not ‘Israelites’ that you find in the New Testament. Now, I go for available statistics. Real time data website, Wordometer, says the population of Israel, as of yesterday afternoon (15 October, 2023), is 9,214,951. Out of that figure, Jewish Virtual Library says the total Jewish population is 7,181,000 (73.3%). Jews say they practise Judaism although “roughly half (of them) describe themselves as secular and one-in-five does not believe in God” (Pew Research Centre; May, 2015). The State of Israel has 2,065,000 Arab people (21.1% of the population) out of which 1,728,000 are Muslims. This means that even among Arabs, there are Christians. The total number of Christians in Israel is just 184,400 (sbout two percent of the country’s population). The remainder of the people of that country are classified as ‘others’ and they include those “who identify themselves as Jewish but do not satisfy the Orthodox Jewish definition of ‘Jewish’”. Across the border in the State of Palestine, there are Palestinian Christians who suffer what Palestinian Muslims suffer from Israel. If Nigerian pastors would pray for their Christian brethren, they should include those in Palestine who are victims of attacks from extremist groups like Hamas in addition to restrictions and abuse from Israel. If Nigerian Muslims would rally for their brothers, they should not forget Arab Muslims in Israel who are exposed, like the Jews, to death from Hamas’ missiles.
As humans, we can pray for the innocent on both sides of this war. People who deserved to live are dead or dying. Many more will die today and tomorrow. Suffering and misery will continue to rule the streets until common sense forces a ceasefire. Both sides are grossly, grisly afflicted – that is what media reports tell us. “At local supermarkets, the shelves have become empty of some items, such as bread, batteries, milk, and eggs. With instructions telling people to have their safe rooms stocked for three days, people have grabbed what they can. Many workers do not come to work. A city usually full of tour groups has none. Many flights are canceled. People who had come on holiday or to see relatives have to scramble to find flights out, often with connections through countries they did not intend.” That was how Israel’s major newspaper, The Jerusalem Post, described the situation at the country’s capital last Tuesday. And it was just three days into the Israeli-Palestinian war. It is more than a week today; things are worse and may still get worse. On the Palestinian side, life is grimmer. Last Wednesday, Al Jazeera published a journalist’s personal experience of the war: “As I write this, I no longer believe we will get out of this alive. I woke from my sporadic sleep to the sound of the bombardment that has continued nonstop for the past four nights. Each day, we wake up in a different house. But each day the sounds and smells we wake to are the same…Early this morning, a blast blew in the windows, and I shielded my baby with my body and realised: No place is safe.”
Life is nasty and brutish for those gasping for life in Gaza without water and food – no thanks to Israel’s blockade. We should empathize with them and with victims of Hamas’ atrocious actions inside Israel. Our government has done very well by staying neutral and calling for peace. We should join the government in demanding an end to hostilities. We should abstain from justifying the evil of one side while excusing the other. The irony is that the supposed beneficiaries of our partisanship have near zero regard for us as members of the human community. The darker the skin, the more monkey the black person is to the Arabs and the Jews. If you’ve ever seen how villagers crack palm nuts, you would understand why the Yoruba say neither of the two stones involved in the cracking business is a friend of the nut. So, why are we taking sides? There are rallies across the world for peace and for a stop to attacks on the innocent, including women and children who have no share in this blame. That is where we should be found.
News
Christmas: FRSC Deploys 452 Personnel, 12 Patrol Vehicles In Bauchi

The Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), in Bauchi state says it has deployed 452 personnel to ensure free flow of traffic in the 2025 Christmas celebration taking place on Thursday.
Mr Apaji Boyi, the Sector Commander, FRSC, disclosed this in an interview with newsmen in Bauchi on Tuesday.
Boyi further explained that in order to ensure effective coverage and instant responses to any form of road traffic issues as well as a hitch-free celebration, the command also deployed 12 patrol vehicles.
The Sector Commander added that five ambulances and one tow truck were also deployed to that effect.
READ ALSO: Christmas: NSCDC Deploys 1,100 Personnel As Police Assure Adequate Security In Bauchi
“It’s an annual event and we are well prepared. We have deployed about 452 personnel and 12 patrol vehicles with five ambulances and one tow truck.
“We are quite conscious of the volume of traffic that will be coming into Bauchi and in view of that, we are well prepared. We have deployed both personnel and logistics and presently we are concentrating on the entrances to the state.
“This is because people will be coming in from all the nooks and crannies of the state and patrol operation is ongoing to ensure safe movement of all the participants to the city,” said the commander.
He said that the corp would maintain traffic control and free flow of movement would be guaranteed.
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Boyi however, called on all the people to avoid speeding, overloading of passengers and goods as well as adhere strictly to all the traffic rules and regulations.
“They should have it at the back of their minds that it is only the living that celebrate.
“We are praying that by next year, we shall all be alive to also celebrate the Christmas,” said the FRSC boss.
News
Christmas: NSCDC Deploys 1,100 Personnel As Police Assure Adequate Security In Bauchi

The Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has deployed 1,100 personnel to ensure safety and security of lives and property during Yuletide season.
This is contained in a statement by Saminu Yusuf, the NSCDC Public Relations Officer and made available to newsmen in Bauchi on Tuesday.
According to him, the deployment included both covert and overt operations, joint patrol of flash points areas across the state, protection of critical national assets and infrastructure as well as worship centres, parks, eateries, banks, and hotels.
He further added that the Commandant charged all Area Commanders, Divisional Officers and men of the command to be diligent, focused, honest in carrying out their duties and also to intensify patrols, dominate public spaces, and remain proactive and vigilant before, during, and after the Christmas.
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“The Commandant also advised the good people of the state not to engage themselves in activities that may lead to breach of security during the festive period but whenever they see something or any suspicious movement around them, they should report to any NSCDC,” he said.
Similarly, Omolori Aliyu, the Commissioner of Police in the state also reassured the public of adequate security to ensure peaceful and hitch-free celebrations throughout the festive periods.
This is contained in a statement by Nafiu Habib, the Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO) and made available to newsmen in the state on Tuesday.
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According to the statement, the Commissioner of Police in the state charged all Area Commanders, Divisional Police Officers (DPOs) and Tactical Commanders to intensify patrols, dominate public spaces, and remain proactive and vigilant before, during, and after the Christmas and New Year procession.
“The Commissioner of Police enjoins members of the public to remain security conscious and promptly report any suspicious activities within their neighborhoods to the nearest police station, as communities remain the best focal to effective policing.
“If you see something, say something,” read the statement in part.
News
OPINION: The Day Friendship Died

By Israel Adebiyi
There is a peculiar kind of pain that comes when two people who once spoke in whispers begin to shout at each other in the marketplace. It is not just the quarrel that hurts. It is the knowledge that both parties know where the bodies are buried. In our clime, we are often warned about who to trust with secrets. Journalists are frequently accused, unfairly, of being incapable of discretion. Even clergymen are sometimes mentioned in hushed tones. Yet experience has shown that the most dangerous custodians of secrets are politicians. When political love turns sour, confidentiality dies first.
Politics has a way of turning men into archivists of one another’s sins. When alliances are strong, secrets are locked away like family heirlooms. When alliances break, those same secrets are dragged into the sun and weaponised. It is why Nigerian politics often feels less like a contest of ideas and more like a theatre of betrayals. The louder the quarrel, the deeper the intimacy that once existed.
The widening gulf between former Rivers State governor and now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, and Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde belongs squarely in this tradition. Their falling out is not just another political disagreement. It is the unravelling of a friendship forged in the heat of opposition politics and sustained by mutual suspicion of a party they once believed had lost its moral compass. Today, that friendship lies in ruins, and the Peoples Democratic Party wanders like an orphan unsure of who will lead it home.
Not too long ago, Wike and Makinde spoke the same political language. They were comrades in rebellion, leaders of the G5 governors who openly defied their party’s presidential candidate in 2023. Together with Samuel Ortom, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi and Okezie Ikpeazu, they insisted that the PDP had violated its own sense of balance and fairness. They framed their revolt as a moral stand, not personal ambition. In that season, Makinde was often the quieter, more measured voice, while Wike was the thunder that shook the room. But thunder and silence were working toward the same end.
What held them together was not affection but necessity. Politics has always been a marriage of convenience, and like many such unions, it thrives only while interests align. The cracks between Wike and Makinde began to show once the election dust settled and the G5 project lost its urgency. With Atiku Abubakar defeated and Bola Tinubu installed as president, the question became what next. That was where the paths diverged.
Makinde remained in the PDP, speaking the language of reform, independence and internal rebirth. Wike, on the other hand, crossed the aisle, accepted a powerful ministerial role, and began to speak with the confidence of a man who believes he has finally found a system that appreciates his political weight. In itself, that choice was not the problem. Nigerian politics is littered with ideological migrations. The problem was the loose tongue that followed.
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In a recent disclosure, Makinde lifted the curtain on a high level meeting involving President Tinubu, Wike, the President’s Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, and other officials. According to the Oyo governor, the moment that meeting turned from routine to revealing was when Wike reportedly pledged to hold the PDP for Tinubu ahead of the 2027 elections. It was not just the audacity of the statement that stunned Makinde. It was the silence that followed. The president, Makinde said, did not ask for such loyalty, nor did he encourage it.
In that moment, the illusion of shared purpose collapsed. Makinde made it clear that while he respected Wike’s personal political choices, he could not be part of any arrangement that reduced the PDP to a pawn in another party’s chess game. For him, that was a line that could not be crossed. It was not merely about party loyalty. It was about the survival of democratic competition itself.
Given his political temperament, Wike is unlikely to take kindly to the public airing of private conversations. A forceful response, complete with his own version of events and pointed questions about Makinde’s sincerity and political courage, should be expected. What this kind of exchange usually produces is a familiar pattern: accusations, counter-accusations, selective memory and moral grandstanding, each man speaking with the confidence of someone who knows the other too well.
This is how political betrayals often unfold. The elders say that when two brothers fight, strangers are invited to count their teeth. In exposing one another, Wike and Makinde have not only diminished themselves but also further weakened a party already struggling for relevance. The PDP today feels like a house where the elders are busy quarrelling while the roof leaks.
The tragedy is not just that these men cannot reconcile. It is that they no longer seem interested in trying. Politics has taught them that public disagreement attracts attention, sympathy and leverage. Silence is no longer a virtue. The louder the fight, the stronger the signal to allies and adversaries alike. In this climate, restraint is mistaken for weakness.
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We have seen this script before. In Edo State, the once unbreakable bond between Adams Oshiomhole and Godwin Obaseki collapsed in spectacular fashion. What followed was not a debate over policy or governance philosophy but a parade of allegations and counter allegations. Oshiomhole turned on Obaseki with a ferocity that shocked even seasoned observers. His wife was dragged into the mud, personal matters were weaponised, and the private became brutally public. It was a masterclass in political scorched earth tactics.
What that episode revealed, and what the Wike Makinde saga confirms, is how casually Nigerian politicians treat secrets once loyalty expires. Words are spoken without restraint, meetings are narrated selectively, and private pledges are denied or exaggerated depending on convenience. In such an environment, trust becomes a scarce commodity. Today’s ally is tomorrow’s accuser.
For the PDP, the consequences are dire. A party that once bestrode the political landscape like a colossus now looks disoriented. Its leading figures speak in different tongues. Some flirt openly with the ruling party. Others preach resistance without offering a roadmap. The internal contradictions are no longer hidden. They are debated openly by men who once pretended unity.
An orphaned party is a dangerous thing. Without clear leadership or shared vision, it becomes vulnerable to infiltration, manipulation and irrelevance. The PDP’s inability to manage internal dissent has left it exposed. Wike’s proximity to power and Makinde’s insistence on independence represent two competing instincts within the party. Neither seems willing to yield.
There is an old saying that when the drumbeat changes, the dancer must adjust his steps. The PDP’s problem is that its drummers are beating different rhythms. Some want accommodation. Others want confrontation. Without consensus, the party risks becoming a footnote in future elections, remembered more for its internal quarrels than its contributions to democracy.
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The personal feud between Wike and Makinde matters because it symbolises this broader crisis. Their words carry weight. Their actions send signals. When they speak loosely, they embolden others to do the same. When they expose private conversations, they normalise betrayal as political strategy.
Yet, one is tempted to ask whether reconciliation is still possible. History suggests that political enemies can become allies again when interests realign. Today’s betrayal can become tomorrow’s handshake. But trust, once broken, is not easily repaired. The crack in the mirror remains even after it is glued.
Perhaps the lesson here is not about who is right or wrong but about the cost of unguarded alliances. The elders also say that a friend who knows your weakness holds your destiny in his hands. Nigerian politicians have mastered the art of intimacy without loyalty. They embrace quickly and separate violently.
As the nation watches this latest drama unfold, there is entertainment, yes, but also exhaustion. Nigerians are tired of politics as personal warfare. They yearn for substance, for ideas, for leadership that rises above vendetta. Every public spat chips away at public confidence.
The PDP still has a choice. It can continue down this path of mutual destruction, or it can find a way to impose discipline, restore trust and redefine purpose. Whether Wike and Makinde will be part of that rebirth remains uncertain. What is clear is that their feud has already done damage.
In the end, betrayal is not always about knives in the back. Sometimes it is about words spoken too freely, secrets shared too carelessly, and bridges burned too eagerly. When former friends become public enemies, everyone loses. And when a party loses its compass, it wanders until something stronger replaces it.
For now, the PDP wanders. Its loudest sons are talking past each other, not to each other. The marketplace is noisy, the whispers are gone, and the secrets are out. Whether wisdom will return before it is too late is a question only time can answer.
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