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OPINION: A Review Of IBB’s Book Of Billions [Monday Lines]

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By Lasisi Olagunju

In five parts, thirteen chapters, six appendices, including an interview; a prologue and an epilogue, he sought to give a definite definition of himself. But, for me, the deepest insight into the person of General Ibrahim Babangida is not in his expensive book (it fetched him billions; I bought a copy for N40,000). The greatest revelation was at the launch of the book in Abuja. His comrade-in-arms and childhood friend, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, revealed that a cleric told them about 80 years ago that Babangida would one day be president of his country.

Now, when you, a seer, tell a child that he would be king one day, the palace cannot be safe until the child becomes man and he becomes king – or he dies. We read exactly that in Shakespeare’s story of the Scottish General, Macbeth. Three witches tell Macbeth that he will be King of Scotland. Macbeth becomes impatient; he kills the reigning king and takes the throne. Because of the security of his throne, paranoia pushes King Macbeth to take other desperate measures. People die; civil war erupts, more people die. Darkness falls. Please, go back and read again your Macbeth.

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My people have several proverbs and sayings on royalty and fate. They say one’s destiny makes one a king but one’s character dethrones one (Orí ẹni ni í fini j’ọba, ìwà èyàn ni í yọ èyàn l’óyè). Like Macbeth, IBB joined the army and rose to become a General. Again, like Macbeth, the Thane of Cawdor prophecy came true for Babangida and he became Chief of Army Staff. Finally, like Macbeth, he became king and pronounced himself president and proceeded to do as Macbeth did until he left almost the Macbeth way. If you had been wondering why the amiable General from Minna chose ‘president’ as his official title, now you know it was in fulfillment of a prophecy.

Babangida once named his heroes: Zulu’s Emperor Chaka and General Hannibal of Carthage. Read again about those Generals, their careers and their exploits, their end. Read page 121 of IBB’s book and decide if you are convinced by his reasons for not answering what all his predecessors answered: Head of State. He says in the book that he chose to be different not because he wanted to copy Turkey’s General Kemal Ataturk or Emperor Chaka the Great. He says he chose to be ‘president’ as a demonstration of his commitment to “our suspended constitution.”

Babangida’s feet walked corridors of power; he befriended, and ‘charmed’ power even before he installed Buhari as Head of State in December 1983. His feet took him, or he took his feet everywhere his inner head (his Ori Inu) could be found. He was intrepid, smooth and daring. I read Shehu Shagari’s autobiography, ‘Beckoned to Serve’ published in 2001: “In late October or early November 1983, Major General Babangida and Colonel Aliyu Mohammed came to the State House to see me and we had a long discussion. They did pay me such visits usually at night long before I became President.” Shagari had that recorded on page 497 of his own autobiography. You are likely to ask what IBB was looking for in Shagari’s home at night. The way Babangida walked hallways of power was the way persons kept awake by destiny walked, restlessly.

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MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: [OPINION] Pa Adebanjo: A Celebration Of Death

In the Foreword to Babangida’s book written by his boss, General Yakubu Gowon, we gain better discernment on the labyrinth called IBB. The older General describes Babangida as “a natural leader but also a devoted follower.” Sun Tzu, in ‘The Art of War’ tells Generals: “Appear weak when you are strong, and strong when you are weak.” Is that why President Babangida is read in the book bossing and, at the same time, bowing to his army chief, General Sani Abacha, in double-quick manner? Many commentators have said that his June 12 account is a mesh of courage and cowardice. ‘Abacha did this, Abacha did that but I regrettably take full responsibility for everything that happened’! Here, before you abuse IBB as a General without biceps, know that he did not walk alone. Apart from Murtala Muhammed who came fast and left fast, every military regime we had had its internal tormentor. For Gowon, it was Murtala Muhammed who was both boy and boss to the boss. All accounts say Gowon ruled under Murtala’s shadows until the kingmaker said enough and took the crown from Gowon alias Jack. Read the Gowon/Murtala story in Theophilus Akindele’s ‘Memoir of Mixed Blessings’ – especially the contract controversies. In his own book, Babangida says Murtala Muhammed, in Gowon’s government, “was quite a handful in matters pertaining to control” (page 85). IBB himself played the Murtala role to Muhammadu Buhari, 1984-85. He made the lanky General from Daura sit on the throne then shoved him off the seat because of his “excesses.” It should, therefore, not shock the reader that Abacha was the captain of the ship who allowed IBB to be there until the groom was ready for the bride. Babangida’s ‘A Journey in Service’ tears the mask.

Somewhere in that book, like a river nearing its sea, for whatever reasons, IBB reproduced (introduced) a 1995 interview he granted TELL magazine, and it reads like a summary of the entire IBB story. At a point in the interview, TELL magazine editors remind him of how he dealt ruthlessly with them and their magazine, IBB asks “What happened to TELL? TELL? Seriously, what happened?” He is told that over half a million copies of TELL were seized, and some of the editors speaking with him there were arrested. His response: “You see, when I sat up there, I didn’t know most of these things that happened…At times, the information only reached me later.” If what he said here is true, for a man who boasted that he was trained to dominate his environment, the fact that big things happened in his government without his knowledge could only tell how hopelessly imprisoned people of power could be.

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Some people’s luck or escape route is in dying young. One loud example is General Murtala Muhammed. Would he be the hero he is if he had ruled for three, four years? Nigeria would definitively have happened to him. Unlike Murtala, some other people are very lucky to live hard and live long. Babangida is one of such. He is 83 years old. Imagine if he had died when his enemy, Muhammadu Buhari, was president. He would not have made the loud statement he made in Abuja last week! Or worse, if he had died during the June 12 crisis. He lived those bloody moments and validated Musician Odolaye Aremu’s theory that “if we don’t die young, enemies of fifteen years will become our friends.” At his book launch last week, his enemies and friends dropped offerings at his altar. NADECO man, Bola Tinubu, described him as “visionary Babangida.” Gowon in the Foreword declares that “in the post-Civil War period, his (IBB’s) tenure in office is easily the most remarkable.” That is an interesting verdict. Almost five of those post-Civil War years belong to Gowon himself. Some people are very good at scoring own goals.

In language and structure, I find this book by IBB to be very solid and uncomplicated. But, certainly, the most contentious of the content of the book is the June 12 story. And, the author’s treatment of the matter is the most extensive – almost 40 pages. Very unlike IBB, he named his friend, Sani Abacha, as the head of the forces that cancelled the election. But the annulment was just a culmination of a long, dark, bad process triggered by IBB himself long before the election was held. He said he was away in Katsina when Abacha and his boys annulled the election. But IBB came back from Katsina; why didn’t he undo what Abacha did? If he did anything at all, it is not in the book. Instead, what we see are hand-wringing cliches on the annulment and its consequences. The Abacha family is angry, furious; Abiola’s people are not impressed; they wondered why he waited for ‘all’ his witnesses to die before coming out. But what he wrote is no news. What is news is that those facts are directly from IBB himself. Snippets of what he said were in the media of that period. And we heard all sorts of weird things in newsrooms, the scrambling for and partitioning of power. For instance, we heard (or read) that Abacha, one heated meeting day, followed General Joshua Dogonyaro to the toilet and told him: “Let IBB go and we remain.” And Dogonyaro’s reply was “Who are the we?” Soldiers are great followers of Sun Tzu: “in the midst of chaos, there is opportunity.”

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: El-Rufai, Obasa And Other Godfather Stories [Monday Lines]

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Professor Omo Omoruyi was one of the key architects of IBB’s transition programme and, perhaps, the closest to IBB in the dark days of the annulment. In 1999, Omoruyi published ‘The Tale of June 12: The Betrayal of the Democratic Rights of Nigerians’. It is his account of the June 12 tragedy. More than twenty five-years after it was published, I have not read anyone that is mentioned in the book coming out to say the professor lied. So, I take Omoruyi’s account of the pre and post-annulment events as reliable. He claims in his book (page 37) that the June 12 election “was aborted by forces external to its design.” He is more direct on page 257: “General Abacha felt humiliated when General Babangida yielded to the US pressure to order on June 11, 1993 that the June 12 election must go on. From that June 11, General Abacha showed no interest in the matter and waited for when it would crash…It was Lt.-General Alani Akinrinade, a former Chief of Defence Staff and an experienced professional officer, who read the situation right in the interview he granted to reporters in October 1993 when he said that ‘Shonekan is a mask…the masquerade itself is the armed forces and Abacha is the personification of that masquerade.’ See TELL, November 1, 1993. p.25.”

Omoruyi accuses IBB of betraying his country and its people with his disruptive handling of the last leg of the transition programme. He says IBB lost control of the military and the government soon after the election held. He said Babangida was in a fix as of 9.30pm on 21 June, 1993 when he met him. His book (page 162 – 164) quotes the General copiously: “I see disaster for myself and my family. Where do I go from here?” Omoruyi quotes IBB as confirming that Abiola won the election but that “they” would kill him if he allowed the results to stay. Omoruyi wrote further that at the end of that outburst, Babangida made a telling remark. He quotes him as saying “I told you that I am a prisoner. What do I do? I think I need a psychiatrist” (page 171). Two days after all these, the annulment announcement was made via an unsigned, undated paper circulated to the media through the Vice President’s office.

Can we, at this point, ask journalist Nduka Irabor to come out and tell the world who gave him the unsigned annulment statement that he released to the world on 23 June 1993? He can no longer be quiet.

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Now, if Abacha emitted such negative vibrations in his government, why did Babangida leave him behind after retiring himself and all service chiefs? IBB offers no cogent reason for this in his ‘A Journey in Service’. Instead, what we read is his admission of “a grave mistake” in retaining Abacha as chairman of the joint Chief of Staff and “as enforcer-in-chief for the new government” of Ernest Shonekan. Omoruyi addresses the same issue better in his own book (page 257): “In response to my question as to who would guard the guards after August 26, 1993, he (Babangida) said he would remove the operational control from him (Abacha) and assign it to Lt.-General Joshua Dogonyaro.” It is interesting that IBB thought that running into Dogonyaro’s fire was a better option to staying in Abacha’s fire. In any case, Abacha sacked Dogonyaro and all other “guards” soon after Babangida stepped aside. The other arms of the IBB boys, he used them to get rid of Shonekan and his Interim National Government (ING). He then cavalierly gave them the tissue-paper treatment – he used, dumped and flushed them down the drain.

We saw a convergence of all the forces in Abuja last week. NADECO and the military factions swam in open adultery. They wined and partied and gave the General of Generals a generous pat on the back. One of my university classmates described the Abuja event as “not funny.” Her post to me dripped with so much pain. She told tales of death and dying and suffering. She gave accounts of personal experiences and sacrifices. She felt betrayed.

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: [OPINION] Islam: Beyond terrorism and Boko Haram [Monday Lines 1]

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I begged her to let me include her tears here without mentioning her name: “I watched the launch of the book written by IBB and took a cursory look at the parade of eminent personalities in attendance. I listened to the speeches one after the other and saw them laughing. I was stunned that people therein, one after the other, eulogized IBB. I thought for a moment that I was in another planet or that I had mental issues by asking myself if these people were describing the same events that I witnessed as a 26-year old spinster living in Lagos and trying to chart a course for the future. Significantly, I remember how I walked from Aguda in company of a friend to queue up and vote at Adebola Street, off Bode Thomas in Surulere, Lagos and walked back home. I remember sitting at the reception of the school of nursing on Awolowo Road waiting to collect my sister’s transcript when an elderly woman fainted on hearing the news of the annulment. I recall her colleagues trying to revive her and crying at the same time that their hope for a better Nigeria had just been dashed. I remember having woken up early one morning to go to work and arriving in Norman Williams in Ikoyi only to realize that Lagos was on lockdown and going back home became an arduous task. I remember getting a ride through the Third Mainland Bridge to Obanikoro and walking back home in Aguda, dodging bullets and escaping area boys who took advantage of the situation. I survived but some did not. What I saw in that hall last week was a mockery of those who died and of those of us who did not die but are yet to recover from the trauma of that period. It is not funny!”

My friend spoke for millions seething helplessly in the dimly-lit parlours of their lives. But, there must be a closure, and I think that was what that Abuja gathering thought it was doing. For those who are angry and crying betrayal, I give what I gave my friend – a quote: “Whatever happens, stay alive. Don’t die before you’re dead.” Some say the quote is from English writer, Virginia Woolf; some others credit Polish writer and Nobel Laureate, Olga Tokarczuk. Whoever the writer is between those two ladies gave a valuable advice. “Whatever happens, stay alive.”

Daedalus was a mythical sculptor who lived in Athens. In one desperate moment, the man threw a stone at a bird and killed it; the stone ricocheted and killed a second bird. With the feathers, he and his son created wings with which they escaped from detention in a high tower which they had helped their tormentor to design. That appears to be the objective of General Ibrahim Babangida’s autobiography. To kill many birds with one lone stone. Still all storms; settle all scores; explain all controversies; and they are many: OIC membership, Dele Giwa’s death, Mamman Vatsa’s coup, the C-130 Plane Crash, the Gideon Orkar Coup, June 12; the SAP riots, Gulf Oil Windfall. The author thoroughly explains and analyses these as “challenges of leadership” all across the 420 pages, some from page 203 to 220. But, has he succeeded in getting these cases closed? Dirty water may quench fire but if you want to fight fire, you don’t wear clothes made of dry grass. Has Babangida’s book helped him to calm or further enrage the sea? Well, in Chinua Achebe’s words, it is “morning yet on creation day.”

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Out-of-school: Group To Enroll Adolescent Mothers In Bauchi

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Women Child Youth Health and Education Initiative (WCY) with support from Malala Education Champion Network, have charted a way to enroll adolescent mothers to access education in Bauchi schools.

Rashida Mukaddas, the Executive Director, WCY stated this in Bauchi on Wednesday during a one-day planning and inception meeting with education stakeholders on Adolescent Mothers Education Access (AMEA) project of the organisation.

According to her, the project targeted three Local Government Areas of Bauchi, Misau and Katagum for implementation in the three years project.

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She explained that all stakeholders in advancing education in the state would be engaged by the organisation to advocate for Girl-Child education.

READ ALSO:Maternal Mortality: MMS Tackling Scourge —Bauchi Women Testify

The target, she added, was to ensure that as many as married adolescent mothers and girls were enrolled back in school in the state.

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Today marks an important step in our collective commitment to ensuring that every girl in Bauchi state, especially adolescent who are married, pregnant, or young mothers has the right, opportunity, and support to continue and complete her education.

“This project has been designed to address the real and persistent barriers that prevent too many adolescent mothers from returning to school or staying enrolled.

“It is to address the barriers preventing adolescent mothers from continuing and completing their education and adopting strategies that will create an enabling environment that safeguard girls’ rights to education while removing socio-cultural and economic obstacles,” said Mukaddas.

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READ ALSO:Bauchi: Auto Crash Claimed 432, Injured 2,070 Persons In 1 Months — FRSC

She further explained to the stakeholders that the success of the project depended on the strength of their collaboration, the alignment of their actions, and the commitments they forge toward the implementation of the project.

Also speaking, Mr Kamal Bello, the Project Officer of WCY, said that the collaboration of all the education stakeholders in the state with the organisation could ensure stronger enforcement of the Child Rights Law.

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This, he said, could further ensure effective re-entry and retention policies for adolescent girls, increased community support for girls’ education and a Bauchi state where no girl was left behind because of marriage, pregnancy, or motherhood.

“It is observed that early marriage is one of the problems hindering girls’ access to education.

READ ALSO:Bauchi: Auto Crash Claimed 432, Injured 2,070 Persons In 1 Months — FRSC

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“This organisation is working toward ensuring that girls that have dropped out of school due to early marriage are re-enrolled back in school,” he said.

Education stakeholders present at the event included representatives from the state Ministry of Education, Justice, Budget and Economic Planning and Multilateral Coordination.

Others were representatives from International Federation of Women Lawyers, Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE), Bauchi state Agency for Mass Education, Civil Society Organization, Religious and Traditional institutions, among others.

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They all welcomed and promised to support the project so as to ensure its effective implementation and achieve its set objectives in the state.

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OPINION: Fubara, Adeleke And The Survival Dance

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By Israel Adebiyi

You should be aware by now that the dancing governor, Ademola Adeleke has danced his last dance in the colours of the Peoples Democratic Party. His counterpart in Rivers, Siminalayi Fubara has elected to follow some of his persecutors to the All Progressive Congress, after all “if you can’t beat them, you can join them.”
Politics in Nigeria has always been dramatic, but every now and then a pattern emerges that forces us to pause and think again about where our democracy is heading. This week on The Nation’s Pulse, that pattern is what I call the politics of survival. Two events in two different states have brought this into sharp focus. In both cases, sitting governors elected on the platform of the same party have found new homes elsewhere. Their decisions may look sudden, but they reveal deeper issues that have been growing under the surface for years.

In Rivers, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has crossed into the All Progressives Congress. In Osun, Governor Ademola Adeleke has moved to the Accord Party. These are not small shifts. These are moves by people at the top of their political careers, people who ordinarily should be the ones holding their parties together. When those at the highest levels start fleeing, it means the ground beneath them has become too shaky to stand on. It means something has broken.

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A Yoruba proverb captures it perfectly: Iku to n pa oju gba eni, owe lo n pa fun ni. The death that visits your neighbour is sending you a message. The crisis that has engulfed the Peoples Democratic Party did not start today. It has been building like an untreated infection. Adeleke saw the signs early. He watched senior figures fight openly. He watched the party fail to resolve its zoning battles. He watched leaders undermine their own candidates. At some point, you begin to ask yourself a simple question: if this house collapses today, what happens to me? In Osun, where the competition between the two major parties has always been fierce, Adeleke was not going to sit back and become another casualty of a party that refused to heal itself. Survival became the most reasonable option.

His case makes sense when you consider the political temperature in Osun. This is a state where the opposition does not sleep. Every misstep is amplified. Every weakness is exploited. Adeleke has spent his time in office under constant scrutiny. Add that to the fact that the national structure of his party is wobbly, divided and uncertain about its future, and the move begins to look less like betrayal and more like self-preservation.

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: Wike’s Verbal Diarrhea And Military Might

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Rivers, however, tells a slightly different story. Fubara’s journey has been a long lesson in endurance. From the moment he emerged as governor, it became clear he was stepping into an environment loaded with expectations that had nothing to do with governance. His political godfather was not content with being a supporter. He wanted control. He wanted influence. He wanted obedience. Every decision was interpreted through the lens of loyalty. From the assembly crisis to the endless reconciliation meetings, to the barely hidden power struggles, Fubara spent more time fighting shadows than building the state he was elected to lead.

It soon became clear that he was governing through a maze of minefields. Those who should have been allies began to treat him like an accidental visitor in the Government House. The same legislators who were meant to be partners in governance suddenly became instruments of pressure. Orders came from places outside the official structure. Courtrooms turned into battlegrounds. At some point, even the national leadership of his party seemed unsure how to tame the situation. These storms did not come in seasons, they came in waves. One misunderstanding today. Another in two weeks. Another by the end of the month. Anyone watching closely could see that the governor was in a permanent state of emergency.

So when the winds started shifting again and lawmakers began to realign, those who understood the undercurrents knew exactly what was coming. Fubara knew too. A man can only take so much. After months of attacks, humiliations and attempts to cage his authority, the move to another party was not just political. It was personal. He had given the reconciliation process more chances than most would. He had swallowed more insults than any governor should. He had watched institutions bend and twist under the weight of private interests. In many ways, his defection is a declaration that he has finally chosen to protect himself.

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But the bigger question is how we got here. How did two governors in two different parts of the country end up taking the same decision for different but related reasons? The answer goes back to the state of internal democracy in our parties. No party in Nigeria today fully practices the constitution it claims to follow. They have elaborate rules on paper but very loose habits in reality. They talk about fairness, but their primaries are often messy. They preach unity, but their caucuses are usually divided into rival camps. They call themselves democratic institutions, yet dissent is treated as disloyalty.

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: Nigerian Leaders And The Tragedy Of Sudden Riches

Political parties are supposed to be the engine rooms of democracy. They are the homes where ideas are debated, leaders are groomed, and future candidates are shaped. In Nigeria, they increasingly look like fighting arenas where the loudest voices drown out everyone else. When leaders ignore their own constitutions, the structure begins to crack. When factions begin to run parallel meetings, the foundation gets weaker. When decisions are forced down the throats of members, people begin making private plans for their future.

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No governor wants to govern in chaos. No politician wants to be the last one standing in a sinking ship. This is why defections are becoming more common. A party that cannot manage itself cannot manage its members. And members who feel exposed will always look for safer ground.

But while these moves make sense for Adeleke and Fubara personally, the people they govern often become the ones left in confusion. Voters choose candidates partly because of party ideology, even if our ideologies are weak. They expect stability. They expect continuity. They expect that the mandate they gave will remain intact. So when a governor shifts political camp without prior consultation, the people feel blindsided. They begin to wonder whether their votes carry weight in a system where elected officials can switch platforms in the blink of an eye.

This is where the politics of survival becomes dangerous for democracy. If leaders keep prioritizing their personal safety over party stability, the system begins to lose coherence. Parties lose their identity. Elections lose their meaning. Governance becomes a game of musical chairs. Today you are here. Tomorrow you are there. Next week you may be somewhere else. The people become bystanders in a democracy that is supposed to revolve around them.

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Rivers and Osun should serve as reminders that political parties need urgent restructuring. They need to rebuild trust internally. They need to enforce their constitutions consistently. They need to treat members as stakeholders, not spectators. When members feel protected, they stay. When they feel targeted, they run. This pattern will continue until parties learn the simple truth that power is not built by intimidation, but by inclusion.

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:The Audacity Of Hope: Super Eagles And Our Faltering Political Class

There is also the question of what these defections mean for governance. When governors are dragged into endless party drama, service delivery suffers. Time that should be spent on roads, schools, hospitals, water projects and job creation ends up being spent in meetings, reconciliations and press briefings. Resources that should strengthen the state end up funding political battles. The public loses twice. First as witnesses to the drama. Then as victims of delayed or abandoned development.

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In Rivers, the months of tension slowed down the government. Initiatives were stalled because the governor was busy trying to survive political ambush. In Osun, Adeleke had to juggle governance with internal fights in a crumbling party structure. Imagine what they could have achieved if they were not constantly looking over their shoulders.

Now, as both men settle into new political homes, the final question is whether these new homes will provide stability or merely temporary shelter. Nigeria’s politics teaches one consistent lesson. New alliances often come with new expectations. New platforms often come with new demands. And new godfathers often come with new conditions. Whether Adeleke and Fubara have truly found peace or simply bought time is something only time will tell.

But as citizens, what we must insist on is simple. The politics of survival should not become the politics of abandonment. Our leaders can fight for their political life, but they must not forget that they hold the people’s mandate. The hunger, poverty, insecurity and infrastructural decay that Nigerians face will not be solved by defection. It will be solved by steady leadership and functional governance.

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The bigger lesson from Rivers and Osun is clear. If political parties in Nigeria continue on this path of disunity and internal sabotage, they will keep losing their brightest and most strategic figures. And if leaders keep running instead of reforming the system, then we will wake up one day to a democracy where the people are treated as an afterthought.

Governors may survive the storms. Parties may adjust to new alignments. But the people cannot keep paying the price. Nigeria deserves a democracy that works for the many, not the few. That is the real pulse of the nation.

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Human Rights Day: Stakeholders Call For More Campaigns Against GBV

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Panel of discussants at an event to commemorate the International Human Rights Day, 2025 on Wednesday called for more campaigns against Gender-Based Violence, adding that it must start from the family.

The panel of discussants drawn from religious and community leaders, security agents, members of the civil society community, chiefs, etc, made the call in Benin in an event organised by Justice Development & Peace Centre (JDPC), Benin, in collaboration with Women Aid Collective (WACOL) with the theme: Multilevel Dialogue for Men, Women, Youth and Critical Take holders on the Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence (GBV).

The stakeholders, who said causes of GBV are enormous, called for more enlightenment and education in the family, community and the religious circle.

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Security agents in the panel charged members of the public to report GBV cases to security agents regardless of the sex Involved, adding: “When GBV happens, it should be reported to the appropriate quarters. It doesn’t matter if the woman or the man is the victim. GBV perpetrators should not be covered up, they must be exposed. We are there to carry out the prosecution after carrying out the necessary investigation.”

READ ALSO:World Human Rights Day: CSO Tasks Govt On Protection Of Lives

Earlier in his opening remarks, Executive Director, JDPC, Rev. Fr. Benedicta Onwugbenu, lamented that (GBV) remains the most prevalent in the society yet hidden because of silence from victims.

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According to him, GBV knows no age, gender or race, adding that “It affects people of all ages, whether man or woman, boy or girl.”

It affects people from different backgrounds and communities, yet it remains hidden because of silence, stigma, and fear. Victims of GBV are suffering in silence.”

On her part, Programme Director, WACOL, Mrs. Francisca Nweke, who said “women are more affected, and that is why we are emphasising on them,” stressed “we are empowering Christian women and women leaders of culture for prevention and response to Gender-Based Violence in Nigeria through the strengthening of grassroots organisations.”

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