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OPINION: Alaafin Owoade: Thy Bata Drum Is Sounding Too Loudly (1)

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Tunde Odesola

After about 500 years of imperial dominance—extending into present-day Republic of Benin and Togo, and reaching the Sahelian fringes of Nupe, Borgu, and parts of Hausaland—the fall of the Old Oyo Empire was total by 1835, when Fulani forces burned down Oyo-Ile, the imperial capital, following the death of Alaafin Olúéwu.

The royal family, elite, and many other survivors of the Fulani onslaught on Oyo-Ile, also known as Katunga, fled southward and relocated the capital to Àgó d’Òyó, a more southerly and defensible site than the original seat of power.

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One hundred and ninety years after the fall, there seems to exist in modern day Oyo, an umbilical cord that ties the mystique of the lost empire to the pride of a people, who forlornly wish to reinvent the uniqueness of a paradise lost, “A ji se bi Oyo la n ri, Oyo o se bi baba enikankan.”

The demise of the Old Oyo Empire signalled a lull in the Yoruba economy, as trading shrank due to dwindling economic opportunities.

However, efforts at Yoruba renaissance gained global attention in 1970 when an African-American, Walter Eugene King, founded Oyotunji village in Sheldon, South Carolina, USA. King, who was later christened and crowned Oba Efuntola Oseijeman Adelabu Adefunmi, was born on October 5, 1928, in Detroit, Michigan, USA, but he had never set foot on Nigerian soil when he founded Oyotunji.

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According to the website of Oyotunji village, oyotunji.org, Adefunmi graduated from Cass Technical High School and was baptised at Hartford Avenue Baptist Church at 12.

“He began African studies at age 16 to begin his quest for the deities of Africa. Exposure to African religion began with the association with the Katherine Dunham Dance Troupe at the age of 20. Travelled to Haiti the same year, and founded the order of Damballah Hwedo, Ancestor Priests in Harlem, NY, the following year.

“On August 26, 1959, (Adefunmi) became the first African born in America to become fully initiated into the Orisa-Vodun African priesthood by African Cubans in Matanzas, Cuba. This marked the beginning of the spread of Yoruba religion and culture among African-Americans. With a few followers, and after (the) dissolution of the Order of Damballah Hwedo, (Adefunmi) founded the Sango Temple in New York. (He) incorporated the African Theological Archministry in 1960. The Sango Temple was relocated and renamed the Yoruba Temple the same year,” the website says.

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Furthermore, the website explains that the cultural aficionado introduced the dànsíkí dress and started small-scale manufacture of African attire in 1960, establishing the Yoruba Academy for academic study of Yoruba history, religion and language in 1961.

Adefunmi, who opened Ujamaa Market in 1961, started a trend of African boutiques, which, like the dànsíkí, spread throughout African-American communities.

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The website continues, “Baba published several pamphlets – The Yoruba Religion, The Yoruba State and Tribal Origins of the African-American, to name a few. He participated in the Black Nationalist rallies of 1969 and during that time formed the African Nationalist Independence Partition Party, aimed at establishing “an African state in America by 1972!”

“In the fall of 1970, he founded the Yoruba Village of Oyotunji in Beaufort County, South Carolina, and began the careful reorganisation of the Orisa-Vodu Priesthood along traditional Nigerian lines. He was initiated into the Ifa priesthood by the Oluwa of Ijeun at Abeokuta, Nigeria, in August of 1972. Baba Adefunmi was proclaimed Alase (Oba-King) of the Yoruba of N. America at Oyotunji Village in 1972.

“Oba Adefunmi convened the first official Ogboni Parliament of Oyotunji Chiefs and land owners in 1973, and later that year founded the Igbimoolosa (Priest Council) to oversee priestly education and training, organise laws and rules to govern priestly conduct, ethics and behaviour, and adjudicate disputes among Orisa-Vodu priests. Also in 1973, he commenced the construction of the Osagiyan Palace at Oyotunji Village. Oba Adefunmi I has been called the “Father of the African Cultural Restoration Movement”.

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“In 1981, the Caribbean Visual Arts and Research Centre in New York sponsored Oba Adefunmi to be a presenter at the first World Congress of Orisa tradition and culture at the University of Ile-Ife, Nigeria. After his presentation, his Divine Royal Majesty King, Okunade Sijuwade Olubuse II, the ‘Ooni’ of the ancient Yoruba city of Ile Ife, Nigeria, summoned Adefunmi and ordered the Ife Chiefs to perform coronation rites on him; thereafter becoming Oba Efuntola Oseijeman Adelabu Adefunmi I. Oba Adefunmi I became the first in a line of new world Yoruba Kings consecrated at the palace of the Ooni of Ife. He was presented with a special ceremonial sword of state, incised with the name of his Liege Lord, the Ooni of Ife.”

Less than seven days after the coronation of Alaafin Abimbola Owoade, on April 5, 2025, I wrote an article titled “Letter to Alaafin Abimbola Owoade,” in which I expressed happiness over his ascension. In the letter, I assessed how the Alaafin had carried himself since he was named the oba-elect, and I said, “Alaafin, so far, your feet appear to be set on the path of honour, I beseech thee not to depart from it. I love your demeanour; I love your grace and face. I love the sheen of your blackness, ‘adu ma dan, okunrin ogun’; you are truly the son of your father.”

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But the sound emanating from the bata (drum) within the walls of the Oyo palace is no longer sweet to the ears nor danceable to the feet. There are so many cacophonous sounds coming from Oyo now. One of such sounds is the issue surrounding the death of the Baba Oba of Oyotunji, whom some news media said was attacked in your palace, and that the alleged attack led to his death.

Another inharmonious sound from Oyo is the communication breakdown that led to the shoddy treatment of the Orangun of Ila, Oba Abdulwahab Oyedotun, and his entourage.

Yet another discordant tune from Oyo Alaafin is the alleged cold war brewing between the paramount head of all Yoruba traditional kings, Ooni Adeyeye Ogunwusi, and the incumbent Iku Baba Yeye, over Oyotunji, among some other tiffs.

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MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Letter To Alaafin Abimbola Owoade

Specifically, a report by an online national newspaper, Sahara Reporters, on May 4, 2025, alleged that a Yoruba traditional ruler based in the United States, Chief Lukman Ojora Arounfale, who is the Baba Oba of Oyotunji African Village, South Carolina, “died following an alleged assault ordered by the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade.”

The report claimed that the late Arounfale and his wife were beaten inside the Oyo palace on the orders of Alaafin, and that the assault led to the death of the visiting chief.

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However, in a rebuttal published in The PUNCH on May 8, 2025, Owoade spokesperson, Bode Durojaye, said the Alaafin was not responsible for the death of Arounfale.

A statement by Durojaye, who is the Head, Media and Publicity Office of the Alaafin, urged members of the public to disregard the report of any feud between the Alaafin and the Ooni, insisting the Alaafin holds the Ooni in esteem.

Juju music superstar, Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey, was not the original composer of the evergreen songs, “Eni ri n kan e,” and “Bi o si temi.” Commander Obey fell in love with the two didactic songs after Pa Ambrose Campbell released them, remixing both songs separately, and they became much more popular than when they were released by Campbell.

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“Eni ri n kan e,” is the story of a treasure “Lost, Found and its Loser.” The once-upon-a-time story says a man suddenly finds something of value, and he goes berserk with joy. Campbell, the storyteller, asks, “If someone who finds a treasure goes wild with joy, what should the one who lost it do?”

Oyotunji is truly a treasure, but it shouldn’t be a battleground for the Ooni versus Alaafin war for reasons I will adduce later in this article.

After Oba Adefunmi joined his ancestors on February 11, 2005, one of his princes, Adejuyigbe Adefunmi, was crowned king on July 3, 2005, and Oyotunji kingdom grew in leaps and bounds under his leadership – until that tragic morning of Monday, July 29, 2024, when death, through a knife stabbed by his sister, stole into the Oyotunji village and snatched the king, who had seven children and seven wives.

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When he reigned, Adefunmi II was in the habit of paying glowing tributes to Ooni Olubuse, Oba Sijuwade Okunade, whom he saw as his feudal lord, with his American throne being a vassal to Ife.

Rites of passage performed by agbada and buba-wearing African-Americans for the departed monarch were done in Yoruba. Very instructive in the rites was the copious reverence of Ile-Ife as the ancestral and spiritual home of all Yoruba. There was no mention of Oyo Alaafin by any of the African-American traditionalists who buried Oba Adefunmi II.

* To be continued.

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Email: tundeodes2003@yahoo.com

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IPF Celebrates Otuaro On His Birthday Anniversary

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The Ijaw Publishers’ Forum (IPF) has felicitated with Chief Dr. Dennis Otuaro, Administrator of the Presidential Amnesty Programme, on the occasion of his birthday.

A statement issued by the secretary of the body, Tare Magbei, commended Otuaro for his “steady leadership of the Presidential Amnesty Programme,” which according to the forum has “continued to strengthen peace, rehabilitation, and development in the Niger Delta.”

READ ALSO: Otuaro Lauds Tinubu For Backing PAP’s Peacebuilding Process In Niger Delta

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Your efforts in providing opportunities for ex-agitators and in advancing stability across the region stand as clear evidence of your dedication to the people and progress of our land.

“As you mark this new year of life, we join your family, friends, and well-wishers in praying for good health, wisdom, and greater success in the service of the Niger Delta and Nigeria.”

 

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JUST IN: Okpehbolo Appoints New VC For AAU

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Edo State governor, Monday Okpehbolo, has approved the appointment of Professor (Mrs.) Eunice Eboserehimen Omonzejie as the new Vice-Chancellor of the state-owned Ambrose Alli University (AAU), Ekpoma.

A statement issued late night by Secretary to the State Government, Umar Musa Ikhilor, said her appointment takes immediate effect.

According to the statement, Prof. Omonzejie was appointed amongst the three names submitted by the Governing Council of the university to the state government.

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The statement partly reads, “Professor (Mrs.) Eunice Eboserehimen Omonzejie
Professor Omonzejie is a distinguished scholar of French and Francophone African Literatures and a long-serving academic in the Department of Modern Languages at Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma.

“She is a prolific researcher and editor, with contributions to African and Francophone literary studies, gender studies, and cultural studies.

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“She has served as the President of the Ambrose Alli University Chapter of the National Association of Women Academics (NAWACS), where she has championed mentoring, research, and advocacy for female academics and students.

“Professor Omonzejie has co-edited several seminal works including French Language in Nigeria: Essays in Honour of UFTAN Pacesetters and Language Matters in Contemporary West Africa, and is the author of Women Novelists in Francophone Black Africa: Views, Reviews and Interviews,” the statement added.

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OPINION: Every democracy ‘Murders Itself’

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By Lasisi Olagunju

In ‘Jokes and Targets’ by Christie Davies, a Soviet journalist interviews a Chukchi man:

“Could you tell us briefly how you lived before the October revolution?”

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“Hungry and cold.”

“How do you live now?”

“Hungry, cold, and with a feeling of deep gratitude.”

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This sounds like Nigeria’s malaria victims thanking mosquitoes for their love and care. Between democracy and its opposite, reality has blurred the lines.

Last week, a group of White House pool reporters travelled with President Donald Trump on Air Force One as he returned from his U.K. state visit. At the beginning of the journey, actor Trump sauntered into the rear section of the plane, the traditional part for the press. He granted an interview and ended it with a morbid wish: “Fly safely. You know why I say that? Because I’m on the flight. I want to get home. Otherwise I wouldn’t care.”

Ten years ago, if a US president said what Trump told those poor reporters, his presidency would suffer immediate cardiac arrest. But this is Colin Crouch’s post-democracy era: the leader, whether in the US or in Nigeria, in Africa or elsewhere, is the law; whatever he does or says, we bow in gratitude.

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I live in a Nigeria of gratitude and surrender. In the North-West and the North-East, traumatised communities are grateful to bandits and their enablers. They invite them to the negotiation table and thank the murderous gunmen for honouring the invitation. A grateful nation anoints and weeps at the feet of terrorists. In emergency-weaned Rivers State, its remorseful governor is effusive in appreciation of a second chance. The reinstated is ever thankful for the favours of a six-month suspension. From the North to the South, on bad roads and in death-wracked hospital wards, sonorous hymns of appreciation for big mercies ooze. The legislature and the judiciary, even the fourth estate, are all in congregation, singing songs of praise of the benevolent executive. Is this still a democracy?

American political scientists, Suzanne Mettler and Robert C. Lieberman in 2020 wrote ‘The Fragile Republic’ for The Foreign Affairs. In that essay, they list four symptoms of democratic backsliding. Prime among the four are economic inequality and excessive executive power. “Excessive executive power” is a three-word synonym for autocratization of democracy. It is a by-word for a democracy hanging itself.

The second president of the United States of America, John Adams, saw today; he warned of democracy decaying and dying: “Remember, democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself. There never was a democracy yet that did not commit suicide.” Adams was not alone. There was also William Blake, 18th/19th century English poet, who said “if men were wise, the most arbitrary princes could not hurt them. If they are not wise, the freest government is compelled to be a tyranny.” This reads like it was written today and here. If you disagree, I ask: Is it wise (and normal) for the tormented to thank the tormentor?

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Listening to what Trump wished the reporters, we could see that big brother America now leads in democratic ‘erantship’, the Third World merely follows. An enormous country, strong enough to appropriate the name of an entire continent, America, in 2025, is blessed with a strongman that is armed with a licence to rule as it pleases his whim; a president who does what he likes and says what he likes or ‘jokes’ about it without consequences. The result is an imperial presidency that has redefined democracy across the world.

We say here that the yam of the one who is vigilant never gets burnt. The American system used to be very resilient in providing a leash on presidential excesses. It still does, although under a very difficult situation. Donald Trump, in his first term between 2017 and 2021, signed 220 Executive Orders. In his ongoing second term that began in January 2025, he has, as of September 18, 2025, already signed 204 Executive Orders upturning this balance, rupturing that tendon. An American friend told me that he could no longer recognise his country. But the good news is that those who should talk and act are not surrendering their country to Trump and his faction of the populace. Because it is America (and not Nigeria), there are over 300 lawsuits challenging Trump’s executive orders or policies in his second term.

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The active legal challenges view the Trump orders either as unconstitutional, exceeding statutory power, or violating rights. And the courts are also doing their job as they should. A 2025 study found some 150 judicial decisions concerning these orders. Some are preliminary injunctions, others are full rulings. President Bola Tinubu last week acknowledged the existence of “over 40 cases in the courts in Abuja, Port Harcourt, and Yenagoa, to invalidate” his Rivers State emergency order. Our courts, especially the Supreme Court, are yet to acknowledge any of the cases with trials, rulings and orders.

It is easy for presidents with unrestrained executive powers to assume imperial airs. In the past, when they did, they feared losing their link with the people and a fall from power. Today, they are on very solid ground, no matter what they do with their people. Midway into his term as US president, an increasingly unpopular Jimmy Carter reassessed himself, and in lamentation told Washington Post’s David Broder that he (Carter) had “fallen into the trap of being ‘head of the government’ rather than ‘leader of the people.’” Today is not that yesterday of sin and punishment. We have surrendered to the point of giving ourselves away. Today’s leaders know that what they need is the government, its power and privileges, certainly not the people. And they keep working hard at it such that America has Trump, and is not the only country that has a Trump. There are Trumps everywhere. We have them in Africa, from the north to the coast.

What democracy suffers in America it suffers more in Africa. Former President Goodluck Jonathan said at the weekend that “democracy in the African continent is going through a period of strain and risk of collapse unless stakeholders come together to rethink and reform it.” He said politicians manipulate the electoral system to perpetuate themselves in office even when the people don’t want them. “Our people want to enjoy their freedom. They want their votes to count during elections. They want equitable representation and inclusivity. They want good education. Our people want security. They want access to good healthcare. They want jobs. They want dignity. When leaders fail to meet these basic needs, the people become disillusioned.” That is from Jonathan who was our president for six years. Did he say these new things because he wants to come back?

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Democracy is like water; a wrong dose turns it to poison. If disillusionment has a home, it is in Africa. It is the reason why the youths of the continent are bailing out for succour, and the reason for Trump’s $100,000 fee on work visas.

In The North American Review of November 1910, Samuel J. Kornhauser reproduced a quotation that contains warnings of what threat a people could constitute to their own freedom: “The same tendencies to wanton abuse of power which exist in a despot or a ruling oligarchy may be expected in a democracy from the ruling majority, because they are tendencies incidental to human nature.” The solution was “a free people setting limitations upon the exercise of their own will” so that they would not “turn democracy into a curse instead of a blessing.”

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In his 1904 essay, ‘The Relation of the Executive to the Legislative Power’, James T. Young, observed a dramatic shift in American governance: while Woodrow Wilson had earlier warned of “Congressional supremacy,” Young argued that “we now live under a system of executive supremacy,” showing how the traditional checks and balances had failed to maintain equilibrium among the branches. That was in 1904, a hundred and twenty one years ago.

Someone said a leader’s ability to lead a society successfully is dependent on their capacity to govern themselves. It is that self-governing capacity that is lacking in our power circles. Plus the leaders don’t think they owe history anything. “From the errors of others, a wise man corrects himself…The wise man sees in the misfortune of others what he should avoid.” Publilius Syrus (85–43 BC), the Roman writer credited with uttering those nuggets, was a master of proverbs and apophthegm. We don’t listen to such words; we don’t mind being tripped by the same stone, and it does not matter falling into the same pit.

A democracy can enthrone emperors and kings but it is not that easy to ask them to dismount the high horse of the state without huge costs. We elect leaders and for unsalutory reasons, we let them roam freely with our lives, our safety and our comfort. We promote and defend them with our freedom. I hope we know the full import (and consequences) of the seed we are planting today. A Pharaoh will come who won’t remember that there was ever a Joseph.

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A Roman emperor called Caligula reigned from 16 March, 37 AD until he was put to sleep on 24 January, 41 AD. ‘Caligula’ was not the name his parents gave him; it was an alias, “a joke of the troops” which trumped his real identity: He was named after popular Julius Caesar.

Roman historian, Claudius Suetonius, records in his ‘The Lives of the Caesars’ that Caligula became emperor after his father’s death and then “full and absolute power was at once put into his hands by the unanimous consent of the senate and of the mob, which forced its way into the House.” The new leader came popular with a lot of the people’s hope invested in him. Suetonius says the young man “assumed various surnames (for he was called ‘Pious,’ ‘Child of the Camp,’ ‘Father of the Armies,’ and ‘Greatest and Best of Caesars’). Soon the fawning appellations entered his head and he became the opposite of what his people wanted in their leader. One day, Emperor Caligula chanced “to overhear some kings who had come to Rome to pay their respects to him” doing what Yoruba kings love doing: He found them arguing at dinner about whose throne, among them, was the greatest and the highest in nobility. The emperor heard them and cried: “Let there be one Lord, one King.” He called them to order and from that point, it was clear to everyone that republican Rome now had one Lord, one king, and that was Caligula.

The man said and did things that frightened even the heartless. At a point during his reign, Caligula saw a mass of Roman people, the rabble, applauding some nobles whom he detested. He voiced his hatred for what the people did and said what he thought should be their punishment: “I wish the Roman people had but a single neck so I could cut it through at one blow.” That statement became a quote which has, through centuries, defined his place in history.
It would appear that 79-year old Donald Trump defined himself for history last week with his “fly safely…because I’m on the flight” statement. A leader, a father and grandfather said he did not care if a plane-load of young men and women perished (without him) in a crash. And he told them so.

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A Twi proverb suggests that “the chief feels the heat only when his own roof is on fire.” Trump’s unfortunate remark is said to be a joke. Even as a joke, what the US president said sits in a long tradition of expensive jokes. Trump’s cruel ‘jest’ couldn’t be funny to any people even if they were under the spell of the leader. History and literature are full of such costly quips that come light from the tongue but which reveal something raw about power and rulers: power does not agree that all human beings possess equal worth, equal dignity, and equal rights. Power talks, and whenever it talks, it sets itself apart.
King Louis XV of France is remembered for uttering the line: “Après moi, le déluge (After me, the flood).” Some commentators say it was a joke, some others say it was a shrug. History interpreted what Louis XV said as the king not caring a hoot whatever might happen to France after he was gone. That statement is a sound bite that has clung to him forever as Abraham Lincoln’s mother’s prayer clung to her son.

When Louis XV said it, no one saw what the king said as a prophecy, grim and ghastly. I am not sure he also knew the full import of what he said. But it was prescient; fifteen years after his reign, the “flood” came furious with the 1789 revolution culminating in the effective abolition of the French monarchy by the proclamation of the First Republic on September 21, 1792.

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Emperor Nero of Rome is remembered forever for playing the fiddle while Rome was burning. In William Shakespeare’s Henry VI, we read a verse that ends with “Nero, Play(ing) on the lute, beholding the towns burn.” What is remembered of Nero is the image of a leader who ‘enjoyed the life of his head’ while his empire got destroyed by fire set at it by the enemy. But did the emperor really do that? Read this from the Encyclopaedia Britannica: “So, did Nero fiddle while Rome burned? No. Sort of. Maybe. More likely, he strummed a proto-guitar while dreaming of the new city that he hoped would arise in the fire’s ashes. That isn’t quite the same thing as doing nothing, but it isn’t the sort of decisive leadership one might hope for either.”

I have roamed from imperial Rome to medieval France, to democratic America and its Nigerian side-kick. What is next here is to go back, and salute John Adams with this his dispraise of democracy: “It is in vain to say that democracy is less vain, less proud, less selfish, less ambitious, or less avaricious than aristocracy or monarchy.” A system or a country becomes a joke when its leaders toy with its destiny; when they make light of the fears of their people.

The Akan of Ghana warn that if you sit on comfortable rotten wood to eat pawpaw, your bottom gets wet and your mouth also gets wet. This is to say that there are consequences for choices made. A kabiyesi democracy is an autocratic monarchy. And what does that feel like? I read of a king who joked to his courtiers during famine: “Hunger has no teeth sharp enough to bite me in my palace.” It was a careless statement of a monarchy that has found its way into the mouth of our democracy. I saw it where I read it that the ‘joke’ “was remembered bitterly by the starving commoners who later sang satirical songs about the unfeeling king.” Some jokes outlive their laughter.

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