News

OPINION: ‘Alaafin’s Stool Is Not For Sale’

Published

2 years ago

September 18, 2023

By Lasisi Olagunju

An oba is put on the throne to keep “the bush at bay.” Collectively and individually, the successful oba is praised as “so’gbó di’lé/sò’gbé dì’gboro/ oba a s’ààtàn d’ojà – the successful king is he who turns forest to home; the one who turns bush to town. Karin Barber’s ‘I Could Speak Until Tomorrow’ (published in 1991) is my book of reference here. An oba that would turn his town’s rubbish heap into a market would not be deficient in legitimacy; he would not owe his ascension to the throne solely to money and its filthy influence. A king whose reign would be well would come courtesy of the blessing of God and man. In the past, “nobody could be a good oba unless he had a very broad-based support in the town” (Ulli Beier). But royalty in Yorubaland today suffers the violence of money; money is the principal speaker that speaks and gets listened to. It is our parliament and our executive; it is the judiciary. It is true that a palace needs money to breathe; it is a necessity, but it should not be the reason for a king and his super elector.

At a project inauguration event in Iseyin, Oyo State, on Friday, the state governor, Mr Seyi Makinde, announced that the vacant throne of the Alaafin of Oyo would not be allowed sold to the highest bidder. “Those of you fighting over Alaafin of Oyo’s stool should stop. Those who have collected money from people should know that Alaafin’s stool is not for sale. The stool is very important to Yoruba land; we will not allow it sold to the highest bidder.” That was quite cool, pleasing and reassuring. The governor spoke as an authentic Yoruba patriot who understands the place of the oba as the ori (head) and what it does in the life of the Yoruba society.

FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Judges And The Future Of Elections

One of the most difficult moments for a governor in Yorubaland is when a prominent oba’s stool falls vacant. The skies, at that moment, wear an incandescent shroud of lightning, thunder claps and storms of intrigues. Dr Omololu Olunloyo was Western State’s commissioner in charge of chieftaincy affairs when the last Alaafin was chosen in 1970. He tells dusky stories of what went into that decision. When a first class king dies and the governor allows the lowering of his guard, his face will suffer the ugliness of pimples. Where the soil is fertile, kingmakers sell thrones for princely sums and princes of means buy stools. Shortly after the immediate past Timi of Ede, Oba Tijani Oyewusi Agbonran II, joined his ancestors in August 2007, the then Osun State governor, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, asked the most senior kingmaker in that town which royal house’s turn it was to present the next oba. “It is everyone’s turn” was the answer the governor got. It cannot be every prince’s turn, the governor countered the kingmaker, asking him if what he was saying was that the family of the one who just died could also present a candidate. And the kingmaker replied the governor: “Ṣebí oyè bàbá won ni” (Why not? It is their father’s chieftaincy). That final answer was a code (or a red flag) for rent seeking and rent collection – a recipe for interminable litigious crisis. The governor understood what was not said, and, I am aware, he quickly closed all roads to trouble.

Sometimes, it is the princes and their houses who run after kingmakers and assail them with irresistible cash. Throne purchasers pursue chiefs up the hill and down the valley. The same happens to key people around the approving authority, the governor. Even small me, as the governor’s spokesman, I received august visitors from the town of Ede who said they came to thank me. Thank me for what? They said I issued a statement in which I promised that government would “follow due process in filling the stool” and because of that they brought gifts. Where I come from, a child’s most precious possessions are his mother’s and father’s prayers. I got plenty of such prayers against missteps before I became an orphan, and I pray daily for those parental fortifications to dictate what I do, what I say, what I eat. My elderly guests said they brought kola nuts for me; I told them I inherited hectares of kola nut farms from my father but I don’t eat kola nuts. They fixed their gaze on me; I also looked at my ‘appreciative’ throne-seeking visitors and smiled. I showered them with rejective thanks. They left with their kola nuts in their pocket.

Who or what should choose the next Alaafin? The answer is in tradition and religion, encased carefully in lore and anecdotes. Priest and professor of Ifa religion and a former vice chancellor of the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), Ile Ife, Professor Wande Abimbola, offered an insight in November 2022 in an interview published by the newspaper I edit. He told this story: “In ancient times, there was a vacancy in the stool of the Alaafin. In those days, Ifá would choose from among the princes. So they had the list of all the princes; they presented all to Ifá and Ifá rejected all of them. After exhausting the names of all the princes, the kingmakers were worried about what to do next. One of them said: ‘there is one person who lives in a village far away. He carries his load of firewood to the town once a week. He goes to the bush, cuts firewood, takes it to the town every week to sell. After selling, he would go back to the village. His name is Otonporo. Why don’t we try him?’ So they consulted Ifá if Otonporo would be fit for the throne, and if the Oyo Empire would be prosperous under his reign. Ifá said yes. At that time if Ifá had chosen you as the new Alaafin, the kingmakers would meet you in the house wherever you were. Otonporo had just put his heavy load of firewood on his head, coming to the town. They met him as he was leaving his abode in the forest. They shouted: ‘Otonporo, da’gi nùn; ire ti dé’lé kokoko’ (meaning ‘Otonporo, throw away your firewood; great fortune is awaiting you in the city.’) Otonporo became Alaafin and ruled for a long time. He was a successful king….” None of the rich princes in the metropolis got the throne; it was one hewer of wood somewhere deep in the bush who got the crown – and brought peace and prosperity to Oyo and its people.

A good leader is to his people what a good child is to its parents. When a child takes the right steps, the mother sings delightsome tunes; when a child opens its arms, it delights its father (omo sí’sè o wù’yá/ omo sí’pá, omo wu baba). Every Yoruba person should be proud of Governor Makinde’s stance on the Alaafin stool. His vow that the stool won’t be sold to the highest bidder is good news. It means we won’t have an Alaafin that has no regard for etiquette and protocols; one who routinely violates values and would be beating up other obas in private and public places. When a government makes a vow to do good, the people would be assisting themselves by helping it to get the promise fulfilled. We should be interested in what is happening in Oyo town and what will happen to the stool there. We should particularly note the governor’s choice of words. What he said was not a guess-work; he was sure of what had happened and may still happen to the process. He hinted that some people had taken money to force an unworthy stuff into the vacant ààfin in Oyo. Who took money and who gave money?

FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Niger’s War Of Blood And Water

Things happen daily around us; only that we are too blind (or too drunk) to see them. But if the eyes are attentive enough, they should have no problem seeing through the dank alleys of nostrils. It is not as if the decay in our obaship system started today. Maggots and nestling peckers have, long before now, been gutting the Yoruba royalty. Pioneer arts, culture and tradition scholar, Ulli Beier, was here from 1950 through the ’70s. He observed the Yoruba society’s unique monarchy and its democratic mainframes. He noted that in the selection of an oba, every part of the community had a say in it. He added that the Yoruba held the belief that an oba that lacked broad-based support in the town could not be a good king. In exasperation, he lamented that “now, people more or less buy the office, or they are imposed by the government.” The German uttered those words decades ago. Ulli Beier said more about the journey with so much poignancy in this narration: “In the 1950s, I met a generation of oba like Timi Laoye of Ede, Oba Adenle of Osogbo, the Olokuku of Okuku (Oyinlola) and many more. They were Christians and they understood the changed political situation. They believed in education but they were also strongly committed to upholding the dignity of their office. They also understood the value and wisdom of ancient Yoruba traditions. They were an impressive group of men, of kings. They did not use their office to enrich themselves; and they were absolutely accessible to the people. Now, you have a generation of oba, many of them political appointees who have by-passed traditional election procedures in a shameless way. A surprisingly large number of these new oba have been accountants or big businessmen before ascending to the throne. Some see the office as a means of making money. Various governments keep them in tow by throwing a few contracts their way. You now have an oba who shamelessly asks: ‘where is my envelope?’ – a new euphemism for ‘haven’t you brought any money to give me?’ So, how is Yoruba society going to cope with such problems? Should this ancient institution be abolished? Can it be rejuvenated, and, in such a way that we can keep politics out of it? Can it still play a vital and positive part in contemporary and future Yoruba society? If not, can it be replaced by something else? And what will that ‘something else’ be? Who or what will give a sense of direction and cohesion to the Yoruba town?” (Ulli Beier in Conversations, 2012; page 84-85). Beier asked the right questions: in the face of this thing we called ‘democracy’, shouldn’t the institution of obaship be abolished? Or can it be saved with rejuvenation? How? Who will save it?

The kingmakers in the Otonporo case above had a choice: they could sell the Oyo throne and strut the metropolis in accursed beaded wealth. The priest too had a choice; he could collect money and pick a candidate his oracle did not command him to pick. But both sides did not take the route to personal and communal ruin. They knew that every bad behaviour had very bad consequences. A purchased throne, most times, results in having a bad oba. And, what is the effect of having a bad king? A bad king is exactly the public equivalent of a bad head. A town can survive lack of rains but no society survives the ravage of bad leadership. Leaders without legitimacy reverse gains no matter what riches they inherit – they make bush of their society and ruin their people’s good head. Look around you. It is real. I quote Karin Barber again: “…the ruins of abandoned houses overgrown with bush, the traces of whole ruined settlements, remain as a warning that at any time, the conquest of the bush can be reversed…” True. The quickest way to reverse “the conquest of the bush” is to invest the powers of the state in the wrong hands. Athens and Sparta were Ancient Greece’s powerhouses. They convulsed and lost their luster to bad choices. The frailty of the polis is a constant warning that we must never plant thorns and thistles where rose is desired. Oba Lamidi Adeyemi died in April 2022; he was a very successful king and a pride to the Yoruba, home and abroad. When he died, the question was: who steps into his shoes and when? That we are still asking that question in September 2023 is to our collective shame as a people.

News

FULL LIST: FG Shuts 41 Unity Schools Over Insecurity

Published

5 hours ago

November 22, 2025

Editor

The Federal Government on Friday ordered the temporary closure of 41 unity schools over the rising cases of abduction across the country.

The decision was announced in a circular issued by the Director of Senior Secondary Education at the Federal Ministry of Education, Binta Abdulkadir.

“Sequel to the recent security challenges in some parts of the country and the need to prevent any security breaches, the Honourable Minister of Education has approved the immediate closure of the listed Federal Unity Colleges.

“Principals of the affected colleges are to ensure strict compliance. Please accept the warm regards of the Honourable Minister,” the circular read.

The affected schools are FGGC Minjibir; FGA Suleja; FTC Ganduje; FGGC Zaria; FTC Kafancha; FGGC Bakori; FTC Dayi; FGC Daura; FGGC Tambuwal; FSC Sokoto; FTC Wurno; FGC Gusau; FGC Anka; FGGC Gwandu; FGC Birnin Yauri; FTC Zuru; FGGC Kazaure; FGC Kiyawa; FTC Hadejia; FGGC Bida; FGC New Bussa; and FTC Kuta-Shiroro.

Others are FGC Ilorin; FGGC Omu-Aran; FTC Gwanara; FGC Ugwolawo; FGGC Kabba; FTC Ogugu; FGGC Bwari; FGC Rubochi; FGGC Abaji; FGGC Potiskum; FGC Buni Yadi; FTC Gashau; FTC Michika; FGC Ganye; FGC Azare; FTC Misau; FGGC Bajoga; FGC Billiri; and FTC Zambuk.

Recall that some students from St. Mary’s School in Papiri, Agwara Local Government Area of Niger State, were kidnapped by terrorists.

The incident comes just days after a similar attack in Maga, Kebbi State, where 25 students were kidnapped, heightening concerns over the deteriorating security situation in educational institutions across the region.

On Thursday, over 50 schools were shut down in Kwara State following attacks by bandits.

President Bola Tinubu had also cancelled his scheduled trips to South Africa and Angola to coordinate the government’s response to the worsening insecurity.

News

Why FG Hasn’t Prosecuted Terrorism Financiers – Minister

Published

5 hours ago

November 22, 2025

Editor

The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, says the Federal Government has not prosecuted individuals suspected of financing terrorism because the process requires extensive and delicate investigations that cannot be rushed.

Speaking on Channels Television’s Politics Today on Friday, Idris explained that contrary to public perception, the matter was not as simple as having a list and immediately taking suspects to court.

The minister’s statement came against the backdrop of growing concerns over alleged government complicity in the escalating insecurity ravaging the country.

Successive governments have faced public pressure to identify and prosecute individuals suspected of financing terrorism, particularly Boko Haram, ISWAP, and bandit groups operating in the North.

Under former President Muhammadu Buhari, officials disclosed that some suspected financiers had been identified, raising expectations that trials would soon follow.

However, no high-profile prosecution has taken place, fuelling criticism from civil society groups and security analysts who argue that the delays strengthen public distrust in government efforts against insecurity.

Addressing the matter, Idris said, “It is not a question of having the list or not having the list; it is not as simplistic as that. Investigations have to be conducted. In some cases, there are merits in what they said.

“You don’t say, ‘because pronouncements have been made, let me take you to court directly.’ There must be sufficient investigation carried out.

“Unfortunately, when you are fighting these kinds of battles, it is not something that you just sort out within a day or two. That is why, all the time, we are calling on our partners within and outside this country to understand the complexity and diversity of the situation we have here.”

The minister maintained that President Bola Tinubu’s administration was “working assiduously” to end terrorism and other security threats.

He noted that significant progress had been made since May 2023, adding that many Nigerians were inclined to overlook the gains.

“Sometimes we forget the successes we have recorded in the fight against bandits, criminals, and some of these jihadists. From May 2023 to date, over 13,500 of these criminals have been neutralised and taken off our society.

“Over 17,000 of them have been apprehended. Even as we speak, some of them are having their day in court, and some have been sentenced. I think we should recognise these efforts.”

On the delayed appointment of ambassadors, the minister said President Tinubu was already finalising the list, adding that the nominees were undergoing security vetting.

The minister also confirmed ongoing diplomatic engagements between Nigeria, the United States, and other countries, explaining that misunderstandings about Nigeria’s security challenges were being clarified.

“We agree that ambassadors should be there (US), and the President has agreed that he is going to release this list. As I speak with you, the President is finalising it. They have passed them to security agencies for checks. I can tell you that ambassadors are going to be appointed pretty soon.

“There is diplomatic engagement happening between Nigeria and the United States and other countries. What we feel is that there is no proper understanding of what the situation is about.

“This is the message we are taking to them. We are open to any kind of cooperation—regional, international, American or anybody who wants to see that there is an end to this crisis in Nigeria.”

News

Why Niger Delta Suffers Most — Jonathan

Published

5 hours ago

November 22, 2025

Editor

Former President Goodluck Jonathan has blamed the underdevelopment of the Niger Delta on weak political will and the personal ambition of some political office holders.

Jonathan, who spoke in Abuja on Friday at the launch of The Hidden Treasures, a 202-page book written by former Delta State governorship aspirant Chris Iyovwaye, stated that political rivalry and the scramble for power have repeatedly stalled progress in the region.

This was echoed by ex-presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party, Adewole Adebayo, and former Minister of Information, Prof Jerry Gana, who also highlighted the failure to act on long-standing regional plans as a challenge to the region’s development.

Jonathan, who chaired the event, was represented by his Chief of Staff, Mike Oghiadomhe.

In his address, the former president recalled several abandoned regional economic initiatives that could have boosted the Niger Delta’s growth.

He also traced past attempts to coordinate South-South governors and federal lawmakers on regional development, noting that personal ambition often overshadowed collective interest.

The former president said, “A lot has been said in the past and even now. But when you don’t bring action to it, it will remain a potential. Deep inside here, we can have tonnes of gold, diamonds, and uranium. But it will remain zero until they are mined and brought out.

This book corroborates what we have heard.

“In the past, when I was a deputy governor between 1999 and 2007, we had this same great commission. We used to have meetings of South-South governors. At one point, it was enlarged to include members of the National Assembly, and initiatives were held from state to state.

“But action could not be taken because of competition for power and control of that commission. At one point, everybody in the Niger Delta wanted to be the vice president to an unknown president.

“That was because Obasanjo was president from the South, and the next president was going to come from the North. But nobody knew who he would be. So, everybody started scrambling to become the vice president to whoever was coming.”

Expressing hope in the new revival of the South-South governors’ commission, he warned that only “practical action” backed by political will can rescue the region’s growth prospects.

“Our advice on this occasion is to send a message to them that there is a need for action. And it has to be in practical terms, not just saying it without showing the right political will. They should move further to create the vehicle that will detail the investment opportunities, save up, and market them across the region.

“The Niger Delta is supposed to be the economic hub of this country, with the potential to build the biggest seaport in Nigeria. From the Niger Delta, you can reach every part of the country, particularly the Middle Belt and the North. There is a need to harness our resources at this point in time for proper and physical development.”

Adebayo, in his remarks, described the Niger Delta as a vast, mismanaged economic paradise.

According to him, the region is too richly endowed for its citizens to remain poor.

“If there is no Niger Delta, there is no Nigeria. To some, every treasure is hidden because the person is blind. It is believed that some of the treasures in the region are hidden because we have had blind leadership over time.

“In truth, every part of the Niger Delta is brimming with human, material, liquid, and solid resources. So, if you are from the Niger Delta, it will be an oxymoron to say you are poor. It is impossible to be poor in that paradise.

“I come from a family that has 100 years of experience in making fortunes out of the Niger Delta. Most of my uncles and aunties were born there and served in great capacities. That is why we are always grateful to the Niger Delta.

“I also personally went to the region and found my own fortune. That’s because I married my wife from the Niger Delta, and my life has turned for the better since then.”

He added that the region’s wealth “is 18 times more than all the productivity of the United States from 1776 to date,” urging a return to responsible and visionary leadership.

“The author and others like him are sent to us like prophets in our time to remind us that a leadership or generation consumed by appropriating surface wealth, farming out the country’s resources to foreign enterprises, and collecting rent to make big men out of themselves is not the shepherd God sent to this land. This generation will have to turn away from that,” he said.

Gana, who as Information Minister in 1999 conceptualized the Niger Delta Development Commission, said the commission had fallen far short of its founding vision.

“During Obasanjo’s administration in 1999, I was mandated to organize a seminar on the Niger Delta at the ECOWAS Secretariat. It was a very well-attended event that was chaired by the former president of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere.

“He came in person, and papers were brilliantly presented on how we need to proceed with developing the Niger Delta. And we proposed the creation of a Niger Delta Development Commission as a platform to provide important infrastructure.”

But he lamented that the commission has not justified its mandate.

“I must confess that despite the tremendous hope that the meeting generated, I have not been personally impressed by the results of the commission, especially when I see them building primary schools and other minor projects.

“This vision was to transform the Niger Delta into one of the most beautiful places in Nigeria, with excellent infrastructure.”

He urged current managers of the commission to “arise and do something great for the people of the Niger Delta region.”

The Niger Delta, Nigeria’s main oil-producing region, has faced decades of environmental degradation, unemployment, poverty, and infrastructural neglect despite contributing the bulk of the nation’s revenue. Oil spills, gas flaring, and weak regulatory enforcement have devastated livelihoods, while recurring conflict over resource control has deepened instability.

The commission was established in 2000 to drive large-scale infrastructural transformation and address developmental gaps, but it has been plagued by allegations of mismanagement, abandoned projects, corruption, and political interference.

Multiple presidential audits have cited poor project delivery, weak accountability structures, and diversion of funds—leaving the region’s core problems largely unresolved.
(PUNCH)