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OPINION: Babangida’s Journey And His Service

Published

10 months ago

February 23, 2025

By Festus Adedayo

Since Thursday when his autobiography, A Journey In Service, was launched, former military president, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, has taken center-stage of national attention. The autobiography reminds me of James Hadley Chase’s Make the Corpse Walk. It is the story of eccentric millionaire, Kester Weidmann, who in his weirdest best, believed money could buy everything, life and death inclusive. So, one day, Weidmann woke up with the crazy idea that his dead brother could be brought back to life. He then enlisted the services of a voodoo specialist to perform this crazed task. Rollo, crooked nightclub, owner was his perfect find to act out this massive con artistry of a lifetime. Things however went awry with the cast of this weird task who soon told themselves that Weidmann’s wealth was more attractive a pie than his absurd voodoo fabrication.

A couple of weeks ago, I recall citing Dr. Nina Mba’s description of biographers as “People who knead people.” It was in the process of taking a bird’s-eye view of Chief Bisi Akande’s autobiography, My Participations. My interpretation of Mba’s phrasal coinage was that biographers knead their subjects like bakers make raw flour into edible pancake, doughnut or bread. I also found my own label for autobiographers. Many a times, I submitted, they are self-conjurers. A Journey In Service didn’t just attempt to knead an edible dough out of an IBB Nigerians would love to hate, it is a re-conjuration, a Nigerian Kester Weidmann retired Army General, ex-Head of State and military dictator’s attempt to knead a compelling dough from his raw self-perception in the estimation of history.

While the last 25 years of civilian rule have paraded accidents as leaders, Babangida wanted power, romanced power, was besotted by power and prepared for power, mentally and physically. While in office, his statecraft and style of leadership were a total lift from and replica portraiture of the precepts in The Prince, 16th century Italian writer, diplomat and politician, Niccolo Machiavelli’s famous but deadly portrait of and prescriptions for tough leadership.

To reinforce this and create a look-alike model of Machiavelli’s quintessential ruler, IBB garnished power with the deadly image of a lethal ruler. In the same vein, he decorated the cottage of power with the sweet icing of a patrimonial leader. Like Machiavelli, Babangida concentrated and centered power round himself. This gave semblance of a leadership that was people-centered, under the pretence of running a government that carried the people along. He was also unpredictable and eccentric with power, like the Machiavelli Prince, springing surprises at the drop of a hat, a portraiture that is also a dip into the playbook of Machiavelli. In the same way, like a concentration camp, he gathered people of contravening persuasions into government, sucking them in via gifts and purchase of their loyalties. Respected academics fell to his suasion through appointments while his smiles acted as facade to hide the graffiti of a sadistic rule.

Like Machiavelli, IBB believed in the withdrawal of force from his scabbard and unleashing it to silence opposition. In the same vein, his smilingly harmless look turned his opposition into jelly. For instance, he swayed hitherto unbending critics like Tai Solarin who he brought into the People’s Bank and subsequently humiliated. Babangida ran a government that was unpredictable and which he maneuvered to sustain his hold in office. He was a genie of a genius, deservedly earning the sobriquets of “evil genius” and “Maradona.” But, as a replay of the epic downfall of Emperors, rulers and suzerains of old has shown, wisdom kills the wise. Many times, they die in graveyards dug by the unwise. My people render this as “Ogbón pa ọlọgbọn ”.

Very few Nigerian leaders built institutions that endure like Babangida. In A Journey In Service, Babangida gave an impression of a ruler who was not driven by self to serve. Which was not completely true. By the time he vacated power in 1993, allegations of frittering off more than $14 Billion 1992 Gulf War oil windfall hung on his head like a Sword of Damocles.

While A Journey In Service contains the histrionics of Babangida’s eight-year rule, it sidestepped some basic realities that Nigerians had to grapple with within this period. Of all these, Babangida’s handling of the political transition programme of his administration would seem to be the hugest pain whose hurt has refused to disappear from the Nigerian backbone. This makes Chapter 12 of his memoir, which comes under the title “Transition to Civil Rule and the June 12 Saga” the most contentious of the autobiography. Therein, IBB made spirited efforts to explain off his clear mindedness and intention of bequeathing a civilian government to Nigerians. Data on ground however point at a self-vaunting ambition for life rule. He started off by rationalizing his government’s political agenda, beginning with the political bureau. The more he explained, the more he revealed gaping holes fraught with his demonstrable intention to transmute into a civilian president. His romance with diarchy is a clear example.

During the twilight of his rule, with the June 12 fiasco becoming a whirlwind, it was as if Babangida was shopping for justifications for the annulment of the election, right, left and center. At another time, he said the annulment of the election was due to the fact that some military officers had sworn that Abiola would never be president of Nigeria. He then glibly called for a new election which would still lead to the handing over of power on August 27, 1993, setting new criteria for eligibility to contest. The whirlwind eventually swept him off, with a quixotic admittance that he was “stepping aside” form power.

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR: OPINION: Bisi Akande, Poverty And Ige’s Death

A Journey In Service, while collating some of the events above, attempted to rationalize Babangida’s decisions for taking fatal decisions of state but fell face flat, and fatally, too. For instance, he attempted to state that he was not a power-besotting ruler, which was a wrong self-appraisal. As he retreated to Minna in August, 1993, palpable fears hovered in the polity that he would yet take over the reins of office of Nigerian president in the shortest time. On August 15, 2006, in an interview he granted the Financial Times, he gave inkling of his intention to fulfil this fear. He had vaguely told the newspaper that in 2007, he would run for office “under the banner of the Nigerian people”. Less than three months after, specifically on November 8, 2006, he showed up to pick the party nomination form of the PDP which the then chairman, Ahmadu Alli, personally issued him. Not long after, IBB timidly fled like a frightened cat, from his aspiration, citing as reason for the withdrawal which people found untenable. He had said that his withdrawal was due to a “moral dilemma” because the younger brother of Shehu Yar-Adua, his late military boss, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, was also in the race. The speculation was however that he ran inside his hole as a result of mounting opposition. Again, in September, 2010, the retired General expressed the desire to run for the 2011 presidential election but withdrew the intention almost immediately.

The book is also a fatal deconstruction of a Babangida whose heroism and valour were almost a legend before now. It would have been better if Babangida had continued playing the ostrich on June 12 by not talking about it at all. Nigerians, and indeed the world, would have continued to be beguiled by the facade picture of a tough hombre Babangida. In that wise, Babangida would have gone to his grave with the impression of a man of valour. Recall that, at some point in his rule, he had told a news-magazine that he loved dreaded military Generals, 19th century Shaka the Zulu, often depicted with a long throwing assegai and heavy shield; and Hannibal, a Carthaginian military general and statesman who led the forces of Carthage against the Roman Republic. When the interviewers reminded Babangida that both were ruthless and dreaded, he flashed his gap-tooth in a weird grin.

What we have in A Journey In Service is a pusillanimous army General that didn’t resemble the picture of General Babangida we had. The General in that book, on the outward, merely wears the epaulette of a valiant five-star General but was a buck-passer. How does the world reconcile the picture of a Babangida who fought valiantly in the civil war and got wounded in the process; one who smilingly and fearlessly almost disarmed Lt- Col Bukar Suka Dimka inside the Radio Nigeria studio; who had the steely heart to order the execution of his best friend, Mamman Vatsa, now selling himself the portraiture of a Sani Abacha bootlicker? The book is a portrait of a military General who didn’t want to die after Gideon Orkar fiercely dealt him a mortal blow inside the Dodan Barracks. It appears to every reader, back-grounded by what we heard in April 1990, though he refuted it, that aftermath his rescue by Abacha, a blood oath was made between the duo to hand over power to the Kanuri-born psychopath General. All the fatal decisions Babangida later took were predicated on this assumption. He was sore afraid of Abacha and his sadism and in the process, cost Nigerians their lives in their thousands, vicariously triggered the disequilibrium Nigeria witnessed thereafter and was responsible for the trillions of Naira Nigeria wasted in the process. Babangida is also vicariously responsible for the ghastly rule of Abacha, the many people he killed and the stagnation of reason during the period.

That chapter on June 12 was just a buck-passing script. It drowned the other revealing and intellectually stimulating chapters of the book which are very useful for historical corroboration of facts and fictions. Unfortunately, virtually all the dramatis personae of the election are now diseased. Did Babangida wait for this auspicious moment to unleash his revisionist chapter of his memoir? Or, was it merely to make peace with history and his creator when he passes? Whatever it is, that chapter was poor artistry. It is akin to eccentric millionaire, Kester Weidmann’s weird attempt to make a corpse walk, a clear Babangida absurd voodoo fabrication of sainthood for himself. Thirty two years after, the anti-hero of that grisly political drama which almost splintered Nigeria and was on the verge of tossing the country into a huge internecine war, chose to canonize himself.

However, A Journey In Service has shown the path of a road to travel wide open to travelers in government. Babangida traced his geneology from grandfather, Malam Ibrahim, a prominent Muslim cleric and wanderer who migrated from Sokoto to Kano and Kontagora and settled in Wushishi. He also wrote about how Ibrahim married his pretty wife, Halima. He traced the family roots up to his father, Malam Muhammadu Badamasi, ostensibly to explain how he got his middle name, ‘Badamasi’ which many confused with ‘Gbadamosi’ a Yoruba name. Now, or in the future, we will expect President Tinubu, VP Kashim Shettima’s and others’ autobiographies. They must all write their memoirs, so that we can indeed meet the characters who govern us.

Lastly, many have disdained the gathering in Abuja for the book launch and the huge billions of Naira announced as donations. No one remembered to even offer a minute silence for the dead of June 12. The gathering has been explained off as elite regrouping and this class’ clear disconnect from the everyday issues of the average Nigerian. It should serve as a lesson to the Nigerian people. In Osun State now, power-mongers are seeking state capture, the same way IBB sought to, over three decades ago. The APC is baring its fangs, using Bola Tinubu’s hold on federal power as Malacca cane with which to grope in the dark. The Attorney General of the Federation is rudely descending into the arena with partisan and needless threat laced in the garb of harmless advice, while the IGP is flexing his muscles with impunity. As they all gathered by the feet of IBB last Thursday, they should have learned a fundamental lesson from the senescent General: that it is only an allotted time that power-wielders use; no one wears the apron of power forever until it becomes a tattered rag (Ìgbà l’oni’gba n’lo, ẹnìkan o ló ilé ayé gbó). It speaks to the temporality and ephemerality of the power they use to harass Nigerians.

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OPINION: Nigerian Soldiers In Benin Republic

Published

2 hours ago

December 9, 2025

Editor

By Suyi Ayodele

I have been asking if whatever President Bola Tinubu did in Cotonou on Sunday is worth celebrating. My mind keeps racing to the now extinct town of Àpá and how its legend, the one who could have saved the town, abandoned it to help other villages and towns survive to the detriment of his own place of birth.

The legend is short. Ògún, the god of iron, whom many praise as “Ògún Onírè” (Ògún the one from Ìrè Èkìti), history says, was never a native of Ìrè Èkìtì. His hometown is known as Àpá. But the town is no more because its neighbours waged war against it till no single soul remained.

According to the story, a renowned Babaláwo, Ológbòjígòlò, who would have saved the town, also failed because he did not follow the instruction given to him by Ifa. When Ológbòjígòlò set out on his divination voyage, he asked three junior diviners, Èhìnìwàmowò (I look the future from the past), Mowòréré (I look intently) and Mowòjojo (I look deeply), to ask Ifa what the journey held for him.

Ifa, the three diviners told Ológbòjígòlò, said that the old Babaláwo would prosper on the journey if he avoided eating overripe kolanut and marrying two women no matter how prosperous he became. No sacrifice was required, just obedience.

The first place of call was Àpá. Ológbòjígòlò found the town in ruins. He wondered where Ògún was when neighbours waged war against his town. Those left said that Ògún elected to save other communities at the expense of his own. Ológbòjígòlò elected to help, and he did according to the Babaláwo he was. When another war broke out between Àpá and one of its neighbours, Àpá people prevailed. And that pattern continued till the town became lively, full of people, again.

But as years went by, Ológbòjígòlò became rich and powerful. His taste changed. He started eating overripe kolanut. He married another woman to join the one that followed him to Àpá. The second wife, a kolanut seller, became his favourite. Trust women. Within months of becoming Ológbòjígòlò’s wife, the new wife had obtained all the necessary information about how Apa found its mojo at war fronts.

Pronto, the woman escaped Apa and told her people the secret behind Àpá’s successes at battles. At the next war, Apa was defeated, the town burned down, and Ológbòjígòlò was captured. He had to escape, using magic.

By the time Ògún heard the bad news, there was nothing he could do. The story says that was why Ògún could not return to his homeland and settled in Ìrè, where he had earlier committed murder over an empty keg of palm wine! Every strongman, who leaves his homestead in distress to defend another, ends up not having a home to return to! That, the narrator, says, is the didacticism in the story.

The people of Benin Reublic woke up on the morning of Sunday, December 7, 2025, to martial music on their radio and television stations. Some daredevil soldiers, led by Colonel Pascal Tigri, were on air, announcing that they had taken over the government of the tiny West African country. Then Bola Tinubu’s Nigeria moved in and crushed them.

Like Ògún, President Tinubu left the insecurity bedevilling Nigeria to go and play god in Benin Republic on Sunday. And his men are asking us to praise him! So, our President has the capacity to deploy troops to troubled spots the way he did last Sunday? He has the willpower to order the Nigerian Armed Forces to go and quell a rebellion in a neighbouring country, yet he lacks the same mojo when it comes to confronting Boko Haram, terrorists and bandits in our backyards?

Nigeria is heavily pregnant. Its Expected Delivery Date (EDD) is close. The nation waits in bated breath. We keep vigils, we pray non-stop. Nigerians hardly sleep with their two eyes closed. Many of us don’t sleep at all. The expectation is palpable. Will the pregnancy deliver good or evil? Nobody knows; nobody is sure.

Then the news came. Our midwife has loaned out the nation’s delivery channel to another pregnant woman! Mo gbé, someone ululated! Who does that? Another echoed. What do you call this type of behaviour? Someone else asked in disbelief.

The answer came rushing at us from the fortified Aso Rock Villa where our President and Commander-in-Chief, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, resides. “President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has commended the gallantry of Nigeria’s military on Sunday for responding swiftly to the request by the Government of the Republic of Benin to save its 35-year-old democracy from coup plotters who struck at dawn today.” That was the opening paragraph of the ‘Press House Statement’ endorsed by Bayo Onanuga, President Tinubu’s spokesman.

The Benin Republic shares a border with Nigeria. That should be one of the borders our new Minister of Defence, General Christopher Gwabin Musa (Rtd), said we should fence to ward off terrorists and bandits. Whatever happens in Cotonou, the capital city of the Republic of Benin, has its multiplying effects on Abuja, our Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

The news of the military takeover in the Republic of Benin rattled President Tinubu. That feeling is natural. The Republic of Benin under the leadership of Patrice Guillaume Athanase Talon, and Nigeria under Tinubu share one common denominator. It is called rudderless leadership! Many argue that the situation in the Republic of Benin appears even better than what we have here in Nigeria. What do we make of that? Is there a difference between leprosy and scabies (sé ìyàtò wà nínú ètè àti èyi bí)?

A successful military putsch in the Republic of Benin is a bad omen for Nigeria. President Tinubu must naturally panic at such scary news. When one’s mate dies suddenly, one is cautioned to interpret the signal correctly. The semblance of democracy in the Benin Republic is 35 years old. Its Nigerian counterpart is 26 years old. If Talon is successfully shoved aside via the barrel of the gun, Abuja would no longer sleep peacefully. The situation became more precarious given that not quite a month ago, Nigeria claimed that it foiled a coup in its embryo.

So, President Tinubu did what endangered species in such circumstances should do. Without any recourse to the national Assembly (he shouldn’t worry about those lots in Abuja anyway), the President answered his appellation as the Commander-in-Chief. He scrambled some Nigerian Air Force (NAF) fighter jets and ordered them to Cotonou. He did not stop there. The President mobilised some men in our Infantry and marched them to the Benin Republic.

The order was clear. The mission was defined. And the instruction was unambiguous. ‘Flush out the rebels and restore democracy’, Tinubu presumably roared. Within hours, the assignment was completed. The order was carried out with military precision and mathematical accuracy. Within hours, the ragtag soldiers holding the Benin Republic by the jugular were routed!

Our NAF fighter jets were something else in the Beninois airspace. The noise of the jets sent shivers through the weak spines of the rebels. They fled in all directions. The Nigerian foot soldiers also entered Cotonou seamlessly. They were sights to behold. They fanned out in quick order, taking over the entire television and radio houses! Who is an epileptic person in the face of the one who dies completely (tani ńjé akúwárápá níwájú eni tó kú yányán)?

Back home, Tinubu beat his chest. His hangers-on hailed him. ‘Mr. President, you have done fantastically well’, they praised the president. Onanuga rushed to his computer room and typed on, his wine-soaked fingers dancing yoyo on the keyboard. He wrote:

“President Tinubu commends Nigeria’s Armed Forces for protecting democracy in the Benin Republic… Today, the Nigerian armed forces stood gallantly as a defender and protector of constitutional order in the Republic of Benin on the invitation of the government…They have helped stabilise a neighbouring country and have made us proud of their commitment to sustaining our democratic values and ideals since 1999…”

Onanuga did not forget to tell us that the requests for intervention from the Government of Benin came through “a verbal note!” He added that “President Tinubu first ordered Nigerian Air Force fighter jets to enter the country and take over the airspace to help dislodge the coup plotters from the National TV and a military camp where they had regrouped.”

Our Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), General Olufemi Oluyede, he further disclosed, “said all the requests have been fulfilled, with Nigerian ground forces now in Benin”, with the caveat: “Ours is to comply with the order of the Commander-in-Chief of our armed forces, President Tinubu.” The import here is strong. All Tinubu needs to do is to give the order and our soldiers will simply obey!

Minutes after Onanuga’s statement, Tinubu’s clappers-club members went to town. We should celebrate the President’s swiftness and dexterity, they said. Only a strategist like President Tinubu could have saved a nation in distress the way he did in the Republic of Benin. To them, and they want us to believe, Tinubu has done what Napoleon could not do! The Hallelujah boys are all over the place, their noise deafening!

We have said it times without number in the past. What is lacking in the fight against insecurity in Nigeria is not manpower. What we lack is the political willpower of those in authority to do that which is noble, right and of good conscience. Because Tinubu’s Presidency is threatened, because he could suffer the same fate as his fellow lethargic President in the Republic of Benin , he suddenly realised that he could order our troops with specific and definite order and get results within hours!

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Onanuga said “the Nigerian armed forces stood gallantly as a defender and protector of constitutional order in the Republic of Benin…They have helped stabilise a neighbouring country….” We may yet ask him when is he going to pen such lofty words about the dexterity of our armed forces’ dexterity in curtailing and containing terrorism in Nigeria? If our soldiers (Army and Air Force) are so good, why has Boko Haram endured since 2009? How come the jets that would not work in Nigeria suddenly became superlative in the Republic of Benin? Why have we not used the same jets on the bandits holding Nigeria and Nigerians bound to violence?

On a personal note, nothing in me would support military rule, anywhere in Africa! And it stops at that. Methinks that beyond the emotional condemnation of the soldiers trying to leave their barracks for the government houses in Africa, we also need to ask what our civilian leaders are doing wrongly to warrant the military venturing into government.

This is the fundamental issue that we should address. President Tinubu, by his Sunday action, has demonstrated beyond doubt that with the right attitude to governance, Nigeria can suppress the activities of terrorists, bandits and Boko Haram within hours! The question is: will politics ever allow him to act so decisively here in Nigeria?

This is why Nigerians should become more affirmative in asking the President to answer his name as the Commander-in-Chief of our Armed Forces. President Tinubu should stop playing Ògún while our Apa remains in ruins. Good enough, he has ‘saved’ democracy in the Republic of Benin. We appreciate the fact that, like Onanuga penned, “Nigeria stands firmly with the government and people of the Republic of Benin.” Now is the time for President Tinubu to stand firmly with the people of Nigeria, the ones who elected him their leader. This is what he was elected to do.

I hate, and very deeply too, the allusion to the diplomatic big-daddy-posture of Nigeria in the Benin Republic affairs. I personally feel sad that while Nigerians are killed in their hundreds daily by terrorists and bandits, with little or no help from our armed forces and with the President being notoriously flatfooted, the same President mobilised material and human resources to far way Cotonou to fight renegade soldiers who took control of government over there.

I keep asking what benefit democracy serves in Nigeria when our people are slaughtered daily and the few soldiers we have are on a mission to the Republic of Benin just because our President entered panic mode! What happens, God forbid, if for instance, the military strikes in Ghana tomorrow, and in Cameroon day after? How many men do we have to deploy? How many fighter jets?

The beauty of the whole Sunday exercise is that President Tinubu has justified our claim that his greatest undoing is his predilection to place politics above the people’s welfare. The only time he felt genuinely threatened, he did the needful by sending Nigerian troops to flush out the coupists in Benin Republic. We should all feel nauseated!

At the risk of fitting into the figure of those Jesus Christ upbraided in Luke 4:23, I say on behalf of the hapless and helpless Nigerians who die daily in the hands of terrorists, “…physician (President Tinubu), heal thyself: whatsoever we have heard done in Capernaum (Benin Republic), do also here in thy country (Nigeria).”

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7.6m Tramadol Pills, 76,273kg Colorado, Skunk Seized In Delta, Imo, Adamawa

Published

10 hours ago

December 9, 2025

Editor

Operatives of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) have recovered over 7.6 million pills of tramadol and 76,273.4 kilogrammes of different strains of cannabis, Colorado, Loud and Skunk with members of drug trafficking organisations linked to the seizures arrested.

Out of the total opioids seized during the raids, not less than 3,874,000 pills of 225mg and 100mg tramadol, and others as well as of codeine syrup were recovered from a warehouse at Oko market, Asaba, Delta State, on Saturday, December 6, 2025.

About 1.2 million tablets of tramadol 225mg were seized from a suspect, Kelechi Nwakocha, 35, on Wednesday, December 3, when NDLEA operatives on patrol at Orogwe, along Onitsha/Owerri road, Imo State, intercepted his vehicle conveying the consignment, which was loaded at Aba, Abia State, heading to Onitsha, Anambra State.

In Adamawa State, NDLEA officers, on Monday, December 1, 2025, intercepted a Toyota Hiace bus marked MGU 554 XB along Maraba/Mubi coming from Jos, Plateau State, with 1,577,112 capsules of tramadol and exol-5 tablets, all concealed inside jumbo bags mixed with new rubber sandals and slippers.

Two suspects, Kabiru Buba, 25, and Hamza Abubakar, 32, were arrested in connection with the seizure. Another suspect, Mudansir Rabiu, 27, was nabbed along Zaria/Kano road, Kano State, with 197,000 pills of exol-5.

Operatives of a special unit of NDLEA stormed forests in Omuo-Ekiti, Ekiti State, where they destroyed 14,654 kilogrammes of skunk and arrested two suspects: Yusuf Iliyasu, 50, and Okumu Chinedu, 26.

In another operation, the operatives on Tuesday, December 2, stormed the forests in Asin-Ekiti, Ikole Local Council, Ekiti State, where they destroyed 54,300kg of skunk in two large warehouses that were razed while 28.3kg of the same psychoactive substance was recovered for the purpose of prosecution.

Following actionable intelligence, NDLEA operatives on Tuesday, December 2, raided Igoba forest in Akure North Local Council, Ondo State, where 2,483 compressed blocks of skunk and 247 bags of same substance, all weighing 5,442 kilogrammes, were recovered and five suspects arrested. Those nabbed include Jacob Omodowo, 66; Joy Oluatobi Peace, 24; Babatunde Olamide, 40; Echi Fidelis Joseph, 57; and Ankrah Akano, 56.

While 500kg of same substance was recovered from a Mercedes Benz van marked MGU 614 XB by NDLEA officers on patrol along Mokwa/Jebba road in Niger State on December 4, with the driver, Amos Yakubu, 46, arrested, operatives in Abuja on Wednesday, December 3, intercepted a consignment of Colorado, a synthetic cannabis, weighing 22kg at Abaji expressway.

A follow-up operation at the Jabi park in Abuja led to the arrest of a female receiver, Blessing Ali, 33. Also in the FCT, Aliyu Usman, 39, was arrested by operatives on Friday, December 5, with 24kg skunk and 573,500 pills of exol-5 along Kwali/Gwagwalada expressway

In Lagos, NDLEA operatives recovered 217 pouches of Canadian Loud weighing 113kg from Ezenwa Udoka at Ladipo Market, Mushin, while Izuchukwu Usulor was nabbed with 351kg skunk at Onipanu area of the state on December 5, and Susan Okoro arrested with 104.1kg of same psychoactive substance at Trade Fair Complex, Ojo, on Tuesday, December 2.

A total of 447.5kg of skunk was recovered from two Honda Accord cars marked: ABC-678 KK and GGE-772 FB at Agho forest, Akoko Edo Local Council, Edo State.

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ICPC, Works Ministry Launch Nationwide Audit Of 760 Road Projects Worth N36tn

Published

11 hours ago

December 9, 2025

Editor

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Federal Ministry of Works have jointly embarked on an unprecedented nationwide audit of 760 federal road projects valued at more than N36 trillion.

This is according to a statement released by J. Okor Odey, spokesperson for the anti-graft commission, which described the feat as one of the most extensive infrastructure verification exercises in Nigeria’s history.

Odey said the Special Tracking Exercise, which commenced on November 14, 2025, deploys combined teams of ICPC investigators, engineers from the Works Ministry, and independent experts from professional bodies such as the Nigerian Institute of Quantity Surveyors (NIQS).

According to the statement, the audit teams are currently operating across the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory to conduct physical verification and performance assessments of the targeted projects.

The initiative aims to close financial leakages, strengthen procurement integrity, and guarantee that Nigeria’s massive investments in road infrastructure yield real value for citizens.

The commission said key objectives of the exercise include enhancing fiscal governance, exposing and deterring contract fraud, enforcing contractor accountability, and recovering funds from inflated or failed projects.

The commission emphasised that the collaborative approach was designed to ensure sustainable and cost-effective infrastructure delivery nationwide.

The field activities involve detailed inspections of project sites, scrutiny of contract documents, and evaluation of deliverables.

The commission promised that at the end of the state-by-state assessments, findings would be compiled into a comprehensive national audit report. This will form the basis for sanctions, financial recoveries, and other enforcement actions against individuals or companies implicated in wrongdoing.

“This exercise represents a proactive, system-driven approach to safeguarding our national infrastructure investments,” the commission stated.

“Tracking 760 projects of this magnitude underscores our resolve to partner with government institutions in closing leakages, promoting accountability, and ensuring that public projects translate into tangible public good.”

The ICPC reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening transparency in public procurement and ensuring full value for every naira allocated to federal road projects.

In other news, Justice Josephine Obanor of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), sitting at Jabi, Abuja, has affirmed the powers of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) to investigate scholarship funds in Kano State.

Officials from the Kano State Ministry of Higher Education, led by the Permanent Secretary, Dr Hadi Bala, and those from the Kano State Scholarship Board, had dragged the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and the ICPC before the court, alleging that invitations sent to them by the commission violated their fundamental rights.

Their invitation, which requested that the officials provide documents and clarification on allegations against them, was part of the ICPC’s investigation into a petition received by the commission, alleging financial impropriety in the administration of scholarship funds in the state.

Delivering judgment in the case brought before the court in the suit marked FCT/HC/CV/2857/2025, the judge upheld the power of the anti-graft agency to carry out its statutory mandate of investigation.

Justice Obanor held that an invitation letter from ICPC for investigative purposes does not constitute a breach of fundamental rights.