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OPINION: Can Tinubu, Our Eddie Kwansa, Now Come Home?

Published

1 week ago

November 30, 2025

By Festus Adedayo

Today’s Gen Z world may not know of “Eddie Kwansa”. It is a famous folk song Owerri, Imo State, donated to the rest of Nigeria. Released shortly after the piercing agony of the Nigerian civil war in 1972 by Dan Orji and his Peacock Band, the song should remind people of my generation of the equally famous NTA soap opera, Village Headmaster. The Orji song became the signature tune of that opera and it runs thus, “Eddie Kwansa oo, bia o, bia o (3ce) Izu ka nma na nneji oo, bia o, bia o…” Translated, the melodious song says, “Come, Eddie Kwansa; It’s good when blood brothers reason together.” Another version translates the lyrics into “Come, Eddie Kwansa, come; quarrels among brothers are best resolved at home.”

The legend behind it makes it an evergreen folk song among Owerri people. The legend, the claim of which has been disputed by those close to the musician who sang it, has it that a handsome young man named John Obik-we entertained Owerri people with his guitar before the civil war. Shortly after the war, he and his three brothers discovered that their late father left land for them in Port Harcourt. They then agreed to sell it and share the proceeds equally. Upon the sale of the land, however, Obik-we’s siblings short-changed him, giving him not even a dime. Downcast and frustrated, Obikwe relocated to Ghana where fate smiled on him. He then totally disconnected from his siblings. His successful life story, especially entreaties from his now repented brothers to him to come back home, became the legend strewn into a song by Orji.

I digress. Yoruba’s world of incantations is built round literary devices of alliteration, similes, metaphors, onomatopoeia, etc. When you are assailed from within and without by enemies, necessitating your running helter-skelter for remedy, my people deploy the imagery of the leaf called “àáragbá” to describe your situation. As an incantation, using the homophone in “gbã” which collocates with and is an alliteration to the name of the “aàárà-gbá” leaf, they sew together the poetic incantation of “ilé ò gbá, ònà ò gbàá níí se ewé àáragbá”. Translated, that incantation curses that, as the leaf of “àáragbá” moves hither thither in discomfort, so shall it be for the recipient of the incantation.

Buffeted at home by pellets from terrorists, and abroad by the razor-sharp tongue and gruff of Donald Trump, the American global policeman of democracy — apologies to General Sani Abacha — I suspect that political enemies must have cast the spell of a troublous presidency on my Yoruba kinsman in Aso Rock. In this piece, however, I volunteer to be there for my kinsman. It is at times like this that consanguines, whose blood is reputed to be thicker than water, ought to be there for one another.

Now that our kinsman in Aso Rock is being pummeled by artillery fire from everywhere, we hope his travails will enable him listen to our Eddy Kwansa call on him to let us reason like children of same Oduduwa parent. Didn’t the lines of Eddy Kwansa song say it is good when brothers reason together?

The truth is, when you think you have fooled the rest of the world, unbeknown to you, you are the greatest victim of your contrivance. When you luxuriate in such a fool’s paradise, my people have two very powerful sayings for you. In the first, they say you are Amuda’s concubine. She was a jester who gave birth to a child and named him Yésúfù — “Oníyèyé alè Àmùdá t’ó bímo tó soó ní Yésúfù”. Amuda is a colloquial rendering of “Ahmad” which in Arabic translates to a “thankful person,” while Yesufu is a collocation of the name “Ahmad”. The etymology of the phrase and the plot which gave birth to it are unknown. However, the phrase has widespread appreciation and affiliation with self-delusion and hypocrisy.

There is another saying of my people which explains and disdains self-conceitedness. It rests on the pedestal of the earlier saying’s format and, like it, euphemistically expresses bother about self-deception. It is woven round a woman, whose son is named Jimoh and who walks into a mosque on a Friday and, satisfied by its ambience, claims she had arrived the home of her son. Yoruba express this saying as, “Èèyàn ò tan ara rè bíi Ìyá Jímòh t’ó wo Mósálásí t’ó ní òhun dé ilé omo òhun.” Now, this is the link: “Jimoh” is a nativized rendering of the Arabic word “Jum’ah” or “Mosalasi” (mosque) among Yoruba Muslims. When Iya Jimoh gets so hypocritical and self-delusional as to conflate “Jimoh” the mosque with “Jimoh” her son, then her self-deception is perceived to have landed her in cloud-cuckoo-land.

Nigeria’s national pains knew no bounds as terrorists struck the country two weeks ago. It was one of the country’s most nightmarish weeks ever.

I pitied my kinsman. In my piece of last week, I reckoned that Karma was again shooting its shot. Not to worry. The Builder of Lagos had a response. When it comes to ‘effizy’ (showmanship), no one can surpass Lagos people. It is in their gene. The man who would not stop his flight in September, in spite of huge national clamour, but proceeded to Paris, the nestling home of his buddy and business partner, Gilbert Chagoury, for a “10-day working vacation,” stopped his plane from flying to South-Africa this time around. Pronto, the Minister of Defence, Bello Matawalle, was ordered to relocate to Kebbi State.

Many wondered what the minister, severally accused of being godfather of bandits, would do in Kebbi. Governor Idris of Kebbi was the first to burst our bubble. No single naira was paid in ransom, he said. The president too said he was relieved. Glad that the abductees are back home, Nigerians still wanted to know how the Tinubu wonder came about. On his X handle and on a national television interview, Onanuga claimed it was the work of non-kinetics. Whatever that meant! Couldn’t he spare us of bombast? He said the Eruku 38 were released after security agents made direct contact with the kidnappers, maintaining that government always chooses to avoid direct armed assaults due to risk to civilians.

The Nigerian senate continued its grovelling pedigree. Senate spokesman, Yemi Adaramodu, said not only didn’t government pay a dime to the abductors, the “bandits fled when they saw superior power.” It reminds me of that evergreen James Hadley Chase counsel that liars must have a good memory. From Onanuga’s statement above, which clearly contradicts Adaramodu’s, you would imagine that the military team on a rescue mission and the bandits were in a ‘paddy-paddy’ detente while negotiating the abductees’ release. How did an expedition that was said to be ‘negotiation’ morph to become Adaramodu’s “superior power”?

The lead story headline of the Daily Trust newspaper of November 27 — “Released, Rescued or Ransomed?” — speaks directly to the anxiety and apprehension of Nigerians about the Tinubu wonder rescue. Knowing Nigerian governments’ predilection for the untruth and this particular government’s obsession for barefaced lies, interests in the mode of the rescue of the abductees went upswing.

Not long after news of the release of the Kebbi girls, their abductors released a bothersome video where they affirmed that there was indeed negotiation between them and the government. In the video, the gloating abductors said that, in spite of Nigerian fighter jets hovering over the captors, government security agents were helpless until they negotiated with the bandits. Like Amuda’s concubine and the woman who walks into a mosque on a Friday and claims she had arrived the home of her son, this government and its officials are on a roulette of lies. While they think they have made a fool out of us, little did they know that we watch them live in a fool’s paradise.

All over the world, state negotiation with terrorists is not only seen as an anathema, it is a weak alternative. It is also enveloped in dark motives. Most governments that choose to negotiate with terrorists do so in order to find a mediated way out of a conflict. In doing this, they merely postpone an imminent defeat, or a detour out of what is called a mutually hurting stalemate.

Negotiation is frowned at as a means of combating terrorists because, in the long run, it violates states’ domestic and international legitimacy. When a state credited with a monopoly of force goes to terrorists to negotiate, it, by that very fact, loses its regards.

From the other side, negotiations are ego-boosters for terrorists. They often seek it so as to drastically improve their popular standing and legitimacy. In the recent ransomed negotiation with the terrorists in Nigeria, they could be seen doing a video of their victory with the Kebbi girls and flexing their muscles. Negotiations thus legitimize their philosophy, if there is any, and strengthen them.

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Moreover, in insurgency and counterinsurgency, the weaker party is perceived to be the one that engages in negotiation. When money is involved in negotiation with terrorists or bandits, it is even worse. The tactlessness of doing this is that it gives more legroom to the bandits. This we could see in the Papiri girls abductors who gloatingly and literally dragged Nigeria’s sovereignty and claim to being a powerful country in the mud in the viral video. Giving bandits money for a detente also affords them access to more resources for purchase of higher-grade weapons with which to launch the next attacks.

Those who argue from the angle of collateral damage fail to reckon with the fact that warfare has gone beyond this. With drones, targets can be taken out without any collateral damage.

While the apparently ransomed rescue of Eruku and Papiri abductees was going on, my kinsman ordered a sweeping nationwide emergency on security. He also ordered massive recruitment in the army and police, as well as a withdrawal of policemen from VIPs, which are very commendable steps. The presidential order that has had Nigerians clapping ever since is the go-ahead he gave the National Assembly to review extant laws disallowing states from establishing their own police forces.

However, shortly after the release of the abductees and after the president ordered a state of emergency on security, bandits again struck a rice farm in Palaita, Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State. They abducted 24 persons, which included pregnant women. In Kano and Kwara States between Monday and Tuesday last week, 20 people were also said to have been abducted by bandits.

Now is the time to urge our own Eddie Kwansa to come home for a truthful discussion. Didn’t a line of that immediate post-civil war song say it is good when brothers reason together? First, let our Eddie Kwansa draw his pillow close to him and have a heart-to-heart talk with it. When all else fails, the pillow is man’s closest associate. A line of Juju music legend Ebenezer Obey’s evergreen song of the 1970s, K’á so’wópò, says even if nobody else knows, one’s undies know the whole gamut of one’s closely guarded secrets. Eddie Kwansa’s pillow would tell him things are not looking up at all under him, at least security-wise.

He and his “Oníyèyé Àlè Amùdá” security chiefs have told themselves lies that terrorists shook hands with them and released the hostages without ransom payment. Two persons cannot suffer a mutual colossal loss from a lie; either the person telling the lie or the person to whom it is being told is richer in the truth of it.

Let Eddie Kwansa ask for the tape of his predecessor, Olusegun Obasanjo’s speech at the Plateau State Unity Christmas Carol and Praise Festival held in Jos, Plateau State on Friday. Thereafter, let him ask for a meeting with him. Even if there was a quarrel, quarrels among brothers are best resolved at home, so says the lines of Eddy Kwansa. A breakdown of Obasanjo’s homily is this: Nigeria is burning under the feeble grips of our Lagos brother. Nigerians have the right to ask for assistance from other world leaders if theirs have shown incompetence. He left a capable government that could deal with the Mephistopheles. I agree with Obasanjo absolutely.

We do not hate our brother. We will share the glory if he destroys those who want to destroy Nigeria. God bless Eddie Kwansa.

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Out-of-school: Group To Enroll Adolescent Mothers In Bauchi

Published

10 hours ago

December 10, 2025

Editor

Women Child Youth Health and Education Initiative (WCY) with support from Malala Education Champion Network, have charted a way to enroll adolescent mothers to access education in Bauchi schools.

Rashida Mukaddas, the Executive Director, WCY stated this in Bauchi on Wednesday during a one-day planning and inception meeting with education stakeholders on Adolescent Mothers Education Access (AMEA) project of the organisation.

According to her, the project targeted three Local Government Areas of Bauchi, Misau and Katagum for implementation in the three years project.

She explained that all stakeholders in advancing education in the state would be engaged by the organisation to advocate for Girl-Child education.

The target, she added, was to ensure that as many as married adolescent mothers and girls were enrolled back in school in the state.

“Today marks an important step in our collective commitment to ensuring that every girl in Bauchi state, especially adolescent who are married, pregnant, or young mothers has the right, opportunity, and support to continue and complete her education.

“This project has been designed to address the real and persistent barriers that prevent too many adolescent mothers from returning to school or staying enrolled.

“It is to address the barriers preventing adolescent mothers from continuing and completing their education and adopting strategies that will create an enabling environment that safeguard girls’ rights to education while removing socio-cultural and economic obstacles,” said Mukaddas.

She further explained to the stakeholders that the success of the project depended on the strength of their collaboration, the alignment of their actions, and the commitments they forge toward the implementation of the project.

Also speaking, Mr Kamal Bello, the Project Officer of WCY, said that the collaboration of all the education stakeholders in the state with the organisation could ensure stronger enforcement of the Child Rights Law.

This, he said, could further ensure effective re-entry and retention policies for adolescent girls, increased community support for girls’ education and a Bauchi state where no girl was left behind because of marriage, pregnancy, or motherhood.

“It is observed that early marriage is one of the problems hindering girls’ access to education.

“This organisation is working toward ensuring that girls that have dropped out of school due to early marriage are re-enrolled back in school,” he said.

Education stakeholders present at the event included representatives from the state Ministry of Education, Justice, Budget and Economic Planning and Multilateral Coordination.

Others were representatives from International Federation of Women Lawyers, Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE), Bauchi state Agency for Mass Education, Civil Society Organization, Religious and Traditional institutions, among others.

They all welcomed and promised to support the project so as to ensure its effective implementation and achieve its set objectives in the state.

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OPINION: Fubara, Adeleke And The Survival Dance

Published

10 hours ago

December 10, 2025

Editor

By Israel Adebiyi

You should be aware by now that the dancing governor, Ademola Adeleke has danced his last dance in the colours of the Peoples Democratic Party. His counterpart in Rivers, Siminalayi Fubara has elected to follow some of his persecutors to the All Progressive Congress, after all “if you can’t beat them, you can join them.”
Politics in Nigeria has always been dramatic, but every now and then a pattern emerges that forces us to pause and think again about where our democracy is heading. This week on The Nation’s Pulse, that pattern is what I call the politics of survival. Two events in two different states have brought this into sharp focus. In both cases, sitting governors elected on the platform of the same party have found new homes elsewhere. Their decisions may look sudden, but they reveal deeper issues that have been growing under the surface for years.

In Rivers, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has crossed into the All Progressives Congress. In Osun, Governor Ademola Adeleke has moved to the Accord Party. These are not small shifts. These are moves by people at the top of their political careers, people who ordinarily should be the ones holding their parties together. When those at the highest levels start fleeing, it means the ground beneath them has become too shaky to stand on. It means something has broken.

A Yoruba proverb captures it perfectly: Iku to n pa oju gba eni, owe lo n pa fun ni. The death that visits your neighbour is sending you a message. The crisis that has engulfed the Peoples Democratic Party did not start today. It has been building like an untreated infection. Adeleke saw the signs early. He watched senior figures fight openly. He watched the party fail to resolve its zoning battles. He watched leaders undermine their own candidates. At some point, you begin to ask yourself a simple question: if this house collapses today, what happens to me? In Osun, where the competition between the two major parties has always been fierce, Adeleke was not going to sit back and become another casualty of a party that refused to heal itself. Survival became the most reasonable option.

His case makes sense when you consider the political temperature in Osun. This is a state where the opposition does not sleep. Every misstep is amplified. Every weakness is exploited. Adeleke has spent his time in office under constant scrutiny. Add that to the fact that the national structure of his party is wobbly, divided and uncertain about its future, and the move begins to look less like betrayal and more like self-preservation.

Rivers, however, tells a slightly different story. Fubara’s journey has been a long lesson in endurance. From the moment he emerged as governor, it became clear he was stepping into an environment loaded with expectations that had nothing to do with governance. His political godfather was not content with being a supporter. He wanted control. He wanted influence. He wanted obedience. Every decision was interpreted through the lens of loyalty. From the assembly crisis to the endless reconciliation meetings, to the barely hidden power struggles, Fubara spent more time fighting shadows than building the state he was elected to lead.

It soon became clear that he was governing through a maze of minefields. Those who should have been allies began to treat him like an accidental visitor in the Government House. The same legislators who were meant to be partners in governance suddenly became instruments of pressure. Orders came from places outside the official structure. Courtrooms turned into battlegrounds. At some point, even the national leadership of his party seemed unsure how to tame the situation. These storms did not come in seasons, they came in waves. One misunderstanding today. Another in two weeks. Another by the end of the month. Anyone watching closely could see that the governor was in a permanent state of emergency.

So when the winds started shifting again and lawmakers began to realign, those who understood the undercurrents knew exactly what was coming. Fubara knew too. A man can only take so much. After months of attacks, humiliations and attempts to cage his authority, the move to another party was not just political. It was personal. He had given the reconciliation process more chances than most would. He had swallowed more insults than any governor should. He had watched institutions bend and twist under the weight of private interests. In many ways, his defection is a declaration that he has finally chosen to protect himself.

But the bigger question is how we got here. How did two governors in two different parts of the country end up taking the same decision for different but related reasons? The answer goes back to the state of internal democracy in our parties. No party in Nigeria today fully practices the constitution it claims to follow. They have elaborate rules on paper but very loose habits in reality. They talk about fairness, but their primaries are often messy. They preach unity, but their caucuses are usually divided into rival camps. They call themselves democratic institutions, yet dissent is treated as disloyalty.

Political parties are supposed to be the engine rooms of democracy. They are the homes where ideas are debated, leaders are groomed, and future candidates are shaped. In Nigeria, they increasingly look like fighting arenas where the loudest voices drown out everyone else. When leaders ignore their own constitutions, the structure begins to crack. When factions begin to run parallel meetings, the foundation gets weaker. When decisions are forced down the throats of members, people begin making private plans for their future.

No governor wants to govern in chaos. No politician wants to be the last one standing in a sinking ship. This is why defections are becoming more common. A party that cannot manage itself cannot manage its members. And members who feel exposed will always look for safer ground.

But while these moves make sense for Adeleke and Fubara personally, the people they govern often become the ones left in confusion. Voters choose candidates partly because of party ideology, even if our ideologies are weak. They expect stability. They expect continuity. They expect that the mandate they gave will remain intact. So when a governor shifts political camp without prior consultation, the people feel blindsided. They begin to wonder whether their votes carry weight in a system where elected officials can switch platforms in the blink of an eye.

This is where the politics of survival becomes dangerous for democracy. If leaders keep prioritizing their personal safety over party stability, the system begins to lose coherence. Parties lose their identity. Elections lose their meaning. Governance becomes a game of musical chairs. Today you are here. Tomorrow you are there. Next week you may be somewhere else. The people become bystanders in a democracy that is supposed to revolve around them.

Rivers and Osun should serve as reminders that political parties need urgent restructuring. They need to rebuild trust internally. They need to enforce their constitutions consistently. They need to treat members as stakeholders, not spectators. When members feel protected, they stay. When they feel targeted, they run. This pattern will continue until parties learn the simple truth that power is not built by intimidation, but by inclusion.

There is also the question of what these defections mean for governance. When governors are dragged into endless party drama, service delivery suffers. Time that should be spent on roads, schools, hospitals, water projects and job creation ends up being spent in meetings, reconciliations and press briefings. Resources that should strengthen the state end up funding political battles. The public loses twice. First as witnesses to the drama. Then as victims of delayed or abandoned development.

In Rivers, the months of tension slowed down the government. Initiatives were stalled because the governor was busy trying to survive political ambush. In Osun, Adeleke had to juggle governance with internal fights in a crumbling party structure. Imagine what they could have achieved if they were not constantly looking over their shoulders.

Now, as both men settle into new political homes, the final question is whether these new homes will provide stability or merely temporary shelter. Nigeria’s politics teaches one consistent lesson. New alliances often come with new expectations. New platforms often come with new demands. And new godfathers often come with new conditions. Whether Adeleke and Fubara have truly found peace or simply bought time is something only time will tell.

But as citizens, what we must insist on is simple. The politics of survival should not become the politics of abandonment. Our leaders can fight for their political life, but they must not forget that they hold the people’s mandate. The hunger, poverty, insecurity and infrastructural decay that Nigerians face will not be solved by defection. It will be solved by steady leadership and functional governance.

The bigger lesson from Rivers and Osun is clear. If political parties in Nigeria continue on this path of disunity and internal sabotage, they will keep losing their brightest and most strategic figures. And if leaders keep running instead of reforming the system, then we will wake up one day to a democracy where the people are treated as an afterthought.

Governors may survive the storms. Parties may adjust to new alignments. But the people cannot keep paying the price. Nigeria deserves a democracy that works for the many, not the few. That is the real pulse of the nation.

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Human Rights Day: Stakeholders Call For More Campaigns Against GBV

Published

11 hours ago

December 10, 2025

Editor

Panel of discussants at an event to commemorate the International Human Rights Day, 2025 on Wednesday called for more campaigns against Gender-Based Violence, adding that it must start from the family.

The panel of discussants drawn from religious and community leaders, security agents, members of the civil society community, chiefs, etc, made the call in Benin in an event organised by Justice Development & Peace Centre (JDPC), Benin, in collaboration with Women Aid Collective (WACOL) with the theme: Multilevel Dialogue for Men, Women, Youth and Critical Take holders on the Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence (GBV).

The stakeholders, who said causes of GBV are enormous, called for more enlightenment and education in the family, community and the religious circle.

Security agents in the panel charged members of the public to report GBV cases to security agents regardless of the sex Involved, adding: “When GBV happens, it should be reported to the appropriate quarters. It doesn’t matter if the woman or the man is the victim. GBV perpetrators should not be covered up, they must be exposed. We are there to carry out the prosecution after carrying out the necessary investigation.”

Earlier in his opening remarks, Executive Director, JDPC, Rev. Fr. Benedicta Onwugbenu, lamented that (GBV) remains the most prevalent in the society yet hidden because of silence from victims.

According to him, GBV knows no age, gender or race, adding that “It affects people of all ages, whether man or woman, boy or girl.”

“It affects people from different backgrounds and communities, yet it remains hidden because of silence, stigma, and fear. Victims of GBV are suffering in silence.”

On her part, Programme Director, WACOL, Mrs. Francisca Nweke, who said “women are more affected, and that is why we are emphasising on them,” stressed “we are empowering Christian women and women leaders of culture for prevention and response to Gender-Based Violence in Nigeria through the strengthening of grassroots organisations.”