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OPINION: Fubara And The Witches

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By Festus Adedayo

Three Nigerian “witches” just got beaten by a midnight downpour. They are, Siminalayi Fubara, Nyesom Wike and Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in ascending order. Last Thursday, September 18, 2025, there was an initial apprehension in Rivers State over whether its reinstated governor, Fubara, was “coming home.” An earlier excitedness over the end of emergency rule got momentarily dampened. Apprehension however dissolved when Fubara’s nemesis, FCT Minister, Wike, proclaimed that indeed, Fubara was coming home. The frenzy over Fubara “coming home” was similar to “It’s coming home!”, a phrase taken out of the 1996 song, “Three Lions”, composed for England as it hosted the Euro ‘96 tournament.

For Zambia and its recent history, “It’s coming home!” goes beyond football. It symbolises what can be called cadaver politics, the politicisation of burial grounds and indication that, for African leaders, political considerations, rather than public interest, are most times key drivers of policies made to look like the interest of the people.

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In Zambia, the ghost of this political consideration dressed to look like public interest was unintentionally exhumed last week. By the way, if you thought witchcraft was otiose, Zambia proved us all wrong. A court sentenced two men to two years imprisonment. Their crime was attempting to use witchcraft to kill current President Hakainde Hichilema. Arrested in December 2024 in a hotel, they were found in possession of charms which included a live chameleon, a red cloth, an unknown white powder and an animal’s tail. Zambian Leonard Phiri, 43, a local village chief and Mozambican Jasten Mabulesse Candunde, 42, were thus convicted under the Zambian Witchcraft Act passed during colonial rule in 1914.

The prosecution averred that the two were hired by a fugitive former MP, Emmanuel ‘Jay-Jay’ Banda, through his younger brother, Nelson, to bewitch President Hichilema, under the pretext of treating a sick woman. In their defence, the duo, known during the trial in Lusaka as “Juju assassins”, claimed they were not out to assassinate the president but were bona fide traditional healers. Said Magistrate Fine Mayambu in his ruling, “The two accepted ownership of the charms. Phiri further demonstrated that the chameleon’s tail, once pricked and used in the ritual, would cause death to occur within five days… It is my considered view that the convicts were not only the enemy of the head of state but were also enemies of all Zambians”.

The Zambian witch trial is interesting because President Hichilema once professed a zero belief in the efficacy or existence of witchcraft. Interesting also because witchcraft and occult reasons featured prominently in conversations over Hichilema’s government’s protracted legal battle against the burial of his predecessor, Edgar Lungu. Lungu had died in South Africa last June during treatment for undisclosed ailment. His last wishes were to be buried out of Zambia. He specifically barred his predecessor, Hichilema, from witnessing his funeral. The feud later spiraled into a row enveloped in wild accusations of witchcraft.

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A Pretoria court initially ruled in the Zambian government’s favour that, “in the public interest”, Lungu’s remains should be repatriated to Lusaka and given a state funeral, against the wishes of the family. As if Zambia had won a trophy, “It’s coming home!” became famous among Zambian government regime fawners. Among governing party supporters and officials, “It’s coming home!” was widely circulated on Facebook, indicating that the corpse of Lungu was coming to Zambia.

In Nigeria, Fubara’s “coming home” last week is being perceived beyond the public display of euphoria by Rivers people. To them, it is comparable to the downpour that soaks the clothes of a witch at midnight. So, when an African witch gets beaten by a midnight downpour, what happens? Engaging Juju music maestro of the 1970s/80s, Prince Cyril Bamidele Abiodun Alele, popularly known as Admiral Dele Abiodun, erected the witch jigsaw puzzle, as well as problematizing it. The downpour that soaks the clothes of a witch at midnight gets buried in silence, (Òjò t’ó pà’ jé l’óru, t’ó bá dé’lé kò ní lè sọ…) he sang.

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In Zambia and its former British colonial outpost neighbours like Malawi, Zimbabwe, just as in Nigeria, there is a widespread belief in occult practices. Many politicians resort to it for influence and existential survival. In his allocutus, Agrippa Malando, counsel to the two convicted witchcraft apostles in Zambia, attempted to turn the table around. “The President said he doesn’t believe in witchcraft and that witchcraft doesn’t exist. If the Head of State himself dismisses its existence, then surely the court can extend maximum leniency to my clients,” he argued.

As human beings, we cannot divorce our lives from metaphysical thinking which includes the existence or non-existence of witches. Indeed, the metaphysical can be an explainer of the physical. In traditional African thoughts, witchcraft is associated with nocturnes, among other unflattering features. Rev H. Debrunner did a study of witchcraft among the Akan tribe of Ghana. The research work was made into a book with the title, Witchcraft in Ghana, (1961). Among others, Debrunner said that, apart from flying at night, one other major identifier of African witches is their upside-down symbol. In other words, witches stand out for their inverted positioning at night. Writes Debrunner: “Before they leave the body, they turn themselves upside down… They walk with their feet in the air, that is, with head down, and have their eyes at the back of the ankle joints.”

In Africa, nighttime also got popularized as a predominantly fixed period of witches’ activities. A Yoruba saying which affirms this and underscores witches’ absence at night, says, how many nights does a witch stay in bed that she is asked to contribute to the purchase of bedding? Admiral Abiodun then pursued the imagery of the witch beaten by rain further. In his song under reference, the musician asked, per adventure the witch, at daybreak, intended to report the encounter of her soggy clothes, (T’ó bá dé ’lé t’ó bá sọ…) the question then becomes, where was she by the time of the downpour? (ibo ló ti wá?).

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The African witch also moves backwards so that she can move forward. As a symbol of witches’ social inversion, the Ewe, a West African ethnic group who are predominantly found in Togo, Ghana and Benin, speaking the Ewe language, with roots in the historical Yoruba Oyo kingdom, believe that when a witch walks upright, “she has her feet turned backwards.” This can be found in the book with the title, Africa: The African explains witchcraft, published in 1935.

When Fubara addressed Rivers on Friday, he spoke like a penitent little brat. He thanked President Tinubu for his “fatherly disposition and decisive intervention”, flaunted his decision not to approach the court for decision on the emergency rule as penitence and praised his tormentor-in-chief as “our Leader,” finally submitting that “nothing has been irretrievably lost.”

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Yet, many have likened what transpired in Rivers State from March 19, 2025 to last Thursday, between Fubara, Tinubu and Wike to a downpour that soaked the witch at midnight. Apart from the tiff being a spat between a godfather and godson, it has been said that it is a battle for both Rivers’ electoral soul and huge funds. In a fury against a party which rebuffed his quest for its vice presidential slot, Wike’s 2023 presidential election’s mowing down Rivers votes, said to be in favour of Labour Party, for APC, won him placement in the heart of the party that eventually won the presidency.

Wike’s achievements since becoming FCT Minister and his yeoman’s defence of the presidency have hoisted him as a Villa dependable ally. However, his coleric mood-swings and ability to tip over at little prodding must have warned the presidency that it could not afford a Wike’s imperial hold on Rivers. This, it is said, explains Tinubu’s cheetah-speed intervention to impose an emergency on Rivers. It came in the nick of time, at a moment when, for Fubara, the most beautiful cloth was not capable of salvaging public ogling at his Omoye’s nakedness; the beautiful lady having already walked naked into the marketplace. Wike had heavily shellacked him and his governorship was ready for the morgue. So, shrouded within the belly like the fact of the witch’s soggy dress is whether Tinubu imposed emergency on Rivers as a statesman or an ordinary political chess-game master who sees votes and not democratic progression of Rivers State.

MORE FROM THE AUTHOR:OPINION: Jonathan’s Betrayal And Askaris In Nigerian Politics

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When Fubara told Rivers last week that “nothing has been irretrievably lost,” he was merely being smart and not clever. Other than being a figurine at The Brick House from now till May 29, 2027 and bettering his personal lot, everything is lost for Fubara. If Wike controlled Rivers by 60 per cent before the emergency, now, he holds the state by the jugular, with about 95 per cent. The witches have successfully sucked the blood of their victim, leaving its carcass. To make a recourse to Africa’s perception of witches and its symbolism of blood, H. W. Robinson, in his “Blood,” published in J. Hastings’ 1908 Encyclopedia of Religion and ethics, holds that “life is the blood and vice versa”.

According to Hastings, “when the blood left the body, it carried the life with it.” Among Ghana’s Akan people, it is believed that the witch is a vampire who can kill “by sucking the blood out of a person.” One of Wike’s most adored songs, which he gleefully sings, is “Enye ndi ebea, enye ndi ebea” (give this to this part and give to the other part). It espouses the Igbo principle of equity. With the configuration he got now in Rivers State post-emergency, how equitable is the wealth of Rivers? Apart from the House of Assembly that had always been in his kitty, Wike emerged from the emergency with Rivers local governments inside his pouch. Wike seems to have become the proverbial witch who kills and you cannot see blood dripping from his lips; the witch who kills and does not need the vulture to eat the entrails, the lord of nocturnes.

From my study of Wike’s politics, what I see is a crude but deft political player. He combines the deadliness of a hyena, this animal’s loath of any animal sharing its spoil, with the calculative instinct of a male lion. Wike, also like a lion, hunts his prey afresh, seldom feasting on stale meat. He is brash and possesses the remembrance of an elephant, all of which he puts in the service of his political executionism. Anyone who stands in opposition to him would need to possess higher grits, rougher inclination and more deadliness. Fubara was apparently too laid back, too feeding-bottle-like in political approach as against Wike’s political artillery firepower.

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While the witches have finished sucking Rivers blood, leaving its carcass, the greatest losers are the people of Rivers State. Democratic governance was still like a dodo within the six months that Vice Admiral Ibok-EteEkweIbas was Administrator in the emergency period. No one will ask him questions on what he did with the people’s money, in cahoots with the National Assembly oversighting him. Wike is happy as he now has Rivers inside his kitty. Tinubu is guaranteed one million votes. Ibas is chubbier. Yet, the people are transfixed, wondering where their redemption would come from.

In his ruling, Zambian Magistrate, Fine Mayambu, considered the witch convicts “not only the enemy of the head of state but… enemies of all Zambians”. The witches who fed on the blood of Rivers during the emergency period cannot be said to be friends of the people of the state. Like Debrunner said of African witches, what the witches have ensured in Rivers now is an upside-down situation. Upside down, Fela Kuti reminded us, has its meaning, too. What they did, like the African witch, was to move that state backwards, under the pretext of moving it forward. As the Ewe says, all we can see of Rivers is, “she has her feet turned backwards.”

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OPINION: Oshiomhole In A Fight Between The Elephant And The Pit

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By Tony Erha

‘Okuo imose”, “no fight is attractive” – all fight is ugly, according to the Edo people. If a fight doesn’t pluck the teeth it would drip the noise of red blood. That is why pundits were apprehensive and had to caution Dangote Refinery and the Petrol and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) to a sound reasoning, over the sack of 800 of its workers by Dangote, which was followed by a strike action that was later called-off. The fisticuff was intensified as the National Union of Petroleum and Gas Workers of Nigeria (NUPENG), joined the spat by supporting PENGASSAN.

Like the American freestyle wrestling, where partakers fight with anything they lay their hands upon, a melee, a-free-for-all in which no one seems to know the real opponents. The fallout of the Dangote and PENGASSAN fight has unsettled Nigerians. The Benins would say “ama re fi ekpa arie gb’ ihue”; “the fisticuffs hadn’t started when the nose bled blood”. For the hapless consumer public is still at the mercy of the raging feud after the settlement. Indeed, the grass suffered where two elephants fought dirty. Buyers of Dangote products are still groaning under a surge of cooking gas price, from about N1,000 to N3,200 per kg.

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Dangote Refinery’s kingpin, Aliko Dangote, who has huge investment monies flowing in his veins, vowed to a showdown with the PENGASSAN and NUPENG. Do not take my calmness for cowardice; Aliko seemed to have said, flinging his hat into the ring. “…There is no fight I have never won…” he boasted, whereas he actually won several and lost some, in the monopoly business with fellow competitors.

It was a rivalry fight between the Elephant and the Pit, when the Elephant arrogates to being the largest land animal; and the Pit boastful he is the hugest depth in the ground. The Pit threatens to swallow the Elephant and the Elephant determined to cover up the Pit. Finally on the encounter, the Pit that swallows the Elephant wouldn’t swallow more animals, nor will the Elephant live to swallow another pit.

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In wrestling and boxing of exchange of punches and slams, America’s loquacious president and all-time wrestling and boxing promoter, Donald Trump, is well-known. One of the memorable grim and tricky fights of the tempest Trump was when he dragged his fellow promoter from the ringside to the dais, and beckoned on others to instantly shave his head, to the wild delight of wrestling fans across the globe. Realising that he had truly missed out from his rasmatazz in promoting competitive boxing and wrestling, an intoxicating Trump had recently arranged for a cage-wrestling showdown to mark one of his official events in a US presidential venue. When a lion king thirsts for the blood and flesh of prey, as he no longer go hunting, he claws to his own tongue to a consolatory leak of his own blood to quench his lust for blood.

Adams Aliu Oshiomhole, Nigeria’s former labour leader and ex-governor of Edo State, was dragged into the fight with his comment that PEGASSAN erred declaring a strike action without a second thought for the majority poor, who were bound to suffer the strike’s consequences. PENGASSAN and NUPENG thereby saw Oshiomhole as entering the fight arena as in ‘Enter the Dragon’, an epic film in which Chuck Norris; a famous kickboxer sorted it out with Bruce Lee, the late iconic martial artiste. It was somewhat absurd for NUPENG to point menacingly at Oshiomhole, declaring him a ‘persona non grata’ and placed a ban on him from all NUPENG’s activities, whereas the oil union was only one amongst the over 41 affiliate unions that constituted his command of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), with him as its two term president.

Now, Oshiomhole seems better placed having resumed his pro-people stand, with his current valuable contributions to it in the Senate’s chamber. But NUPENG is irritated that one of their own could attempt to stop the mongoose from killing the snakes that had all along been killed for gains and superiority sakes. Do the organised labour trust Oshiomhole, vice versa? It’s likened to the crusading music of the late musician Joseph Osayomore; “Who know man naim dey kill man” (one’s enemy is his friend). Although Oshiomhole left active labour activism about two decades ago, he’s probably the same ‘adamant Adams’ who knows the strength and pitfalls of regimental unionism, where men in khaki are soldier ants.

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Why will NUPENG, led by William Akporeha, its president, be so unfair banning their former leader from speaking in their public fora, knowing that speaking in the function of the organized labour was the most effective pills he takes to get well?

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Oshiomhole may not be a ringside promoter to Dangote and his mercantile, in the fight-to-finish with the PENGASSAN and NUPENG warlords, as he was accused of, nor for a ravaging workers union, than for a weary public that is a usual butt of undue strikes by insensitive workers’ and endless monopoly by businesses. A suspicious PENGASSAN and NUPENG, even though are rightly condemned for anti-people stand, by their inept strike, might have made a valid point that leaders, whose words sometimes (if not often) conflict with the good examples they preach, set the bad example for others to follow.

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In a game of survival, like the odd one currently faced by the Super Eagles, in their bid to qualify for the world cup, a Gernot Roy, Nigeria’s former coach, who was booted out, and now leading the national team of the Republic of Benin, would open Nigeria’s football secrets to his newest side, as NUPENG also think their leaders are to Dangote. And is an irony that Gernot Roy is a decider of the fate of Nigeria, in the Super Eagles final match with the Benin team for the world cup carnival.

Like Trump, Oshiomhole is ‘very slippery’ as he has in common a showmanship, raw courage and the resilience of a marathoner. Oshiomhole is ‘a giant’ who’s physical and determined. Sufuyan Ojeifo, a prolific writer and journalist, once called him ‘dynamite that comes in pieces’; while I add ‘dynamite that turns a mass into pieces’. For a man who trains so rigorously, and does drills which most young men can hardly do, I was terrified when Oshiomhole, unlike a pugilist promoter in a prematch talk-show, angrily warned Reuben Abati, the Arise TV presenter, that he would punch him to puff-puff’ (swollen pie), with a black-eye and calluses, for slandering him.

If the fight between the Dangote petroleum outfit and the oil unions was in the interest of the public, and not for their selfish interests, all wouldn’t be bothered. Union workers usually orchestrate strike actions, only when it comes to their welfare, whilst staple oil derivative products are still beyond reach , notwithstanding that Nigeria is one of the leading oil producing countries of the world, that are starved of its products.

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Edo: Council Boss Attacked During Traffic Intervention At MUYI Line

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The acting chairman of Egor Local Government Council, Edo State, Hon. Osaro Eribo, was reportedly attacked by thugs suspected of MUYI Line Transport Company while personally leading the council’s traffic enforcement operation along the Uselu-Lagos Road.

Eribo said the assault occurred as he sought to address complaints about indiscriminate parking and road obstruction by MUYI Line.

According to him, on several occasions, the council had serviced MUYI Line notices to desist from the indiscriminate parking and obstruction of the highway, but refused to comply with the instruction.

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He said, “On assumption of office, I discovered that each time I’m going to the office there is always serious traffic gridlock caused by the MUYI Line. So I decided to visit the transport company, repeatedly meeting with the manager, who walked out on us on our last visit and suddenly some hoodlums there attacked us.

READ ALSO:Edo LG Warns MUYI Line, Other Over Traffic Violation, Obstruction

“I had to place a call to the Chief of Staff to the governor who detailed additional security personnel from Government House, that made the situation not to escalate further,” Eribo said.

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“After the thugs were apprehended, we had asked the management of the transport company to come to the council to sign an undertaking, after several appeals from well meaning individuals. I’m surprised that the same people are the ones now quick to run to social media misrepresenting the situation.”

“We even learnt that previous administrations have had their buses confiscated at a point over this same traffic obstruction,” he added.

He dismissed claims that the operation was intended to harass transport operators or targeted at MUYI Line.

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Our intervention was purely about public safety. We cannot fold our arms while lives are being put at risk daily. This is what MUYI Line is currently doing. So, it was never a witch-hunt or an attempt to embarrass anyone,” Eribo said.

The council boss explained that the traffic operation was part of a broader initiative to keep major roads within Egor safe, accessible, and orderly.

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“We are determined to make driving in Egor stress-free and accident-free. Every action we take is guided by the need to protect residents and motorists,” he added.

Eribo also clarified that neither MUYI Line nor Mouka Foam were singled out of malice.

READ ALSO:Why Macaulay, Vatsa, Saro-Wiwa, Others Were Granted Pardons — Presidency

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“We respect them as employers of labour and contributors to the local economy.

Our engagement is about partnership, not confrontation,” he said, noting that discussions with both companies are ongoing to find workable solutions.

He urged residents to ignore false reports circulating online.

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Governance sometimes requires tough decisions for the greater good. Our only aim is a cleaner, safer, and more orderly Egor,” Eribo concluded.

Calls to the proprietor of MUYI Line Transport Company for a reaction were not picked, neither were messages sent to his WhatsApp were responded to.

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FULL LIST: 175 Beneficiaries Of Tinubu’s Pardons

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President Bola Tinubu has granted presidential pardon and clemency to 175 persons, including late environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa, nationalist Herbert Macaulay, Major General Mamman Vatsa, and Maryam Sanda, who was sentenced to death for killing her husband.

According to a statement by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, on Saturday, the decision followed recommendations by the Presidential Advisory Committee on the Prerogative of Mercy, chaired by the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN).

The list, released on Saturday, is divided into six parts: pardoned, posthumous pardon (including the Ogoni Nine), victims of the Ogoni Nine honoured, presidential clemency (clemency beneficiaries), list of inmates recommended for reduced term of imprisonment, and list of inmates on death row reduced to life imprisonment.

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Below is the full list of beneficiaries as contained in the statement:

Pardoned

Nweke Francis Chibueze, aged 44, serving a life sentence at Kirikiri for cocaine

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Dr Nwogu Peters, aged 67; serving a 17-year jail term for fraud. Sentenced in 2013

Mrs Anastasia Daniel Nwaoba, aged 63. Already served a sentence for fraud

Barr. Hussaini Alhaji Umar, aged 58. Sentenced in 2023 to pay a fine of N150M in the ICPC case

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Ayinla Saadu Alanamu, age 63, was sentenced to seven years for bribery in 2019 and has served the sentence

Hon. Farouk M. Lawan, aged 62. Sentenced to five years in 2021 for Corrupt Practices and had served the sentence

Posthumous pardon

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Sir Herbert Macaulay — banned from public office for misappropriation of funds and sentenced in 1913 by the British colonialists

Major-General Mamman Jiya Vatsa, age 46 — sentenced in 1986 for treason (alleged coup plot)

READ ALSO:Tinubu Grants Presidential Pardon To Herbert Macaulay, 174 Others

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Posthumous pardon: The Ogoni nine
Ken Saro Wiwa — sentenced for murder
Saturday Dobee — sentenced for murder
Nordu Eawa — sentenced for murder
Daniel Gbooko — sentenced for murder
Paul Levera — sentenced for murder
Felix Nuate — sentenced for murder
Baribor Bera — sentenced for murder
Barinem Kiobel — sentenced for murder
John Kpuine — sentenced for murder
Victims of Ogoni Nine honoured
Chief Albert Badey
Chief Edward Kobaru
Chief Samuel Orage
Chief Theophilus Orage
Presidential clemency
Aluagwu Lawrence, aged 47, sentenced for Indian hemp (selling), 2015
Ben Friday, aged 60, was sentenced to 3 years or N1.3 million fine for marijuana in 2023
Oroke Micheal Chibueze, aged 21, sentenced to 5 years (cannabis sativa) in 2023
Kelvin Christopher Smith, aged 42, was sentenced to 4 years for importing cocaine in 2023
Azubuike Jeremiah Emeka, aged 31, sentenced in 2021 to 5 years or N3 million fine for importing cocaine
Akinrinnade Akinwande Adebiyi, aged 47, sentenced in 2023 to 3 years for dealing in Tramadol
Ahmed Adeyemo, aged 38, sentenced to 15 years for cannabis. Already served nine years, 5 months at Kirikiri
Adeniyi Jimoh, aged 31 years, sentenced to 15 years for Drugs in 2015 and served nine years at Kirikiri
Seun Omirinde, aged 39, sentenced to 15 years for Drugs in 2015. Served nine years at Kirikiri
Adesanya Olufemi Paul, aged 61, sentenced to 14 years for theft. Had served eight years
Ife Yusuf, aged 37, was sentenced for human trafficking in 2019. Had served six years at Kirikiri
Daniel Bodunwa, aged 43, was sentenced in 2018 to 10 years for fraudulent intent to forge a land receipt. Had served six years in jail
Fidelis Michael, aged 40, sentenced to 5 years for cannabis sativa
Suru Akande, aged 52, sentenced to 5 years for cannabis sativa
Safiyanu Umar, aged 56, sentenced to 5 years without the option of a fine for possessing 5 kg of cannabis sativa, 2023
Dahiru Abdullahi, aged 46, was sentenced in 2016 to 21 years for possession of 3 pistols and had spent 10 years in jail
Hamza Abubakar, aged 37, sentenced to 5 years for Indian hemp (selling), 2022
Rabiu Alhassan Dawaki, aged 52, sentenced in 2020 to 7 years for criminal breach of trust
Mujibu Muhammad, aged 30, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years, no option for a fine for cannabis
Emmanuel Eze, aged 49, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for heroin
Bala Azika Yahaya, aged 70, sentenced in 2017 to 15 years for cannabis
Lina Kusum Wilson, aged 34, sentenced to death in 2017 for culpable homicide, had spent eight years in jail
Buhari Sani, aged 33, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for possession of 558 grams of cannabis
Mohammed Musa, aged 27, was sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for possession of 16 grams of cannabis
Muharazu Abubakar, aged 37, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for selling Indian hemp. Already spent 3 years in Katsina Prison
Ibrahim Yusuf, aged 34; jailed 5 years in 2022 for possession of 5.7 grams of Indian hemp
Saad Ahmed Madaki, aged 72; sentenced in 2020 for a 419 offence. Had served 4 years in Kaduna prison
Ex-Corporal Michael Bawa, aged 72: sentenced to life imprisonment for murder in 2005. Had spent 20 years in Kaduna prison
Richard Ayuba, aged 38. Sentenced to 5 years in 2022 for Indian hemp
Adam Abubakar, aged 30 and sentenced in 2022 to five years for possession of 2 kg of tramadol
Emmanuel Yusuf, aged 34; sentenced in 2022 to 4 years for possession of 2 kg of tramadol
Edwin Nnazor, aged 60; sentenced in 2018 to 15 years for cannabis. Had spent 6 years, nine months at Zamfara prison
Chinedu Stanley, aged 34. Sentenced in 2023 to three years for fake lubricant oil
Joseph Nwanoka, aged 42: sentenced in 2022 to five years for drugs
Johnny Ntheru, aged 63, sentenced in 1989 to life imprisonment for robbery. Had spent 36 years in Umuahia Prison
John Omotiye, aged 28, sentenced to six years for pipeline vandalism
Nsikat Edet Harry, aged 37, sentenced in 2023 to 5 years for illegal possession of Indian hemp, cocaine & heroin
Jonathan Asuquo, aged 28, sentenced in 2022 to 5 years for possession of Indian hemp & other drugs
Prince Samuel Peters, aged 54, sentenced in 2020 to 7 years for obtaining money by false pretence. Had spent 4 years, 3 months in Ikot Ekpene Prison
Babangida Saliu, aged 35, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
Adamu Sanni, aged 39, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
Abdulkarem Salisu, aged 30, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
Abdulaziz Lawal, aged 18, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
Abdulrahman Babangida, aged 20, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
Maharazu Alidu, aged 22, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
Zaharadeen Baliue, aged 38, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
Babangida Usman, aged 30, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
Zayyanu Abdullahi, aged 28, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
Bashir Garuba, aged 20, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
Imam Suleman, aged 25, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
Abbeh Amisu, aged 28, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
Lawani Lurwanu, aged 20, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
Yusuf Alhassan, aged 33, was sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining in 2024
Abdulahi Isah, aged 25, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining, 2024
Zayanu Bello, aged 35, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
Habeeb Suleman, aged 22, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
Jubrin Sahabi, aged 23, was sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Shefiu Umar, aged 28, was sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Seidu Abubakar, age 29, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining

READ ALSO:Tinubu Approves National Honours For 959 Nigerians

Haruna Abubakar, aged 24, was sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Rabiu Seidu, aged 26, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
Macha Kuru, aged 25, sentenced in 2024 to 3 years for unlawful mining
Zahradeen Aminu, aged 25 years, sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining
Nazipi Musa, aged 25. Sentenced to 3 years for unlawful mining in 2024
Abdullahi Musa, aged 30 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Habibu Safiu, aged 20 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Husseni Sani, aged 21 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Musa Lawali, aged 25 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Suleiman Lawal, aged 23 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Yusuf Iliyasu, aged 21 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Sebiyu Aliyu, aged 20 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Halliru Sani, aged 18 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Shittu Aliyu, aged 30 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Sanusi Aminu, aged 27 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Isiaka Adamu, aged 40 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Mamman Ibrahim, aged 50 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Shuaibu Abdullahi, aged 35 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Sanusi Adamu, aged 28 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Sadi Musa, aged 20 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Haruna Isah, aged 35 and sentenced to 3 years in 2024 for unlawful mining
Abiodun Elemero, aged 43. Sentenced to life imprisonment for cocaine hawking in 2014. Had spent 10 years plus in Kirikiri
Maryam Sanda, aged 37, was sentenced to death in 2020 for culpable homicide and had spent six years, eight months at Suleja Medium Security Custodial Centre
List of inmates recommended for reduced term of imprisonment
Yusuf Owolabi, aged 36. Sentenced to life in 2015 for manslaughter. Had spent 10 years at Kirikiri. Prison term reduced to 12 years
Ifeanyi Eze, aged 33. Sentenced to life in 2021 for manslaughter and had spent four years at Kirikiri. Prison term reduced to 12 years
Malam Ibrahim Sulaiman, aged 59. Sentenced to life in 2022 for armed robbery & possession of illegal firearms. Sentence cut to 10 years
Shettima Maaji Arfo, aged 54. Sentenced in 2021 to seven years for corrupt practices. Sentence reduced to four years, because of good conduct and ill-health
Ajasper Benzeger, aged 69 and sentenced in 2015 to 20 years for culpable homicide. Sentence reduced to 12 years, based on old age and ill-health
Ifenna Kennechukwu, aged 42. Sentenced in 2015 to 20 years for drugs (cocaine import) and had spent close to 10 years in Kirikiri. Prison term reduced to 12 years
Mgbeike Matthew, aged 45. Sentenced to 20 years in 2013 for the import of 3.10 kg. Following remorsefulness and the acquisition of vocational skills at Kirikiri. Sentence reduced to 12 years
Patrick Mensah, aged 40. Sentenced in 2015 to 17 years for drugs. Sentence reduced to 11 years
Obi Edwin Chukwu, aged 43 and sentenced in 2017 to 15 years for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
Tunde Balogun, aged 32 and sentenced in 2015 to 15 years for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
Lima Pereira Erick Diego, aged 27 and sentenced in 2017 to 15 years or a fine of N20 million for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
Uchegbu Emeka Michael, aged 37. Sentenced in 2017 to 15 years or a fine of N20 million for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
Salawu Adebayo Samsudeen, aged 46 and sentenced in 2016 to 15 years for drugs. Sentence reduced to 10 years
Napolo Osariemen, aged 61 and sentenced in 2022 to 15 years for 2 kilos of Indian hemp. The sentence was reduced to seven years
Patricia Echoe Igninovia, aged 61 and sentenced in 2023 to seven years for trafficking in persons. Sentence reduced to five years
Odeyemi Omolaram, aged 65 and sentenced in 2017 to 25 years in prison for drugs. Sentence reduced to 12 years based on the defendant’s remorsefulness and advanced age
Vera Daniel Ifork, aged 29 and sentenced in 2020 to 10 years for trafficking in persons. Sentence reduced to eight years
Gabriel Juliet Chidimma, aged 32 and sentenced in 2022 to six years for drug (cocaine). Sentence reduced to four years
Dias Santos Marcia Christiana, aged 44 and sentenced in 2017 to 15 years for import of cocaine. Sentence reduced to 10 years
Alh. Ibrahim Hameed, aged 71 and sentenced in 2023 to seven years for illegal property (obtaining property under false pretence). Sentence reduced to five years
Alh. Nasiru Ogara Adinoyi, 65, was sentenced in 2023 to 14 years for obtaining property by false pretence. Sentence reduced to seven years

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Chief Emeka Agbodike, aged 69, was sentenced in 2023 to seven years for obtaining property by false pretence. Sentence reduced to 3 years
Isaac Justina, aged 40. Sentenced in 2022 to 10 years for cannabis sativa and had spent 3 years in the Abeokuta Custodial Centre. Sentence reduced to four years
Aishat Kehinde, aged 38 and sentenced in 2022 to five years for unlawful possession of cannabis. The prison term being served in Abeokuta has been reduced to four years
Helen Solomon, age 68. Sentenced in 2024 to five years for cannabis sativa. Sentence reduced to three years
Okoye Tochukwu, aged 43 and sentenced in 2024 to six years for cannabis sativa. Sentence reduced to 3 years
Ugwueze Paul, aged 38 and sentenced in 2024 to six years for cannabis sativa. Sentence reduced to three years
Mutsapha Ahmed, aged 46 and sentenced in 2022 to seven years without a fine option for criminal breach of trust. The sentence was reduced to five years
Abubakar Mamman, aged 38 and sentenced in 2020 to 10 years in Kebbi Custodial Centre for possession of firearms. Sentence reduced to seven years
Muhammed Bello Musa, aged 35. Sentenced in 2020 to 10 years in Kebbi Custodial Centre for illegal possession of firearms. Sentence reduced to seven years
Nnamdi Anene, aged 67 and sentenced in 2010 to life imprisonment at Katsina Custodial Centre for illegal dealing of arms. Sentence reduced to 20 years
Alh. Abubakar Tanko, aged 61, was sentenced in 2018 to 30 years at the Gusau Custodial Centre for culpable homicide. Sentence reduced to 20 years
Chisom Francis Wisdom, aged 30; sentenced in 2018 to 20 years in Umuahia Custodial Centre for kidnapping. Sentence reduced to 12 years
Innocent Brown Idiong, aged 60, sentenced in 2020 to 10 years for possession of 700 grams of Indian hemp. Has already spent 4 years and 3 months at Ikot Abasi Custodial Centre. Jail term reduced to six years
Iniobong Imaeyen Ntukidem, aged 46, was sentenced 2021 to seven years in jail at the Uyo Custodial Centre. Prison term reduced to five years
Ada Audu, aged 72, was sentenced in 2022 to seven years in Kuje Custodial Centre and had spent 2 years and 7 months in prison. Prison term reduced to 4 years because of old age
Bukar Adamu, aged 40 and sentenced to 20 years in 2019 for advance fee fraud. Prison term reduced to nine years
Kelvin Oniarah Ezigbe, 44, was sentenced in October 2023 to 20 years for kidnapping, which took effect in 2013. The sentence was reduced to 13 years
Frank Azuekor, aged 42. Sentenced in 2023 for kidnapping and jailed in Kuje Custodial Centre for 20 years, and had spent 12 years behind bars from 2013. The sentence was reduced to 13 years
Chukwukelu Sunday Calisthus, aged 47 and sentenced in 2014 to life at Kuje Custodial Centre for drugs. He had spent 11 years at Kuje. Sentence reduced to 13 years
Professor Magaji Garba, aged 67. Sentenced in 2021 to seven years for obtaining money by false pretence and had spent 3 years at Kuje Custodial Centre. The prison term was reduced to four years due to good conduct and advanced age
Markus Yusuf, aged 41. Sentenced in 2023 to 13 years for culpable homicide. Sentence reduced to 5 years based on ill-health
Samson Ajayi, aged 31 and sentenced in 2022 to 15 years for drugs. He had spent five years at Suleja Custodial Centre. The sentence was reduced to seven years
Iyabo Binyoyo, aged 49. Sentenced in 2017 to 10 years for drugs and sentenced to nine years at Suleja Custodial Centre, due to good conduct
Oladele Felix, 49, was sentenced in 2022 to five years without a fine option for conspiracy and exploitation. Based on good conduct and remorsefulness, the sentence was reduced to four years. Felix is serving the term at Suleja
Rakiya Beida, aged 33 and sentenced in 2021 to seven years, without a fine option, for theft and cheating. The sentence, being served at Suleja, was reduced to three years based on good conduct
Nriagu Augustine Ifeanyi, aged 44 and sentenced in 2018 to 10 years in Ikoyi Custodial Centre, for exporting cocaine. The sentence was reduced to eight years
Chukwudi Destiny, aged 36 and sentenced in 2022 to six years in Ikoyi Custodial Centre for heroin import. The sentence was cut to four years
Felix Rotimi Esemokhai, aged 47 and sentenced in 2022 to five years for heroin. The sentence was reduced to four years
Major S.A. Akubo, aged 62, was sentenced in 2009 to life at Katsina Custodial Centre for illegally removing 7,000 assorted weapons. Following good conduct and remorsefulness, the sentence was commuted to 20 years
John Ibiam, aged 39, was sentenced in 2016 to 15 years for manslaughter and served 9 years and one month in the Afikpo Custodial Centre. The sentence was reduced to 10 years after the individual showed remorse and acquired vocational skills
Omoka Aja, aged 40 and sentenced in 2016 to 15 years for manslaughter, served 9 years and 1 month in Afikpo Custodial Centre. The sentence was commuted to 10 years
Chief Jonathan Alatoru, aged 66, was sentenced in 2021 to seven years for conspiracy to cheat. The sentence served in Port Harcourt Custodial Centre has been reduced to five years
Umanah Ekaette Umanah, aged 70 and sentenced in 2022 to 10 years in Port Harcourt Custodial Centre for forgery. Sentence reduced to five years due to old age and remorsefulness
Utom Obong Thomson Udoaka, 60, was sentenced in 2020 to seven years in Ikot Ekpene Custodial Centre for obtaining money by false pretence. He had served four years and two months at Ikot Ekpene. Due to his old age and good conduct, the initial sentence has been reduced to five years
Jude Saka Ebaragha, aged 44. Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years at Ikoyi Prison and a fine of N1 million for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. The sentence was commuted to six years, and the N1m fine was waived
Frank Insort Abaka, 46, was sentenced in 2020 to 12 years and a N1M fine at Ikoyi Custodial Centre for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. The sentence was reduced to six years, and the fine was waived
Shina Alolo, 42, was sentenced in 2020 to 12 years and a N1M fine at Ikoyi Custodial Centre for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. Like others, the N1m fine was waived, and the sentence was reduced to 6 years
Joshua Iwiki, aged 50: Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years at Ikoyi Prison and a fine of N1M for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. The N1m fine was waived, and the sentence was commuted to six years in prison
David Akinseye, aged 44: Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years & N1M fine for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. His sentence was commuted to 6 years, and the fine was waived
Ahmed Toyin, aged 46: Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years & N1M fine for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. Sentence also commuted and fine waived
Shobajo Saheed, age 57: Sentenced in 2020 to 12 years and a fine of N1M for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. He got a similar reprieve like the others
Adamole Philip, aged 52 years: Sentenced to 12 years & a N1M fine for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel, 2020. Philip also got his term reduced to seven years and the fine waived
Mathew Masi, aged 39: Also sentenced to 12 years and a fine of N1 million for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. The sentence was reduced to six years, and the fine was waived
Bright Agbedeyi, 46, was also sentenced in 2020 for conspiracy to hijack a fishing vessel. Like the others in his category, he got a reprieve
List of inmates on death row reduced to life imprisonment
Emmanuel Baba, aged 38: sentenced to death in 2017 for culpable homicide. On death row in Kuje Custodial Centre for the past 8 years. The sentence was commuted to life imprisonment based on good conduct and remorsefulness
Emmanuel Gladstone, aged 45, was sentenced in 2020 to death for murder and had spent five years at Katsina Custodial Centre. Death sentence commuted to life imprisonment due to good conduct and remorse
Moses Ayodele Olurunfemi, aged 51: sentenced to death in 2012 for culpable homicide and had spent 13 years on death row in Katsina. President Tinubu commuted the death sentence to life imprisonment
Abubakar Usman, aged 59: sentenced to death in 2014 and had spent 14 years on death row in Katsina. His sentence was commuted to life because of his remorse and good conduct
Khalifa Umar, aged 37: sentenced to death in 2014 and had spent 11 years on death row in Kano Custodial Centre. His sentence has been commuted to life imprisonment
Benjamin Ekeze, age 40: sentenced to death in 2017 for armed robbery and conspiracy, and had spent 12 years on death row at Kirikiri, Lagos. The sentence was also commuted to life
Mohammed Umar, aged 43: sentenced to death in 2018 for culpable homicide and had spent seven years on death row in Onitsha Custodial Centre. He got the Presidential reprieve, commuting the death sentence to life imprisonment
(PUNCH)

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