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OPINION: Odi, Zaki Biam And Okuama: Beyond Sentiments

Published

2 years ago

March 19, 2024

By Suyi Ayodele

Soldiers voluntarily elected to die the very day they signed up for Military work. They signed up to die at the hands of the enemies. It is a grave abnormality therefore, for soldiers to die in the hands of those they set out to defend. Every society treats its soldiers with respect. In our African traditional settings, we venerate those we engage to guard our towns and villages. We call them Asode, or Olode Oru. While we sleep, caressing our wives, the night guards are in the cold night, watching over our safety and those of our property. That is also the life of an average soldier. Soldiers trade off their comfort for the rest of us to sleep peacefully in our homes. This is how Richard Grenier, a film critic and essayist, obviously quoting George Orwell, describes soldiers in his April 6, 1993 article in The Washington Times: “People sleep peacefully in their beds at night only because rough men stand ready to do violence on their behalf.” The “rough men” referred to here are members of security forces including soldiers and policemen., They risk their lives to defend ours. They deserve our respect and love. So, when soldiers are killed by civilians, like it happened last week in Okuama town of Delta State, such an act stands condemnable. Do we forget history easily in this country?

Dateline was Thursday, November 4, 1999. This democratic dispensation was barely a month old. A retired Army General, Olusegun Obasanjo was the president. Twelve policemen were on an official assignment to Odi, a small community in Bayelsa State. It was at the heat of the agitation by the Niger Delta ‘militants’ for control of the oil in the region. The 12 policemen were ambushed by some gunmen who took them into captivity. Negotiations started. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, who later became President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, was the one assigned to negotiate with the militants. He was then the deputy governor of Bayelsa State. Obasanjo fumed from Abuja. He gave a marching order to the Bayelsa State Government to “produce the policemen ALIVE.” There was tension everywhere. Then the news broke. Seven of the policemen had been killed by their captors, the news was relayed. Wahala! The following day, Friday, November 5, 1999, the remaining five policemen were also murdered by their captors. Twelve lives wasted just like that. The Odi community was on edge. Permutations were on as to what the Federal Government would do or would not do. Many believed that Obasanjo would not want to put Nigeria on the wrong side of the world map, more so when his administration was fledging then. They were mistaken.

The man called Ebora Owu (the Deity of Owu) bided his time. The vulture, we are told, is a patient bird. Days passed, and there was no response from Abuja, the seat of power. Then life returned to normalcy in Odi. Exactly 16 days after the first killing of the seven policemen, tragedy visited Odi. In the early hours of Saturday, November 20, 1999. Odi residents woke up to discover that their community had been surrounded by the Military. Land, air and sea, all covered. No escape route. The Military opened fire on Odi. Nobody was spared; not even animals. Houses were burnt. Only three buildings; a bank, a church and the community’s health centre were spared. While the Human Rights watch and other Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) claimed that more than 900 civilians were killed after the encounter, the Nigerian Military said just about 34 people, including soldiers, died. Later, the Federal Government under the watch of President Jonathan paid the sum of N15 billion as compensation to Odi. But the damage caused by that incident remains unquantifiable till date. That should have been a huge lesson to Nigerians. It never was!

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Barely two years after Odi, another set of felons ambushed some soldiers sent on a peace mission to Zaki Biam town in Benue State, October 10, 2001. The soldiers, 19 of them, were said to be fully armed. However, leaders of the community were said to have persuaded the soldiers to drop their arms such that their presence would not provoke the already charged youths who were at war with their counterparts from Jukun in Taraba State. The soldiers complied. That was their mistake. Hardly had they dropped their arms when boys swooped on them. The 19 of them were murdered and their bodies mutilated! Before killing them, the felons posed with the soldiers, displaying them like trophies won at various competitions. At the funeral rites for the soldiers on October 22, 2001, Obasanjo gave the Military marching order to “track and bring to book”, those responsible for the killing of the 19 soldiers. That is a directive any responsible Commander-in-Chief would give to his troops in such a circumstance. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu gave the same order in almost, if not exactly the same words, on Sunday to the Military high command over the killing of soldiers in Okuama village. Incidentally, the late General Victor Malu, who was the Chief of Army Staff (CoS), when the Odi incident happened, hailed from Zaki Biam. Indeed, the Military went after “those responsible.” By the time the roll call was made, over 100 people were said to have paid the supreme price in Zaki Biam and the adjoining towns of Tse Adoor, Vaase, Sankera, Anyiin, and Kyado. The exercise lasted between October 22 and 24, 2001. Ever since, there has been no report of civilians, under any guise, killing members of the Nigerian Armed forces in their number. We thought we had passed that age of barbarism. Again, we are all wrong!

But before we treat the latest madness in Okuama in Delta State, it is pertinent for us to point out that irrespective of our emotions over the responses of the Nigerian Military to the killing of their personnel, we also need to understand that when soldiers, or any other law enforcement agent is killed cold-bloodedly, the damage is monumental. We need to realise that for every soldier killed by those they keep watch over; someone’s husband is involved. For every killed soldier, there is a widow. Every soldier killed leaves behind some orphans. Many of them also have parents who are made to bury their children, and those who depend on them. We also need to know the mentality of the Military to these wanton killings of their personnel. What about the psychological effect on the soldier-victims, who at the point of death realised that they were being killed by the very patriots they signed to protect with their lives? As I saw the pictures of the soldiers killed in Okuama, the very mutilated bodies of the armed men, my heart sank. I visualised how they died. I recall here, the graphic image of the young lad, Ikemefuna, as depicted by the master story teller, Chinua Achebe, in his epic novel, “Things Fall Apart.” Ikemefuna, when he received the first blow of the machete, ran to Okonkwo, shouting ‘father’. He was seeking refuge. He thought, given his position in the community, Okonkwo would rise to his defense. But alas, it was the same Okonkwo, who dealt the last blow that sent the lad to the land of no return. Ikemefuna was already a psychological wreck before he hit the ground after Okonkwo dealt him the blow. Nothing can be more tragic than to die at the hands of those who should show one affection and love. That is exactly what happened to the 12 soldiers killed by some untrained children in Okuama. Their killing is as tragic as it is inhuman!

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And we should not forget. The Military has a different mentality. Iselin Sija Kasperen, a military sociologist, with preference for identity, moral dilemmas, gender and the use of force, published an online article titled: “New societies, new soldiers? A soldier typology”, on June 28, 2020. In the abstract to the article, here is what she says of a soldier: “The term ‘soldier’ is frequently conceptualized as a warrior, a peacekeeper, or a hybrid of both. However, recent changes in the utilization of soldiers in societies have moved the repertoire of possible ways to think, act, and behave beyond these notions. As such, there exists an undertheorized gap between different expectations of soldiers and actual soldier roles. This presents a need for more nuanced and analytically useful conceptualizations of soldier roles. This article provides a more thorough understanding of the soldier role by identifying seven ideal types of soldiers: the warrior, nation-defender, law-enforcer, humanitarian, state-builder, and the ideological, and contractor soldiers. The typology offers an analytical tool with the capacity to maneuver the empirical reality, which is important because how soldier roles are constructed affect how military personnel understand their role in the postmodern world, where identity is multifaceted and negotiable. Ultimately, identity influences how soldiers interact with societies and how societies respond to war, conflicts, and crises.” Concluding the piece, Kaspeten states: “The soldier typology presented in this article improves our understanding of the soldier role. …This is a serious undertaking, as the way soldiers understand their role in today’s postmodern world, where identity is multifaceted and negotiable, influences how they will perform their role. How society and soldiers construct the soldier roles are critical as it affects soldierly conduct; particularly, how soldiers interact with society and how societies respond to war, conflicts, and crises.”

Come to think of it. In a conventional war, before an officer in the rank of a Lieutenant Colonel would be killed, only God knows how many other rank and file would have died. The Commanding Officer, a Lieutenant Colonel, two Majors and nine soldiers were all wasted for doing their job! How else would the Military have responded? Agreed, many innocent people were made to pay the price. That in itself is bad. I saw the video of the burning of houses in Okuama. Many of the buildings were built by average ‘strugglers’; the poor of the poor. I pity those families who will never recover after this ugly incident. My heart goes to those parents who will never see their children again. What about the toddlers, children and wards, who have suddenly become orphans and homeless because of the madness of a few misguided youths? What sort of barbarism would make a set of people to murder soldiers and mutilate their bodies? I saw soldiers without arms, legs and private parts; all cut off by their killers! Some were decapitated! Imagine the agony the soldiers passed through. Think about the pains; picture the gruesomeness of their death. Now think about your pity for the residents of Okuama town. Which do you consider justifiable? Who does that what the Okuama’s youths did? How else do you define barbarism? To prove what point? Which Military would allow such madness go unpunished? These are the issues at the base of the criminality that took place in Delta State.

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Yes, nobody should justify the reaction of the Military in this case. Heavens know that I am not by any means justifying that. Two wrongs would not make a right. It was bad for bandits to kill innocent soldiers. It was equally bad for retaliating soldiers to level innocent villagers and their villages. However, my mind agrees with the saying of my people that he who sells sand as goods will be paid back in pebbles – eni ba ta oja yepe; dandan ni ko gbowo okuta. Our elders warn that if your neighbour is feasting on poisonous insects, raise the alarm quickly otherwise, you will not sleep at all again at night. The Okuama youths should have learnt from history. If those felons were too young to witness Odi and Zaki Biam, their parents should have told them the stories. This is a lesson for all community leaders, especially in those towns, where the youths have taken over the ladder of leadership from their fathers. Sentiments apart, no one of us will be safe again if boys can just round up soldiers, kill them and thereafter go to relax with a bottle of gin and grasscutter venison. When you kill a soldier, you should expect grave repercussions. It is like what Achebe, again, says about a woman who comes home with ants-infested fire woods. Her compound must surely play host to a lounge of lizards. While I grieve at the calamity the Okuama badly-brought up youths brought upon their town, my heart goes to the families of those slain officers and men of the Nigerian Army. May their services to their fatherland not be in vain. Rest in peace, gallant soldiers.

News

Out-of-school: Group To Enroll Adolescent Mothers In Bauchi

Published

2 days ago

December 10, 2025

Editor

Women Child Youth Health and Education Initiative (WCY) with support from Malala Education Champion Network, have charted a way to enroll adolescent mothers to access education in Bauchi schools.

Rashida Mukaddas, the Executive Director, WCY stated this in Bauchi on Wednesday during a one-day planning and inception meeting with education stakeholders on Adolescent Mothers Education Access (AMEA) project of the organisation.

According to her, the project targeted three Local Government Areas of Bauchi, Misau and Katagum for implementation in the three years project.

She explained that all stakeholders in advancing education in the state would be engaged by the organisation to advocate for Girl-Child education.

The target, she added, was to ensure that as many as married adolescent mothers and girls were enrolled back in school in the state.

“Today marks an important step in our collective commitment to ensuring that every girl in Bauchi state, especially adolescent who are married, pregnant, or young mothers has the right, opportunity, and support to continue and complete her education.

“This project has been designed to address the real and persistent barriers that prevent too many adolescent mothers from returning to school or staying enrolled.

“It is to address the barriers preventing adolescent mothers from continuing and completing their education and adopting strategies that will create an enabling environment that safeguard girls’ rights to education while removing socio-cultural and economic obstacles,” said Mukaddas.

She further explained to the stakeholders that the success of the project depended on the strength of their collaboration, the alignment of their actions, and the commitments they forge toward the implementation of the project.

Also speaking, Mr Kamal Bello, the Project Officer of WCY, said that the collaboration of all the education stakeholders in the state with the organisation could ensure stronger enforcement of the Child Rights Law.

This, he said, could further ensure effective re-entry and retention policies for adolescent girls, increased community support for girls’ education and a Bauchi state where no girl was left behind because of marriage, pregnancy, or motherhood.

“It is observed that early marriage is one of the problems hindering girls’ access to education.

“This organisation is working toward ensuring that girls that have dropped out of school due to early marriage are re-enrolled back in school,” he said.

Education stakeholders present at the event included representatives from the state Ministry of Education, Justice, Budget and Economic Planning and Multilateral Coordination.

Others were representatives from International Federation of Women Lawyers, Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE), Bauchi state Agency for Mass Education, Civil Society Organization, Religious and Traditional institutions, among others.

They all welcomed and promised to support the project so as to ensure its effective implementation and achieve its set objectives in the state.

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OPINION: Fubara, Adeleke And The Survival Dance

Published

2 days ago

December 10, 2025

Editor

By Israel Adebiyi

You should be aware by now that the dancing governor, Ademola Adeleke has danced his last dance in the colours of the Peoples Democratic Party. His counterpart in Rivers, Siminalayi Fubara has elected to follow some of his persecutors to the All Progressive Congress, after all “if you can’t beat them, you can join them.”
Politics in Nigeria has always been dramatic, but every now and then a pattern emerges that forces us to pause and think again about where our democracy is heading. This week on The Nation’s Pulse, that pattern is what I call the politics of survival. Two events in two different states have brought this into sharp focus. In both cases, sitting governors elected on the platform of the same party have found new homes elsewhere. Their decisions may look sudden, but they reveal deeper issues that have been growing under the surface for years.

In Rivers, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has crossed into the All Progressives Congress. In Osun, Governor Ademola Adeleke has moved to the Accord Party. These are not small shifts. These are moves by people at the top of their political careers, people who ordinarily should be the ones holding their parties together. When those at the highest levels start fleeing, it means the ground beneath them has become too shaky to stand on. It means something has broken.

A Yoruba proverb captures it perfectly: Iku to n pa oju gba eni, owe lo n pa fun ni. The death that visits your neighbour is sending you a message. The crisis that has engulfed the Peoples Democratic Party did not start today. It has been building like an untreated infection. Adeleke saw the signs early. He watched senior figures fight openly. He watched the party fail to resolve its zoning battles. He watched leaders undermine their own candidates. At some point, you begin to ask yourself a simple question: if this house collapses today, what happens to me? In Osun, where the competition between the two major parties has always been fierce, Adeleke was not going to sit back and become another casualty of a party that refused to heal itself. Survival became the most reasonable option.

His case makes sense when you consider the political temperature in Osun. This is a state where the opposition does not sleep. Every misstep is amplified. Every weakness is exploited. Adeleke has spent his time in office under constant scrutiny. Add that to the fact that the national structure of his party is wobbly, divided and uncertain about its future, and the move begins to look less like betrayal and more like self-preservation.

Rivers, however, tells a slightly different story. Fubara’s journey has been a long lesson in endurance. From the moment he emerged as governor, it became clear he was stepping into an environment loaded with expectations that had nothing to do with governance. His political godfather was not content with being a supporter. He wanted control. He wanted influence. He wanted obedience. Every decision was interpreted through the lens of loyalty. From the assembly crisis to the endless reconciliation meetings, to the barely hidden power struggles, Fubara spent more time fighting shadows than building the state he was elected to lead.

It soon became clear that he was governing through a maze of minefields. Those who should have been allies began to treat him like an accidental visitor in the Government House. The same legislators who were meant to be partners in governance suddenly became instruments of pressure. Orders came from places outside the official structure. Courtrooms turned into battlegrounds. At some point, even the national leadership of his party seemed unsure how to tame the situation. These storms did not come in seasons, they came in waves. One misunderstanding today. Another in two weeks. Another by the end of the month. Anyone watching closely could see that the governor was in a permanent state of emergency.

So when the winds started shifting again and lawmakers began to realign, those who understood the undercurrents knew exactly what was coming. Fubara knew too. A man can only take so much. After months of attacks, humiliations and attempts to cage his authority, the move to another party was not just political. It was personal. He had given the reconciliation process more chances than most would. He had swallowed more insults than any governor should. He had watched institutions bend and twist under the weight of private interests. In many ways, his defection is a declaration that he has finally chosen to protect himself.

But the bigger question is how we got here. How did two governors in two different parts of the country end up taking the same decision for different but related reasons? The answer goes back to the state of internal democracy in our parties. No party in Nigeria today fully practices the constitution it claims to follow. They have elaborate rules on paper but very loose habits in reality. They talk about fairness, but their primaries are often messy. They preach unity, but their caucuses are usually divided into rival camps. They call themselves democratic institutions, yet dissent is treated as disloyalty.

Political parties are supposed to be the engine rooms of democracy. They are the homes where ideas are debated, leaders are groomed, and future candidates are shaped. In Nigeria, they increasingly look like fighting arenas where the loudest voices drown out everyone else. When leaders ignore their own constitutions, the structure begins to crack. When factions begin to run parallel meetings, the foundation gets weaker. When decisions are forced down the throats of members, people begin making private plans for their future.

No governor wants to govern in chaos. No politician wants to be the last one standing in a sinking ship. This is why defections are becoming more common. A party that cannot manage itself cannot manage its members. And members who feel exposed will always look for safer ground.

But while these moves make sense for Adeleke and Fubara personally, the people they govern often become the ones left in confusion. Voters choose candidates partly because of party ideology, even if our ideologies are weak. They expect stability. They expect continuity. They expect that the mandate they gave will remain intact. So when a governor shifts political camp without prior consultation, the people feel blindsided. They begin to wonder whether their votes carry weight in a system where elected officials can switch platforms in the blink of an eye.

This is where the politics of survival becomes dangerous for democracy. If leaders keep prioritizing their personal safety over party stability, the system begins to lose coherence. Parties lose their identity. Elections lose their meaning. Governance becomes a game of musical chairs. Today you are here. Tomorrow you are there. Next week you may be somewhere else. The people become bystanders in a democracy that is supposed to revolve around them.

Rivers and Osun should serve as reminders that political parties need urgent restructuring. They need to rebuild trust internally. They need to enforce their constitutions consistently. They need to treat members as stakeholders, not spectators. When members feel protected, they stay. When they feel targeted, they run. This pattern will continue until parties learn the simple truth that power is not built by intimidation, but by inclusion.

There is also the question of what these defections mean for governance. When governors are dragged into endless party drama, service delivery suffers. Time that should be spent on roads, schools, hospitals, water projects and job creation ends up being spent in meetings, reconciliations and press briefings. Resources that should strengthen the state end up funding political battles. The public loses twice. First as witnesses to the drama. Then as victims of delayed or abandoned development.

In Rivers, the months of tension slowed down the government. Initiatives were stalled because the governor was busy trying to survive political ambush. In Osun, Adeleke had to juggle governance with internal fights in a crumbling party structure. Imagine what they could have achieved if they were not constantly looking over their shoulders.

Now, as both men settle into new political homes, the final question is whether these new homes will provide stability or merely temporary shelter. Nigeria’s politics teaches one consistent lesson. New alliances often come with new expectations. New platforms often come with new demands. And new godfathers often come with new conditions. Whether Adeleke and Fubara have truly found peace or simply bought time is something only time will tell.

But as citizens, what we must insist on is simple. The politics of survival should not become the politics of abandonment. Our leaders can fight for their political life, but they must not forget that they hold the people’s mandate. The hunger, poverty, insecurity and infrastructural decay that Nigerians face will not be solved by defection. It will be solved by steady leadership and functional governance.

The bigger lesson from Rivers and Osun is clear. If political parties in Nigeria continue on this path of disunity and internal sabotage, they will keep losing their brightest and most strategic figures. And if leaders keep running instead of reforming the system, then we will wake up one day to a democracy where the people are treated as an afterthought.

Governors may survive the storms. Parties may adjust to new alignments. But the people cannot keep paying the price. Nigeria deserves a democracy that works for the many, not the few. That is the real pulse of the nation.

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Human Rights Day: Stakeholders Call For More Campaigns Against GBV

Published

2 days ago

December 10, 2025

Editor

Panel of discussants at an event to commemorate the International Human Rights Day, 2025 on Wednesday called for more campaigns against Gender-Based Violence, adding that it must start from the family.

The panel of discussants drawn from religious and community leaders, security agents, members of the civil society community, chiefs, etc, made the call in Benin in an event organised by Justice Development & Peace Centre (JDPC), Benin, in collaboration with Women Aid Collective (WACOL) with the theme: Multilevel Dialogue for Men, Women, Youth and Critical Take holders on the Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence (GBV).

The stakeholders, who said causes of GBV are enormous, called for more enlightenment and education in the family, community and the religious circle.

Security agents in the panel charged members of the public to report GBV cases to security agents regardless of the sex Involved, adding: “When GBV happens, it should be reported to the appropriate quarters. It doesn’t matter if the woman or the man is the victim. GBV perpetrators should not be covered up, they must be exposed. We are there to carry out the prosecution after carrying out the necessary investigation.”

Earlier in his opening remarks, Executive Director, JDPC, Rev. Fr. Benedicta Onwugbenu, lamented that (GBV) remains the most prevalent in the society yet hidden because of silence from victims.

According to him, GBV knows no age, gender or race, adding that “It affects people of all ages, whether man or woman, boy or girl.”

“It affects people from different backgrounds and communities, yet it remains hidden because of silence, stigma, and fear. Victims of GBV are suffering in silence.”

On her part, Programme Director, WACOL, Mrs. Francisca Nweke, who said “women are more affected, and that is why we are emphasising on them,” stressed “we are empowering Christian women and women leaders of culture for prevention and response to Gender-Based Violence in Nigeria through the strengthening of grassroots organisations.”