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OPINION: One Kano, Two Emirs

By Suyi Ayodele
There can be only one Oba (king) in a palace. That was how our forebears arranged our traditional settings. The saying in Yoruba that Oba kìí pé méjì láàfin, sùgbón ìjòyè lè pé méfà láàfin (there can be no two kings in a palace but there can be six chiefs), underscores the wisdom of our forebears. Modernity has since changed that. The Nigerian political class has further bastardised the setting. Nowadays, kings sleep as kings and wake up as commoners. Palaces used to be sacred in the days of our fathers. They are no more today! Nothing is sacrosanct anymore in our palaces. History has it that the first time an Oòni of Ife travelled out of his palace, all other obas in Yorubaland vacated their thrones until the Oòni returned. That is our culture; that is our tradition. Nowadays, kings travel from their domains to attend birthday gigs and other ludicrous social gatherings!
Today, our Obas, Emirs and Obis are all over the place chasing contracts and seeking favours from politicians. Monarchs wait for hours in the reception areas just to see common commissioners. Many wait at Government Houses endlessly to book appointments with the almighty governors. From the North to the South, East to West, occupants of our traditional stools are appointees of governors and influential politicians. Many monarchs who are without blue blood got to the thrones because they belong to the right political camp. A large number of them bought their ways to the palaces with good money. We have lost it with our traditional stools, and we may not get it right again; at least, not in this generation!
Kano has been in the news in the last five days. There are two Emirs of Kano in that ancient city now. The two occupy the section of the palace they could grab before the other came. And they did that at the dead of the night. In my place, a man does not enter his house through the window. Emirs of Kano are entering their palaces through the windows, and in the dead of the night. The night is reserved for thieves, the wicked ones and Our Mothers. But Royals now choose the stillness of the night to climb their forebears’ thrones! Kano will never be the same again. This is not a curse, but the reality of the situation now in that commercial city. We have our politicians to thank for that. When a town changes monarchs the way a nursing mother changes diapers, the town cannot be the same again. We have histories to back up this assertion.
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One day in August 1967, Oba Muhamadu Olanipekun, the Zaki of Arigidi Akoko, Ondo State, woke up to a huge noise by his palace. He quickly dressed up. So did his Olori. One of the palace guards rushed into the inner chamber to inform Kabiyesi about the noise. A huge crowd had gathered to attack the palace. That was the second of such in three months; the May 1967 rebellion having been successfully repelled. Zaki was enraged. He went to the inner chamber and came out holding the powers Arigidi gave to him when he was enthroned. A man dies but once. Kabiyesi would not be disgraced twice by the same people. Enough is enough! But the Olori had a different idea. She went on her knees, chanting Kabiyesi’s praise names. She told the Oba the enormous powers he was holding. She affirmed the potency of the wand in the king’s hands. She said Kabiyesi could destroy the entire people if he wished. That was why he was their Zaki. Then she added a caveat. If Kabiyesi used the power he was holding, he would be like the fabled hunter, who killed an elephant with his fila (cap). She told Kabiyesi the wise saying of the elders: ojó kan ni òkìkí ode a fi fìlà p’erin (the fame of the hunter who kills an elephant with his cap lasts but one day). She besought Kabiyesi to leave the palace.
She assured His Majesty that in years to come, the same people would come begging him to come back to the throne. Reason prevailed. Kabiyesi went back to the inner recesses of his ancestors to break kola nuts. Olori went outside to meet the people. She begged that the Zaki should be allowed to leave the palace in peace. The people agreed. Kabiyesi and his household departed. A few loyalists from Imo and Agbaluku Quarters of the town joined those from Arigidi Oja Quarters (royal family) to follow Zaki Olanipekun out of town. The mob set the palace ablaze! All attempts to install a new Zaki from outside the Arigidi Oja quarters were unsuccessful. The town drifted. Development became stalled and stunted. Twenty-five years later, the elders of Arigidi Akoko came together. They needed development in the town. But first, the injustice of the past must be corrected. They sent for Zaki Muhamadu Olanipekun. They begged for forgiveness. In 1992, just as his Olori predicted 25 years earlier, the Arigidi people brought back their Zaki to the throne. A visit to Arigidi Akoko today shows that a town can only develop when there is peace.
Ooni Ogboru was the forebear of the Giesi ruling house of Ile-Ife. He was on the throne for over 70 years, according to history. His chiefs got pissed off because he had stayed too long on the throne. They wanted fresh blood. So, they conspired and got Ooni Ogboru dethroned. They did that by asking the old monarch to come to Atiba Square to see an object. As soon as the Ooni got to the square, they shut the palace doors against him. The old monarch knew that there would be repercussions for the treachery. He did not fight. Rather, he relocated to a place known as Ife-Odan, and he settled down with his family members and loyal subjects who followed him. Rejoicing that they had gotten rid of the old monarch, the chiefs appointed a new Ooni. But calamity struck, not once, multiple times! In six months, six different Oonis, or Ooni designates died! Nobody knew what killed them. Emissaries were sent to Kabiyesi, Ooni Ogboru to come back to the throne. The old man refused. Instead, he sent his son, Giesi to be the next Ooni. That was when the town began to enjoy stability.
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Before Ooni Ogboru, there was Alaafin of Oyo, Alaafin Ajuan or Ajaka, who was also dethroned. The people accused him of being too peaceful. They needed an Oba who would be a warmonger. They chased Alafin Ajaka out and banished him to Igbodo. Sango, his younger brother, was installed as Alaafin. And for seven years, Alaafin Sango showed the people what is known in the street parlance as shege. For the seven years he was on the throne, the entire Oyo Kingdom fought battles upon battles. The oba was too restless. At his death, Sango was deified, till date. The people then made a comparison. They knew the peaceful era of Ajaka was more desirable. So, they sent for him and crowned him Alaafin for the second time. But then, Ajaka had become a changed man. According to The Rev. Samuel Johnson’s account of the second reign of Ajaka, the Alaafin waged about 1,060 wars! (See The History of the Yorubas, page 175-183).
One of the ‘current’ Emirs of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II, also known as Muhammadu Sanusi II or Khalifa Sanusi II, became the Emir of Kano on June 8, 2014. He succeeded his late great-uncle, Ado Bayero. Due to his inability to control his tongue; as he carried on the way he was when he was the Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the government of Abdullahi Umar Ganduje dethroned him on March 9, 2020. His cousin, Aminu Ado Bayero, was enthroned in his stead. The dethronement of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II followed that of his grandfather, Mohammadu Sanusi I, who was deposed in 1963, having reigned as the Emir of Kano for just nine years. The beneficiary of that deposition was Sanusi I’s brother, Ado Bayero. It was therefore not shocking, when upon the dethronement of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II in 2020, his nephew, Aminu Ado Bayero, was appointed the Emir. In Kano, it has always been the case of Gambari pa Fulani, ko lejo ninu (when a Hausa man kills a Fulani man, there is no case).
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Ever since the June 9, 2020, removal of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II as the Emir of Kano, the city has been on the edge. A section of the city loyal to the deposed emir never left anyone in doubt that it would do anything possible to bring back the former CBN governor to the throne. The opportunity came when in the 2023 governorship election in the state, Ganduje could not win the state for his All Progressives Congress (APC), and the state slipped into the hands of Ganduje’s estranged godfather, Rabiu Kwankwanso’s New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), and Abba Kabir Yusuf became the governor. From May 29, 2023, the new governor, Yusuf, has dedicated his energy and state resources to undoing everything Ganduje did in his eight years. One of such was the last Friday event when the governor signed the bill passed by the Kano State House of Assembly, abolishing the five new emirates Ganduje created in 2020, into law. By that singular act, Aminu Ado Bayero ceased to be the Emir of Kano and Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II, who was dethroned as the 14th Emir of Kano, was returned as the 16th Emir of Kano. Since Friday, May 24, 2024, till date, Kano has been on edge. Ado Bayero, obviously backed by shielded federal power, also returned to Kano as the Emir. In Kano today, while Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II occupies the main palace in the city (Gidan Rumfa Palace), Bayero occupies the Nasarawa Palace in the same city! The question to ask is: who is the authentic Emir of Kano?
While the next few months would, no doubt, witness a lot of legal fireworks in Kano and other courts across the northern state, one thing that is certain is that wherever the pendulum swings, the Kano throne has lost its virginity! The sacredness of that throne is lost, I daresay, forever. I do not know why Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, who accepted his dethronement in 2020 with equanimity, fought behind the scenes to come back. I equally wouldn’t know why Aminu Ado Bayero would abandon the doctrine of his faith that Allah gives, and Allah takes, to want to do a fight-to-finish in this matter. All that my mind tells me is that there is something enticing about the Kano throne that the royals are not telling us. Why are royals not behaving as nobles again? Wherever Ganduje is today, I need someone to tell him that the legs of the corpse he buried four years ago are sticking out of the grave!
News
FULL LIST: FG Shuts 41 Unity Schools Over Insecurity

The Federal Government on Friday ordered the temporary closure of 41 unity schools over the rising cases of abduction across the country.
The decision was announced in a circular issued by the Director of Senior Secondary Education at the Federal Ministry of Education, Binta Abdulkadir.
“Sequel to the recent security challenges in some parts of the country and the need to prevent any security breaches, the Honourable Minister of Education has approved the immediate closure of the listed Federal Unity Colleges.
“Principals of the affected colleges are to ensure strict compliance. Please accept the warm regards of the Honourable Minister,” the circular read.
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The affected schools are FGGC Minjibir; FGA Suleja; FTC Ganduje; FGGC Zaria; FTC Kafancha; FGGC Bakori; FTC Dayi; FGC Daura; FGGC Tambuwal; FSC Sokoto; FTC Wurno; FGC Gusau; FGC Anka; FGGC Gwandu; FGC Birnin Yauri; FTC Zuru; FGGC Kazaure; FGC Kiyawa; FTC Hadejia; FGGC Bida; FGC New Bussa; and FTC Kuta-Shiroro.
Others are FGC Ilorin; FGGC Omu-Aran; FTC Gwanara; FGC Ugwolawo; FGGC Kabba; FTC Ogugu; FGGC Bwari; FGC Rubochi; FGGC Abaji; FGGC Potiskum; FGC Buni Yadi; FTC Gashau; FTC Michika; FGC Ganye; FGC Azare; FTC Misau; FGGC Bajoga; FGC Billiri; and FTC Zambuk.
Recall that some students from St. Mary’s School in Papiri, Agwara Local Government Area of Niger State, were kidnapped by terrorists.
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The incident comes just days after a similar attack in Maga, Kebbi State, where 25 students were kidnapped, heightening concerns over the deteriorating security situation in educational institutions across the region.
On Thursday, over 50 schools were shut down in Kwara State following attacks by bandits.
President Bola Tinubu had also cancelled his scheduled trips to South Africa and Angola to coordinate the government’s response to the worsening insecurity.
News
Why FG Hasn’t Prosecuted Terrorism Financiers – Minister

The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, says the Federal Government has not prosecuted individuals suspected of financing terrorism because the process requires extensive and delicate investigations that cannot be rushed.
Speaking on Channels Television’s Politics Today on Friday, Idris explained that contrary to public perception, the matter was not as simple as having a list and immediately taking suspects to court.
The minister’s statement came against the backdrop of growing concerns over alleged government complicity in the escalating insecurity ravaging the country.
Successive governments have faced public pressure to identify and prosecute individuals suspected of financing terrorism, particularly Boko Haram, ISWAP, and bandit groups operating in the North.
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Under former President Muhammadu Buhari, officials disclosed that some suspected financiers had been identified, raising expectations that trials would soon follow.
However, no high-profile prosecution has taken place, fuelling criticism from civil society groups and security analysts who argue that the delays strengthen public distrust in government efforts against insecurity.
Addressing the matter, Idris said, “It is not a question of having the list or not having the list; it is not as simplistic as that. Investigations have to be conducted. In some cases, there are merits in what they said.
“You don’t say, ‘because pronouncements have been made, let me take you to court directly.’ There must be sufficient investigation carried out.
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“Unfortunately, when you are fighting these kinds of battles, it is not something that you just sort out within a day or two. That is why, all the time, we are calling on our partners within and outside this country to understand the complexity and diversity of the situation we have here.”
The minister maintained that President Bola Tinubu’s administration was “working assiduously” to end terrorism and other security threats.
He noted that significant progress had been made since May 2023, adding that many Nigerians were inclined to overlook the gains.
“Sometimes we forget the successes we have recorded in the fight against bandits, criminals, and some of these jihadists. From May 2023 to date, over 13,500 of these criminals have been neutralised and taken off our society.
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“Over 17,000 of them have been apprehended. Even as we speak, some of them are having their day in court, and some have been sentenced. I think we should recognise these efforts.”
On the delayed appointment of ambassadors, the minister said President Tinubu was already finalising the list, adding that the nominees were undergoing security vetting.
The minister also confirmed ongoing diplomatic engagements between Nigeria, the United States, and other countries, explaining that misunderstandings about Nigeria’s security challenges were being clarified.
“We agree that ambassadors should be there (US), and the President has agreed that he is going to release this list. As I speak with you, the President is finalising it. They have passed them to security agencies for checks. I can tell you that ambassadors are going to be appointed pretty soon.
“There is diplomatic engagement happening between Nigeria and the United States and other countries. What we feel is that there is no proper understanding of what the situation is about.
“This is the message we are taking to them. We are open to any kind of cooperation—regional, international, American or anybody who wants to see that there is an end to this crisis in Nigeria.”
News
Why Niger Delta Suffers Most — Jonathan

Former President Goodluck Jonathan has blamed the underdevelopment of the Niger Delta on weak political will and the personal ambition of some political office holders.
Jonathan, who spoke in Abuja on Friday at the launch of The Hidden Treasures, a 202-page book written by former Delta State governorship aspirant Chris Iyovwaye, stated that political rivalry and the scramble for power have repeatedly stalled progress in the region.
This was echoed by ex-presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party, Adewole Adebayo, and former Minister of Information, Prof Jerry Gana, who also highlighted the failure to act on long-standing regional plans as a challenge to the region’s development.
Jonathan, who chaired the event, was represented by his Chief of Staff, Mike Oghiadomhe.
In his address, the former president recalled several abandoned regional economic initiatives that could have boosted the Niger Delta’s growth.
He also traced past attempts to coordinate South-South governors and federal lawmakers on regional development, noting that personal ambition often overshadowed collective interest.
The former president said, “A lot has been said in the past and even now. But when you don’t bring action to it, it will remain a potential. Deep inside here, we can have tonnes of gold, diamonds, and uranium. But it will remain zero until they are mined and brought out.
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This book corroborates what we have heard.
“In the past, when I was a deputy governor between 1999 and 2007, we had this same great commission. We used to have meetings of South-South governors. At one point, it was enlarged to include members of the National Assembly, and initiatives were held from state to state.
“But action could not be taken because of competition for power and control of that commission. At one point, everybody in the Niger Delta wanted to be the vice president to an unknown president.
“That was because Obasanjo was president from the South, and the next president was going to come from the North. But nobody knew who he would be. So, everybody started scrambling to become the vice president to whoever was coming.”
Expressing hope in the new revival of the South-South governors’ commission, he warned that only “practical action” backed by political will can rescue the region’s growth prospects.
“Our advice on this occasion is to send a message to them that there is a need for action. And it has to be in practical terms, not just saying it without showing the right political will. They should move further to create the vehicle that will detail the investment opportunities, save up, and market them across the region.
“The Niger Delta is supposed to be the economic hub of this country, with the potential to build the biggest seaport in Nigeria. From the Niger Delta, you can reach every part of the country, particularly the Middle Belt and the North. There is a need to harness our resources at this point in time for proper and physical development.”
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Adebayo, in his remarks, described the Niger Delta as a vast, mismanaged economic paradise.
According to him, the region is too richly endowed for its citizens to remain poor.
“If there is no Niger Delta, there is no Nigeria. To some, every treasure is hidden because the person is blind. It is believed that some of the treasures in the region are hidden because we have had blind leadership over time.
“In truth, every part of the Niger Delta is brimming with human, material, liquid, and solid resources. So, if you are from the Niger Delta, it will be an oxymoron to say you are poor. It is impossible to be poor in that paradise.
“I come from a family that has 100 years of experience in making fortunes out of the Niger Delta. Most of my uncles and aunties were born there and served in great capacities. That is why we are always grateful to the Niger Delta.
“I also personally went to the region and found my own fortune. That’s because I married my wife from the Niger Delta, and my life has turned for the better since then.”
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He added that the region’s wealth “is 18 times more than all the productivity of the United States from 1776 to date,” urging a return to responsible and visionary leadership.
“The author and others like him are sent to us like prophets in our time to remind us that a leadership or generation consumed by appropriating surface wealth, farming out the country’s resources to foreign enterprises, and collecting rent to make big men out of themselves is not the shepherd God sent to this land. This generation will have to turn away from that,” he said.
Gana, who as Information Minister in 1999 conceptualized the Niger Delta Development Commission, said the commission had fallen far short of its founding vision.
“During Obasanjo’s administration in 1999, I was mandated to organize a seminar on the Niger Delta at the ECOWAS Secretariat. It was a very well-attended event that was chaired by the former president of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere.
“He came in person, and papers were brilliantly presented on how we need to proceed with developing the Niger Delta. And we proposed the creation of a Niger Delta Development Commission as a platform to provide important infrastructure.”
But he lamented that the commission has not justified its mandate.
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“I must confess that despite the tremendous hope that the meeting generated, I have not been personally impressed by the results of the commission, especially when I see them building primary schools and other minor projects.
“This vision was to transform the Niger Delta into one of the most beautiful places in Nigeria, with excellent infrastructure.”
He urged current managers of the commission to “arise and do something great for the people of the Niger Delta region.”
The Niger Delta, Nigeria’s main oil-producing region, has faced decades of environmental degradation, unemployment, poverty, and infrastructural neglect despite contributing the bulk of the nation’s revenue. Oil spills, gas flaring, and weak regulatory enforcement have devastated livelihoods, while recurring conflict over resource control has deepened instability.
The commission was established in 2000 to drive large-scale infrastructural transformation and address developmental gaps, but it has been plagued by allegations of mismanagement, abandoned projects, corruption, and political interference.
Multiple presidential audits have cited poor project delivery, weak accountability structures, and diversion of funds—leaving the region’s core problems largely unresolved.
(PUNCH)
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