Veteran journalist and Arise News TV anchor, Dr. Reuben Abati, has broken his silence following scathing remarks by Lere Olayinka, a media aide to FCT Minister Nyesom Wike, during a controversial appearance on The Morning Show last Friday that included claims that he begged Wike for money.

Olayinka, speaking live on the Arise News flagship programme, had, besides claiming that Abati begged Wike for money, also accused the TV anchor of partisanship, claiming he had become the unofficial spokesperson of former Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi.

He also questioned Abati’s absence from the studio that day, implying it was a calculated move to avoid accountability.

“I wasn’t expecting him to be here. He has taken the position of special assistant on media to Rotimi Amaechi.”

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The fiery exchange srtems from a recent comment made by Amaechi during his 60th birthday celebration, where he declared himself “hungry” — a statement widely seen as a veiled criticism of the current administration. Wike, his political rival, dismissed the remarks and questioned the credibility of a man who had held multiple top political roles to claim hunger.

Abati, reacting on Arise News, criticized Wike’s response as “rude and disrespectful,” especially coming from someone whose political rise was closely tied to Amaechi. This opinion apparently struck a nerve with Olayinka, prompting his Friday outburst.

In a swift and pointed response issued over the weekend, Abati, according to GWG, Dr. Abati dismissed Olayinka’s claims as baseless and defamatory.

He categorically denied ever aligning with Amaechi or seeking favours from Minister Wike.

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“I am not Rotimi Amaechi’s spokesperson, nor do I have his phone number. That’s a fabrication.”

He further explained that his absence from Friday’s show was due to a prior intellectual engagement — a book review for “Oprah Benson – Live and Legend,” authored by Dr. Udu Yakubu — and not an attempt to dodge any confrontation

Abati also clarified a claim Olayinka made regarding an alleged probe by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). According to the broadcaster, his interaction with the EFCC was a routine and procedural invitation — not a criminal investigation. He added that the agency under its former chairman, Ibrahim Magu, later issued a formal apology to him.

Taking a swipe at Olayinka’s use of the word “hubris” during the interview, Abati suggested the media aide had misused the term and lacked the intellectual depth to warrant further engagement.

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Despite the attacks, Abati stood firmly by his earlier criticism of Minister Wike, arguing that public officials must always be subject to public scrutiny.

Abati besides dismissing Olayinka’s claims that he begged Wike for money also addressed the media aide’s attempt to resurrect old allegations against the late Senator Buruji Kashamu, insisting that no court ever convicted the deceased, either in Nigeria or abroad.

Closing his statement, Abati expressed deep gratitude to his co-hosts, especially Rufai Oseni and Vimbai, for their professionalism during the episode. He also thanked his wife, Kikelomo Atanda-Owo Abati, for her unwavering support.

“Your strength remains my anchor,” he wrote.

The Nigerian entertainment world was plunged into mourning on Saturday following the passing of revered highlife musician and folklorist Mike Ejeagha, whose timeless music touched generations across Nigeria and beyond.

The 95-year-old cultural icon passed away on Friday night after a prolonged 16-year battle with prostate cancer. His eldest son, Emma Ejeagha, confirmed the sad news during a telephone conversation with our reporter on Saturday. The highlife maestro breathed his last at the 32 Garrison Hospital in Enugu.

“Papa died at exactly 8 p.m. on Friday, and his body has been deposited in the morgue. I was with him during his final moments. I will meet with my family in the morning to break the news to them,” Emma said.

Emma described his late father as “a peace-loving man and a genius,” noting that Ejeagha had given instructions that his body should not be embalmed or kept in the morgue for too long after his passing.

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Tributes have since poured in from across Nigeria’s entertainment landscape. Leading the voices of grief was comedian Chukwuebuka Emmanuel Amuzie, popularly known as Brain Jotter, who recently reignited global interest in Ejeagha’s music with his viral 2024 dance skit based on the 1983 classic Ka Esi Le Onye Isi Oche.

“Mike Ejeagha is a legend whose impact in the music world will remain unmatched and deeply missed,” Brain Jotter said in an emotional post shared on his verified Instagram account on Saturday afternoon. “Thirty-nine years ago, he made magic; thirty-nine years later, Nigerians and the rest of the world are dancing to it. Rest in peace, legend.”

Socialite and nightlife promoter Cubana Chief Priest also joined the chorus of mourning. “Baba Ejeagha was not just a musician — he was the voice of our culture and wisdom,” Chief Priest posted on his Instagram Stories. “His songs will continue to teach and inspire us for generations to come. Rest on, great man.”

Actor and media personality Nedu Wazobia echoed the sentiments: “Sometimes you think legends live forever — and in truth, through their work, they do. Mike Ejeagha’s music was part of my childhood, and it will be part of my children’s childhood too.”

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Singer Flavour N’abania, known for modern highlife hits, also paid tribute: “We stand on the shoulders of giants like Mike Ejeagha. His mastery of storytelling through music was unmatched. Igbo culture and African music have lost a true icon.”

Mike Ejeagha was a towering figure in Nigerian music, celebrated for his unique blend of traditional Igbo folk music and melodic storytelling. His works preserved cultural wisdom through parables and proverbs, often delivered with soul-stirring instrumentation.

In recent years, Ejeagha’s music experienced a cultural renaissance, especially after Brain Jotter’s dance skit went viral, sparking a global dance challenge that drew millions of views across TikTok and Instagram.

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The renewed attention underscored the timeless quality of his artistry. “This resurgence proved that the wisdom in his songs is as relevant today as it was four decades ago,” said cultural critic Obinna Ezeani.

As news of Ejeagha’s passing spread, fans flooded social media platforms with videos of themselves dancing to his classics in tribute. “Gone but never forgotten. Thank you for the music, thank you for the lessons,” one fan wrote on X.

By Festus Adedayo

On Thursday this week, it will be 32 years of that June 12 phenomenon. On July 9, 1998, the lifeless body of a young man adorned the front page of the Nigerian Tribune. The tear-jerking, bloodied body decorated the front pages of many other Nigerian newspapers like manacles in the hands of a convict. He had been shot dead by the police in Abeokuta, Ogun State. It was during a Southwest-wide protest against the perceived murder in detention of Chief MKO Abiola, winner of the June 12, 1993 election. The lifeless young man was one of the countless lives Nigeria propitiated at the grove of military despotism. It was the sacrifice to have the freedom of today.

According to Nigerian newspapers’ edition of that day, students, workers, apprentices, bystanders were felled by police bullets. It was like the June 1976 protest by black school children in Soweto, South Africa which led to minimum of 176 dead and estimated 700 felled, with over a thousand people injured. The report said, in Lagos, about 40 lives were lost. Fourteen in Idi-Araba, 4 at Oshodi, 3 at Oworonshoki, and 2 at Ojodu. Unconfirmed sources told reporters that ten lives were lost at Mushin and ten at multi-million Naira Lagos abattoir area at Oko-Oba. In Ibadan, police dispatched five persons to their untimely graves at the Bodija estate area and three at the Bodija market. Perceived military apologist, Arisekola Alao’s Bodija building was in turn damaged by the protesters, leading to the death of two of them. In Abeokuta, the palace of the Alake of Egbaland was looted and torched. The monarch’s staff of office, beaded crown and royal umbrella were looted as well. A tyre warehouse belonging to one Alhaji Fatai Gbemisola was set ablaze with vehicles vandalized in their hundreds.

The above should remind one that life usually comes in binaries – good/bad; poor/rich; live/die and so on. Orlando Owoh, Yoruba Kennery music singer, perhaps had this binary in mind when he sang that beneath the sweet apple of the pineapple lies its lacerating pine. “Opon oyinbo fi dundun se’wa, oro inu e t’o egbeje” he sang. Owoh could as well have been talking about Nigeria’s binary, of yesterday’s June 12 struggle and today’s civil rule.

The repercussion of the election annulment by General Ibrahim Babangida was colossal. Hundreds of Nigerians were murdered while uncountable suffered collateral deaths. Many got imprisoned; livelihoods were lost, destinies got truncated and many never recovered their well-being, even till today. Many children and dependant of the dead had their destinies stymied by the crisis. On July 7, 1998, with General Sani Abacha obdurately soldiering on, in spite of widespread calls on him to release Abiola from prison and honour the people’s electoral wish, Abiola’s death was announced.

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The casualties of June 12 were legion. Business colossus, Alfred Ogbeyiwa Rewane, was one of them. Nicknamed Osibakoro by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Rewane was a staunch member of the Action Group political party and chairman of the AG-controlled Western Region Development Company. In the 1990s, as the military bared their fangs, Rewane was the refuge and sponsor of politicians and activists who desired what we eventually have today. His Lagos home was NADECO’s meeting venue. At Rewane’s memorial in 2000, late Chief Bola Ige recalibrated an earlier funeral oration he delivered in Warri at Osibakoro’s burial when he said, “The freedom we actually enjoy in Nigeria today must be credited, in good measure, to the self sacrificing disposition that (Rewane) displayed consistently…Osibakoro provided the progressive Nigerian politics with the sinews to fight the good fight…he stood up as a comforter of the family of the detained, those under house arrest, those in jail or those forced into exile…he never missed a chance to support all who were on the barricades. He had unwritten pact for instance with the guerrilla press.” On October 6, 1995, shortly after celebrating his 79th birthday, Osibakoro was brutally assassinated by agents of General Abacha at his residence in Ikeja, Lagos. They were never found.

In 1994, armed gunmen stormed activist and human rights lawyer, Gani Fawehinmi’s Lagos law chambers at Anthony Village. Two of his guards were defaced with bullets but unbeknown to the messengers of death, Fawehinmi was away. Beko Ransom-Kuti was also about this time programmed to be eliminated. His 8, Imaria Close home was torched when he could not be found. Same fate befell Ayo Opadokun. His Yaba home was raided and burnt. But for providence, NADECO chairman, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman would have been dead. His Chevrolet car was sprayed with a hail of bullets which shattered its windscreen but he miraculously escaped unhurt. In February 1996, affable publisher of The Guardian newspaper, Alex Ibru, was shot and lost an eye in the process. Earlier, his newspaper house had been burnt by yet unknown arsonists.

Either self-imposed or providence’s grim retribution, on January 17, 1996, a plane carrying Abacha’s son and 13 others developed engine fault and crashed in Dausayi village in Kano. Thereafter, bomb blasts began to boom in Nigeria like rockets. On January 29, 1996, NTA news alleged that Wole Soyinka was the mastermind of terror activities in Nigeria with Today, Kaduna-based newspaper, accusing NADECO activists of being behind the terror. Many got killed by the coldblooded military regime of Abacha. The list is exhaustive and includes Rear Admiral Babatunde Elegbede, Dr. Sola Omatsola, Toyin Onagoruwa, Alhaja Suliat Adedeji and Mrs. Bisoye Tejuosho. Chief Abraham Adesanya escaped death by the whiskers when his car was sprayed with bullets while the likes of Chiefs Olu Falae, Olabiyi Durojaiye were detained.

Earlier, on October 25, 1993, a Nigeria Airways Flight WT470 was hijacked by four Nigerian boys who were riled by the annulment of the June 12 election. They were Richard Ogunderu (19), Kabir Adenuga (22) Razaq Lawal (23) and Benneth Oluwadaisi (24). They called themselves members of the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy (MAD). Three members of Ernest Shonekan’s Interim National Government (ING) were on that flight. They were Brigadier-General Hafiz Momoh, Prof Jubril Aminu and Rong Yiren, the vice president of China. They initially planned to divert the plane to Frankfurt, Germany but shortage of fuel made them to detour to Diori Hamani International Airport in Niamey, Niger after the planned landing at N’Djamena, Chad and Gabon was disallowed. In Niamey, they made their demands: de-annulment of the June 12 election, re-investigation of the murder of Dele Giwa and the mysterious crash of a Lockheed C-130 Hercules that claimed 160 lives. It was believed to be a deliberate killing of the soldiers by the Babangida government.

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Nigerian journalism also suffered casualties of the June 12 war. Apart from millions lost to shutting down of newspaper houses’ operations for months, many journalists were detained and jailed by the Abacha regime. They fell victim of the Detention of Persons Decree No 2 which allowed for indefinite, incommunicado detention of citizens; the Offensive Publications Decree No 35 of 1993 which gave the military government latitude to seize any publication it deemed likely to “disturb the peace and public order of Nigeria” and the Treason and Treasonable Offenses Decree No 29 of 1993 which was later used in 1995 by a special military tribunal to convict Kunle Ajibade, Chris Anyanwu, George Mbah and Ben Charles Obi as “accessories after the fact of treason”. Their crime was reporting an alleged coup plot. Niran Malaolu, Deputy Editor of The Diet newspaper, was also imprisoned on December 28, 1997 after being convicted in July 1998 to 15 years in prison, alongside 95 others, for participating in a coup to topple the Abacha government.

Chief Frank Kokori, former General Secretary of The Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) was also a major force in the June 12 election struggle. But for him, Abacha would have possibly succeeded in his life presidency ambition. Kokori locked down Nigeria during the crisis by deploying his NUPENG in pursuit of democratic struggles. He was detained by Abacha and died miserably and dejected in Warri on December 7, 2023. There are a thousand and one other casualties of the June 12 crisis that this piece cannot possibly capture. I went into the above chronology to remind Nigerians, especially the youths of today, that the civilian government we have enjoyed in the last 26 years came with weeping, wailing, deaths and gnashing of the teeth.

The sacrifices of June 12 remind me of John Pepper Clark-Bekederemo’s The Casualties. It was a poem written about the Nigerian civil war that raged between 1967 and 1970. Record has it that an estimated 100,000 military casualties and between 500,000 and 2 million Biafran civilians died. It was a period of tragedy and atrocity. Clark began this famous poem with the lines, “The casualties are not only those who are dead./They are well out of it;” nor are casualties “only those who lost/Persons or property, hard as it is.” Rather, he said, the casualties are the “emissaries of rift/So smug in smoke-rooms they haunt abroad/They do not see the funeral piles/At home eating up the forests/They are wandering minstrels who, beating on/The drums of the human heart, draw the world/Into a dance with rites it does not know.”

The casualties, as Clark lyricized in that poem, are not those who died in the June 12 war, either as ancillary or intended victims. They are the hidden and multifaceted victims of the war who extend beyond the frontiers of those directly affected. The casualties today are the Nigerian people. They include Nigerians who are unlucky (yes!) not to have died from the war but are today grappling with the castles they built in their minds about a democratic rule which, 26 years after, has turned into myths.

Fast-forward to 32 years after. Last week, Nigerian president, Bola Tinubu, responded to sons, brothers, sisters, kinsmen and countrymen of those casualties of the June 12 war who voted him into office. They had asked for accountability on the trillions of Naira of their money being spent on construction of the Lagos-Calabar highway. In a tone similar to Babangida’s “we’re not only in office but in power,” at the heat of criticism of his inhuman rule, Tinubu also said last week: «Don›t listen to those critics. They don›t know what they›re talking about. If they don›t like the road or if it›s too expensive for tolling for them, they could go to Idumota.” While Abacha and Babangida scoffed at us, victims of June 12, with guns, Tinubu does with Nebuchadnezzar arrogance.

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The question all of us, the casualties, should ask is, is what we have today all our fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers and contemporaries fought and died for? Did Rewane die to have a government that would spend N15.6 trillion “to tame the Atlantic” for a road project which did not go through any competitive bidding, and the contract awarded on a single-source basis, thus contravening the Public Procurement Act and Environmental Impact Assessment Act? Did he die to have a beneficiary of his death speak glowingly about Sani Abacha’s business partners, the Gilbert Chagourys and their Hitech Construction company, as a “symbol of courage and commitment” and openly acknowledge them as “my partner in daring”? Did those young boys risk their lives to hijack a plane for a democratic Nigeria, only to have Nigerians, 32 years after, have a government that carries on as if hunger, anger, starvation, hopelessness that rule the airwaves are not unusual?

More importantly, a very apposite question to ask is, 26 years after we got civil rule, is Nigeria a democracy? Leading scholar in democratic studies, Prof Larry Diamond, in a keynote at the conference “20 years of democracy in Nigeria: 1999-2019,” held at the St. Antony College, University of Oxford, on December 6, 2019, said Nigeria, as it is today, is a semi-democracy. Or anocracy. Prof Wale Adebanwi, in his Introduction to the book, Democracy and Nigeria’s Fourth Republic ( 2023) which he edited, described semi-democracy and anocracy as “a form of government that mixes democratic and autocratic attributes.” Robert Mattes has also described semi-democracy as a “hybrid regime” while some scholars call it “flawed democracy/regime”. The description of such government by the Economic Intelligence Unit is that, it is a “poorly functioning government, often with corrupt elected officials and officials otherwise unaccountable to the citizenry”.

Following in the saying that the one on whose head a coconut pod is smashed to access its milky fruit often doesn’t partake of its eating, how many of the children of Rewane, Ige, Opadokun, Ransom-Kuti, Ndubuisi-Kanu, Elegbede, Omatsola, Onagoruwa, Suliat Adedeji, Tejuosho, Abraham Adesanya, Falae, Durojaiye and many more who gallantly fought the military to a standstill in the June 12 war, are beneficiaries of this government? Rather, the toads of the war fought by those Nigerians above 32 years ago are Nigerians’ tormentors of today in power. Are the lives of children of these June 12 warriors even better? If the dead can see, will the casualties be happy with Nigeria where they are now? If there is another June 12 war to be fought today, will anyone stick their necks in a fight against establishment?

Anyway, happy June 12, Nigerians. Like the boring refrain of a dirge, government will again declare a public holiday on Thursday and we will be fooled with voodoo statistics showing us as a happy people. But, are we really happy?