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OPINION: You Be Terrorist, I No Be Terrorist!

Published

3 months ago

August 17, 2025

By Festus Adedayo

When the weight of words spoken is weightier than whatever response it may attract, my people say Oro p’esi je. The English say such wordless period is an ineffable moment. In its literal rendition, perhaps saying it better than the English and more graphically too, the Yoruba say ‘word has killed response’. Even at the height of his musical wizardry, the dictatorship of the Nigerian military government killed appropriate response from Fela Anikulapo-Kuti. So, in one of his songs, Fela turned the wordlessness into musical rhapsody. With the declaration by a Canadian court on June 17, 2025 that the two leading Nigerian political parties, the PDP and APC, are terrorist organizations, the court declaration provokes similar wordlessness. What immediately jumps up one’s lips is Fela’s “Oro p’esi je o… rere run”.

In Nigerians’ faintest imagination, no one expected such extreme labeling from Canada. Certainly not from a temple of justice. While delivering judgment in an asylum case involving a Nigerian national, Douglas Egharevba, Justice Phuong Ngo upheld an earlier decision of the Canadian Immigration Appeal Division (IAD) which denied asylum to him. It cited Egharevba’s decade-long affiliation with the PDP and APC. Justice Ngo then affirmed that, under paragraph 34(1)(f) of Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA), “mere membership of an organization linked to terrorism or democratic subversion” could trigger inadmissibility of an applicant for asylum – even without proof of personal involvement.

Earlier court filings by Canada’s Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness had submitted that the two Nigerian political parties were implicated in “political violence, democratic subversion, and electoral bloodshed” which were further buttressed, among other incidents, by the PDP’s alleged violent conducts in the 2003 state elections and 2004 local government polls. The minister cited widespread ballot stuffing, voter intimidation, and the killing of opposition supporters in those elections. The IAD said its findings indicated that the two parties’ leadership benefited from the violence, didn’t see a need to stop it and that, under paragraph 34(1)(b.1) of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA), such acts met Canada’s legal definition of subversion and terrorism.

Expectedly, both APC and PDP are blowing their tops. Fulminating, the PDP labeled the classification as “misinformed, biased, and lacking evidence,” and deserving outright dismissal by any right-thinking person. Its Deputy National Youth Leader, Timothy Osadolor, was quoted as saying this.

The APC, through its National Secretary, Ajibola Bashiru, in his characteristic gruff persona, chose to descend down a logical pitfall called ad hominem. Rather than the issue, persons accused of this argumentative pitfall attack persons. So, to Bashiru, the judge was “an ignoramus.” Thereafter, he queried the Canadian court’s jurisdiction to determine the status of a Nigerian recognised political party “not to talk of declaring it as a terrorist organisation… The so-called judgment was obviously delivered from a jaundiced perspective and within the narrow confines of determining eligibility for asylum by an applicant.” Lastly, Bashiru queried “some desperate and unpatriotic Nigerians” who seek greener pastures elsewhere, who he said “allow the name of the country to be brought to unpalatable commentary by racist judges on account of self contrived application for asylum.”

The Federal Government, too, in a statement issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ spokesperson, Kimiebi Ebienfa, described the judgment as “baseless, reckless and an unacceptable interference in Nigeria’s internal affairs.”

Now, the issues are not as straightforward as the persons above saw them. At least three issues are implicated in the Canadian judge’s ruling and its subsequent analyses. One, as Bashiru alleged, is racism; second, the state of Nigeria’s electoral/party system and third, the social status of Nigerian citizenship. There is the need to decouple them. First, we should be clear about one fact and it is that, electoral violence is as old as Nigerian electoral system. Violence as icing on the cake of elections gained notoriety during independence and since then, elections in Nigeria have been characterized by high-scale electoral malpractices, violence, money politics, and deployment of ethno-religious divide as weapon of influencing votes. Since September 20, 1923 when the first election in Nigeria was held, Nigerian politicians have scaled up, from one election to the other, the patterns of electoral violence that have today resulted in an epidemic of political violence. Yesterday marked the 42nd bloodied anniversary of Second Republic’s political violence in the old Oyo and Ondo States. On Tuesday, August 16, 1983, all hell was let loose with multiple political killings in tow in Akure, Ilesa and other parts of the states.

In the April and May 2003 elections that Justice Ngo referenced, according to Human Rights Watch in its report entitled, ‘The Unacknowledged Violence,’ “more than 100 people were killed in election-related violence with many more injured.” The EU Election Observation Mission, (EUEOM) in its ‘Final Report on the National Assembly, Presidential, Gubernatorial and State Houses of Assembly Elections,’ also claimed to have recorded a total of 105 killings in pre-election violence in Nigeria. Continuing, the report claimed that, from publications in the Nigerian press, at least 70 incidents of election-related violence were reported between November 2006 and the middle of March 2007 in 20 of Nigeria’s 36 states. It claimed that the press report “may greatly underestimate the true scale of the problem” judging by a report of another international organization with a comprehensive conflict monitoring programme in Nigeria, which also claimed it recorded 280 reports of election-related deaths and more than 500 injuries over an eight-week period ending in mid-March of the year. Other Nigerian elections are no less better.

In terms of political assassinations, the Human Rights Watch report said that between November 1, 2006 and March 10, 2007, quoting the Nigerian press and other sources, “at least four assassinations and seven attempted assassinations of Nigerian politicians, party officials and other individuals who were directly linked to various electoral campaigns” occurred. It further reported that two most notorious murders involving PDP primaries occurred in mid-2006, and were in respect of PDP gubernatorial aspirants – Funsho Williams in Lagos State and Ayo Daramola in Ekiti State, both of whom were murdered in July and August 2006 respectively.

But, was Justice Ngo wrong to have described what happened in the 2003 electoral contest in Nigeria as terrorism? Scholars have attempted to define what exactly is terrorism. Charles Ruby, in his book, The Definition of Terrorism, (2003), citing Title 22 of the U.S. Code, defined terrorism as a “politically motivated violence perpetrated in a clandestine manner against noncombatants.”

If you critically assess the above definitions, viz a viz the level of atrocious political killings and violence that have happened in the last 26 years of democratic practice in Nigeria, it may be difficult to fault Justice Ngo’s labeling of Nigeria’s two topmost political parties as terrorists. The judge alluded to Egharevba’s failure to prove that there were no “political violence, democratic subversion, and electoral bloodshed” in the Nigerian two political parties which the asylum seeker claimed to have been a member of. With this, it is my considered opinion that, faulting the labeling of the political parties by the Canadian judge may sound very impassioned and derisive of prevailing facts.

Yet, the allegation of racism against Justice Ngo may be sustainable. Of a truth, Canada wears on its lapel the myth of a “peaceable kingdom”. This is generally as a result of its genial political culture when compared to Nigeria’s. While the country today has had a limited political terrorism experience when compared to other forms of political conflicts or even other countries of the world, its pedigree does not totally acquit it of violence, nor does it give it a total sainthood. All considered, it could be racist for the judge to abandon his country’s violent past while criminalizing Nigeria’s present. Though there is no recency to the reports of Canada’s involvement in violence, Micheal J. Kelly and Thomas H. Mitchell, in their “The Study of Internal Conflict in Canada: Problems and Prospects,” Conflict Quarterly, Vol. II no. 1 (1981) examined publications of the Canadian newspaper called Globe and Mail from 1965 to 1975 which identified 129 incidents of collective violence in Ontario. Also, Julian Sher, in her White Hoods: Canada’s Ku Klux Klan (1983) examined case studies of terrorist groups or groups using terrorist tactics which operated in Canada. The scholar used the activities of the FLQ, the Sons of Freedom Doukhobors and the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) to peel Canada of any claim to a sainthood pedigree where terrorism is concerned. Whilst numerous terrorist events have occurred in Canada since 1981, the period between 1968 and 1974 is actually the point a glut of such incidents can be located.

When Bashiru now accused “some desperate and unpatriotic Nigerians” seeking greener pastures elsewhere of allowing “the name of the country to be brought to unpalatable commentary” through “self-contracted application for asylum,” he must have deliberately played the ostrich, apparently for political reasons. This must have blinded him from seeing the peculiar nature of Nigeria’s social crisis. Over the decades, at least in the last 26 years of the 4th Republic, both APC and PDP have literally socially and economically grounded this country. Many of the politicians in the ADC today are also complicit in this. Comfortable existence has become a mirage in Nigeria, yet politicians flaunt ill-gotten wealth. It is so bad that Nigerians desperately seek the citizenship of saner countries. Blaming Nigerians who seek bailouts from this socio-economic Gulag inflicted on them by Nigerian politicians will thus sound misplaced and self-centered.

The story of Egharevba in the hands of the Canadian judge is a replica of the aphorism of the “son” of an orange tree which invites multiple stoning and wood-beating from those who want to pluck it. If Nigeria had met his dreams of a place to live, I doubt if Egharevba would have openly disdained his country as this in the hands of a perceived racial judge and system. But come to think of it, this same “racist” Canada opens its arms wide to embrace thousands of Nigerians who possess legitimate papers!

In looking at the Canadian judge’s ruling, Nigeria should look inwards rather than outwards. First lesson to be learned is that, being a global village, not only is the rest of the world watching Nigeria with its binoculars, information about dissonances in our country are at the tip of the world’s fingers. Because they seek the consistent sanity of their countries, it is natural that countries of the world would want to guard against importation of social frictions into their territories. It was the lesson that same Canada was trying to pass across when it denied our Chief of Defence Staff visa last year.

Are Nigerian elections truly devoid of violence of the terrorism hue? The answer is No. As lawyers say, res ipsa loquitur; the facts speak for themselves. Our political parties have the notoriety of gangster violence pre, during and after elections. We shouldn’t be surprised if, very soon, a citizen is penalized, in a manner similar to Egharevba’s, over our country being where there are no consequences for negative actions. A country that reverses punishments and rules within few hours intervals, just because a street ally of the president is trapped in a criminal loop, cannot but receive the excoriation of a sane world.

Today, Nigeria is on the radar as a country where rule-breakers are garlanded. Rather than gripe and wail ceaselessly like a witch accused of killing her husband, we should rather embark on self-introspection because, in the words of Socrates, an unexamined life is not worth living. Another election season is coming. Will Canada and the world see a different Nigeria? If Fela were alive today, he probably would inflect his previous track and sing, “You be terrorist, I no be terrorist/Argument, argument, argue…” to explain this cacophony of denials between the APC, PDP and a Nigerian government which willingly leave the footpath and walk blindly in a maze of shrubs.

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OPINION: Donald Trump’s Wildfire For The Bad Men!

Published

2 hours ago

November 10, 2025

Editor

By Tiny Erha

A fuzzy analyst on a social media platform called it the “roar of a cat-king that frightens the land-animals of the jungle”. Another onlooker also likened it to a rattlesnake that meander the market place, while in a full gathering, causing intense stampede. Yet, another called it “fire on the mountain top”. What a-gwan? – An American street jargon for “what is going on? – would question.

Behold, a stormy returnee-president of the Yankee’s nation, the United States of America (USA), Donald J. Trump, has scattered ‘the table’, an sobriquet by Nigerians for an angry man’s disruption of a wrong setup. In a premeditated recourse to action, Trump, the most powerful president from the God’s own country, had declared Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and one of its principal allies on the continent, a ‘Country of Particular Concern (CPC)’. The tempestuous man vowed to deploy American military forces to smoke out Muslim Jihads and other terrorists from the country’s north, if his confirmed-genocide on Christians wasn’t stopped.

CPC is a similar acronym for the Congress for Progressive Change, a political party once formed by Mohammadu Buhari, the country’s immediate-past president, who is mainly responsible for the lapses that earned Nigeria the CPC’s designation. ‘Country of Particular Concern’ (CPC), is a classification of the US Secretary of State on a country that causes severe violations of religious freedom, under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998, as amended in 1999. America is said to be given the right by the UN to expedite disciplinary actions about the CPC.

The news of the CPC derisive classification and Trump’s razor-edge assertion of the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Nigeria as a ‘disgraced country’, had spread fast like the Harmattan’s bushfires or the tinder wintry fires that roasts American country sides all-year-round. It is only a sane person who would be disturbed that the fire he set on a portion of the bush, in the flammable season, is the same that had spread far and wide, causing tangible destructions, in the shoddy manner Abuja had mismanaged its security.

China had threatened brimstones, thus encouraging Muslim extremists, who proclaim that Trump dare not undermine Nigeria’s sovereignty, with his ‘threat to invade’ the country. Isn’t it the same Asia country that Senator Adams Oshiomhole recently accused on the floor of the Senate, as instigating illegal mining operations in the country, backing by armed bandits that carry out kidnapping, ethnic and religious persecution, against the people? The Russians, not minding its bitterest war against its Ukraine neighbour, also warned Trump. Nevertheless, a Conservative Caucus and lawmaking body of Canada supported Trump’s decision.

Ezekiel Dachomo, the intrepid clergy from Plateau State, whose relentless advocacy puts his life on the terrorists’ cliff, with other activists, was the one who attracted Ted Cruz, a Republican Senator and a coterie of foreign humanists on the genocide matter, had chided the Christians Association of Nigeria (CAN) and Nigerian government, as playing the poker that resulted in the deaths, maiming, arsons and railroading of millions of Nigerians into IDP exiles. But Pastor Enoch Adeboye, leader of the mega Redeem Christian Church of God, had yanked aside his cassocks to advise an unsettled President Tinubu to play it soft, and not to be hoodwinked that China, Russia and the United Kingdom would come to his aid, should Trump make good his threat.

Adeboye pleaded for 90 days of grace, for Tinubu to flush out the multitudes of Boko Haram, ISIS, ISWAP and the Fulani militants that have laid a deadly siege for over a decade.

Although notable clergies from the mosque and church, alike; had towed the line of peace as Pastor Adeboye, a headstrong Ahmad Abubakar Gumi and the Deputy Senate President, Barau Jubrin, in a ‘bravado of guilt’, had told Trump to do his worst. Gumi is the outspoken bearer of Abyssinian long beard, who’s frequently accused of ‘a hand in the gloves’ with known terrorists and was allegedly repatriated from Saudi Arabia on terrorism claims.

And in what pundits regarded as shocking and an un-presidential, a former Head of State, Abdulsalami Abubakar, who is acclaimed to be an Ambassador of Peace, bluntly scolded that “Trump is trying to disintegrate Nigeria, with his comments that threaten our hard-won unity”. One would have thought that he and his fellow ex-head of state, Ibrahim Badamasi Banbagida (IBB), who couldn’t rescue their Niger State, from the terrorists’ stranglehold, are glad that Trump’s intervention would eventually rid their people of the menace. Obviously, General Abubakar would be in the swelling league of those who accuse Trump of persecuting the Muslim faith.

Why the claims of attempted violation of Nigeria’s sovereignty by Trump, , when the same country is complicit of the genocide on tens of thousands of souls; children, women, able-bodies and the aged that are butchered in cold blood? Does it truly merit to be called a sovereign state? Which sovereignty where a large section of its security outfit hobnob those who massacre the same ordinary people they sworn to protect? Can there be autonomy in a country where terrorists rule over some of the country’s un-governed spaces?

Yet, numerous organizations and credible voices across the northern religion and its political divides are united that President Trump couldn’t be faulted that Nigeria’s current president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu had been disinterested at stopping the excessive killings. Trump had reminded all that Tinubu and his associates in APC, once visited him in the White House in 2014, accusing the then government of President Goodluck Jonathan of committing same genocide against Christians, for which they sought his cooperation to remove Jonathan from office. Trump asserted that that visit was what prompted the CPC designation.

The “US strikes will make sense if they are directed at terrorist groups like Boko Haram, ISIS, and ISWAP, who have been killing both Muslims and Christians. Trump and the US will be hailed if this is the objective”. Intoned, Prof. Ishaq Akintola, Executive Director of the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) He chided CAN as having betrayed President Tinubu for failing to water down the Trump’s influence, he urged Muslim youths not to do anti-America and anti-Trump’s protests, as they used to do.

But, there is a growing concern and propaganda that Trump’s America is not to be trusted on their dealing with Nigeria on the CPC issue. They say Afghanistan, Libya, Syria and Iraq are evident, where the US claimed to have gone in to root out those terrorists who caused troubles in there. They say the terrorists, instead, were empowered to take over power therein, fearing that Nigeria could be next. They narrate further that the defeat or humiliation of Nigeria by President Trump would spell doom for Africa, while regard Nigeria as the continent’s moral and diplomatic compass.

Believe it or not, the Trump’s encounter must’ve spurred President Tinubu and the security establishments into frenzy, where the terrorists and their backers are running for cover, not only for the renewed onslaughts against them by the Nigerian forces, but for a Donald Trump’s hostility.

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[OPINION] Trump: Kurunmi’s Lessons For Tinubu

Published

2 hours ago

November 10, 2025

Editor

By Festus Adedayo

Greek philosopher, Socrates, may be the most famous Western figure of his time to have swallowed the poisonous plant’s juice called hemlock. But, Africa, too had its. As he was sentenced to death in 399 BCE, Socrates was forced to drink this poisonous plant secretion which causes muscular paralysis, leading to respiratory failure. As he lay dying, having swallowed his own hemlock kept in a calabash bowl, the tragic life of Kurunmi, 19th century Yoruba military general and Yoruba race’s 10th Aare Ona Kakanfo, stands as a huge lesson for contemporary leaders. Though Kurunmi learned the lesson too late, its precepts are that, through decisions or indecision, leaders lead their people to avoidable bloodshed.

If irascible Donald Trump eventually attacks Nigeria as he has been roaring to do in the past one week or thereabout, Nigerians have their leaders of the 4th Republic to blame. If this happens, one historical narrative often deployed as a fitting recollection of such invasion is the story of Kurunmi, one of the governors of the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Atiba.

In the infamous Ijaiye war with Ibadan, Kurunmi lost all. His warlords’ stubborn insistence on crossing River Ose was one of the first steps to spell a monumental disaster for the Ijaiye warriors. They all perished inside the river. Kurunmi lost Iwawun which came to him as a chilling news. The generalissimo was contemptuous of Ibadan’s military might, having earlier defeated the people in the battle of Odogido. He derogatorily called Ibadan “bush goats” and “horses full of muscles, small in sense.” The BasorunOgunmola warriors had to fight to the last pint of their blood to reclaim their pride. In the process, they demonstrated to Kurunmi that they had huge sense and possessed sterner military prowess.

When the poison’s pang meandered through his entrails with deathly searing pain, Kurunmi cursed his remaining generals, Mosadiwin and Abogunrin. The curse would assume its potency, he pronounced, if they did not inter him immediately but allow “my body stay(s) here for the vultures of Ibadan to peck at… if my skull serves as drinking cup for Adelu.” His last words as he committed suicide, was, “When a leader of men has led his people to disaster, and what remains of his present life is but a shadow of his proud past, then it is time to be leader no more.”

The above earlier excerpts were the result of a literary, though fictional re-calibration of what was left of the true but tragic life of Kurunmi, one of Yorubaland’s most famous war generals. Written by Professor Ola Rotimi in his epic drama, Kurunmi, Rotimi also characterized Kurunmi as a great military leader and war general whose fatal ending came as a result of a leadership Achilles’ heel. It is, taking others for granted.

In the days of yore, in centuries that preceded the advent of colonial rule, vile comments against a people, the type of which was recently credited to American president, Donald Trump, were enough to provoke a war. Kurunmi said as much against the Ibadan and provoked their anger. “Bush goats” and “horses full of muscles, small in sense” were as villainous as “the now disgraced country” of Trump’s description of Nigeria. The disgrace isn’t that it was coming from the leader of another country; the disgrace is that Nigerian leaders are actually disgraceful. They are the proverbial self-advertizing ripe fruits of an orange tree who invite stones and wood-pummeling on the mother tree. From Olusegun Obasanjo, to Umaru Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan, Muhammadu Buhari and now to Bola Tinubu, Nigerian leaders of the Fourth Republic have left their food plates unwashed and have invited Trump, the green fly, to feast on their failures.

When Boko Haram insurgency began under Modu Ali Sheriff as governor of Borno State, Obasanjo was in the saddle. While holding court in Maiduguri, on July 28, 2002, Mohammed Yusuf, founder of the dreaded Islamist organization and its spiritual leader, got surrounded by Nigerian military troops. They enveloped the sect members and arrested Yusuff two days after. Captured by the military in that expedition, Yusuf was taken to custody of the police where, for fear that he could name his sponsors in government, Yusuff was summarily executed outside of the police headquarters. Rather than decisively stamp his feet on this potentially viral cells of an affliction, President Obasanjo would rather order the rout of Odi and ZakiBiam.

I was one of the reporters who covered the blood-curdling news of the amputation of Jangebe, the first victim of the politicization of Islam, in Gusau, Zamfara State in 1999. On October 27 of that year, Ahmed Sani Yerima, as governor, dared Obasanjo and introduced the Sharia law. The eleven other states in northern Nigeria who parade majority Muslim populations, immediately followed suit, regardless of the stipulations of the Nigerian constitution which stated that Nigeria is not a religious state. Obasanjo had the renown of the warrior, Morilewa who Odolaye Aremu sang his panegyrics as “Òtagììrìp’egbèjeènìyàn” – one who, with the clinical sprint of a tiger, eliminates 140 people at a go.

In this instance, however, because he wanted to be politically correct and didn’t want to hurt the north, Obasanjo became too feeble to stop the north. There were vehement protests everywhere against the move, including riots, leading to several deaths. Yet, Obasanjo was too busy demolishing towns where policemen and soldiers got killed to bother about this stoked national fire.

Yes, since 1960, there had been calls for Northern Nigeria to return to the Sharia, which is a way of life of Muslims. Reference was made to its seamless practice in the Sokoto Caliphate and Kanem-Bornu empire before the British colonial rule of the 19th and 20th centuries. Yes, this empire prospered tremendously under Sharia and the people wanted a return to “the glory of former times”. Were southern Nigeria to seek a return to “the old glory” of the buoyant Oyo empire, it could also have advocated for this movement backwards to move forward. Moving backwards to the Oyo empire would have meant a wholesale reproduction of the draconian laws and the barbaric precepts of kings seizing women that caught their fancies, which were not in consonance with modernity. Beheading of opponents to the king’s command would also have come with the broth. However, since the introduction of the criminal Sharia laws into the penal laws of the 12 northern states in 2000, Northern Nigeria has remained backward, more existentially challenged ever, while its political leaders use Sharia as a draw-card for votes.

Boko Haram indeed sidled into Nigeria under the veil of Islam. Under Jonathan, who literally threw his hands up in surrender, and Buhari, whose amorphous anger against the Islamist group was undisguisable, the insurgents became such a hydra whose taming was a huge challenge.

Now, Nigeria has come to the valley of decision. An untrained child would receive cudgel training outside their father’s compound. Donald Trump has come with his disgraceful cudgel for Nigeria. As usual, Nigerians are hiding behind a finger. The almost 26 years of leadership hypocrisy, politicizing of faith, ineptitude, abetment of mass killings of Nigerians, all in the name of looking good in the sight of northern voters, have come full throttle. It reminds me of Peter Tosh, the iconoclast Jamaican reggae musician, warning, in his No Way track, that, “Nobody feel no way/It’s coming close to payday I say…/Everyman get paid a quota’s work this day/Can I plant peas and reap rice/Can I plant cocoa and reap yam/Can I plant turnip and reap tomato/Can I plant breadfruit and reap potato?”

Nigeria planted breadfruit over the past 26 years and desires to reap potato. The world endured the nuisance of our leaders for decades; it waited with bated breath to see whether renaissance would come from within. Now, a Sheriff for whom scruple, precis and diplomatese and the concept of national sovereignty are balderdash, is in the saddle. You may dislike the gruff of Trump as I do; in his CPC tag on Nigeria, you may see through a veil of seeking to please his American evangelicals and harvesting support at home, amid a shutdown of American government. However, you cannot denounce Trump’s statistics that brim with blood of our innocent compatriots. Their only crime was being Nigerians practicing their faith.

In my piece entitled Ted Cruz’s genocide, blasphemy and Ida the slave boy (October 26, 2025) I laid bare the crux of Ted Cruz’s matter. The world cannot stand successive Nigerian governments’ hypocrisy any longer. Citizens have resigned themselves to their fates in the hands of their oppressive leaders. In the north, faiths other than Islam cannot be practiced without fear. In the name of blasphemy, many have had their heads decapitated and burnt. In the words of Catholic Bishop of Sokoto, Mathew Hassan-Kukah in Lagos on Friday, “If Nigeria does not kill the dragon of religious extremism, it will be only a matter of time before we become a larger Gaza.”

But, supremacists flourish like cedars of Lebanon here. The first thing to do is to face the fact that, the forefathers of insecurity in Nigeria – banditry, Fulani herdsmen, kidnapping etc – are Boko Haram and ISWAP. They kill, maim and destroy churches and mosques, in the name of a religion. Yes, we should agree that they are ill-informed and unrepresentative of what Islam, the religion of peace, truly stands for. But, with the genealogy of Boko Haram and ISWAP that we know, it will then be very disingenuous and hypocritical to claim that the killings in Nigeria’s northern states are in equal proportion of both Christian and Muslim adherents.

In the figures they gave of casualty of Boko Haram and ISWAP’s genocidal rout, Trump, Cruz and others spearheading this genocide claim on Nigerian Christians cannot be wrong. They may be wrong on the functionality that the grim statistics serve for them. If and when the Islamists strike, not only do they shout “Allahu Akbar,” a census of opinions of victims in northern Nigeria would reveal that their killings tilt more towards Christians and the Kafir Muslims who the insurgents see as no better than Christians.

I believe Tinubu can rout the Islamists. He stands at a tangential point to do this due to his syncretist background of being both Christian and Muslim, by birth and marriage. Trump’s irascibility is a wake-up call on Aso Rock. It is also a blessing to Nigeria. We don’t want America to storm Nigeria with her missiles. We want Trump to make Tinubu bend over backwards to smoke out those bloodsucking animals and their apologists off our land. Tinubu can do it if he blinds his eyes to the enticing pie of a second term re-election. To do this, he must heed the clarion call in the Ola Rotimi proverb which says that, “When an elder sees a mudskipper, he must not afterwards say it was a crocodile”.

Tinubu must call the mudskipper of Boko Haram sponsors their real names. He should begin by flushing out bloated vermin military generals who sell arms to Boko Haram and their allies in barracks who warehouse Intel reports for sale. Since we began voting trillions of Naira for fighting insurgency, military Generals and their civilian allies have stolen billions of our national patrimony yearly. I am sure America has their dossiers. She should smoke them out. America must then banish their feet from her precious soil where they love to move their blood-encrusted heists. It is in this that Trump can “attack fast, vicious, and sweet”. It will hit the insurgents hard, thereby bringing peace to the “cherished Christians”.

Lastly, I love a tweet on X last week credited to military General, Ibrahim Babangida. He wrote: “During our time in the Nigerian Military, we don’t (sic) negotiate with terrorists or offer any form of amnesty to radical groups. Those who pose(d) a significant threat (were) scheduled for court to see the judge, while those who pose(d) a much more dangerous (threat) are (sic) scheduled to see God.” It is high time the Tinubu government applied the same stratagem.

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Anambra Poll: CDD Releases Post-election Findings, Recommends improved INEC’s Operational Capacity

Published

7 hours ago

November 9, 2025

Editor

The Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD-West Africa), has released its post-election findings on the just concluded Anambra governorship election, recommending improvement in INEC’s operational capacity, prioritised voter education, issue-based campaigns, amongst others.

In a post-election press briefing held in Akwa on Sunday, the CDD said the “2025 Anambra election reveals that Nigeria’s electoral challenges are deeply linked to wider governance failures; weak institutions, elite dominance, economic hardship, insecurity, and lack of accountability continue to shape voter behaviour and electoral outcomes.”

In the post-election statement signed by Dr. Dauda Garuba, Director, CDD, and Professor Victor Adetula, Chair,
CDD-West Africa Election Analysis Centre, recommended that the “ongoing electoral reforms must target improving INEC’s operational capacity through timely funding, decentralised planning, and consistent communication.

“Such operational issues include logistics, mandatory real-time result publication via IReV, early voting for essential personnel and adequate personnel training.”

The CDD, while urging political parties to prioritise voter education and conduct issue-based campaigns, the organisation urged politicians to uphold internal democracy and adhere to transparent campaign financing.

“Elections cannot be treated as temporary security events. The government at all levels must develop a more sustainable security architecture that addresses root causes and provides year-round safety for residents.

“Only then can we safeguard electoral processes without relying on massive deployments that strain national resources and offer no long-term protection.”

The CDD, while decrying the prevalent of vote trading in the election, said conscious steps must be taken to discourage this “through deliberate efforts to deliver good governance while promoting civic education across all strata of society to discourage transactional politics.”

“The National Orientation Agency must take centre stage on this. Ongoing reforms of the electoral act must take into consideration the need to arrest and prosecute electoral offenders.”

The CDD said that “as the country prepares for the 2026 off-cycle elections and the 2027 general elections, these reforms must be prioritised.”

It added: “Nigeria’s democratic survival depends not just on voting but on the strength of the institutions and the governance practices that surround it.”