News
Tribune At 75: A Bouquet Of Stories [Monday Lines]

By Lasisi Olagunju
It happened that the NCNC-controlled Ibadan District Council (IDC) under the chairmanship of Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu chose a Saturday, 7 January, 1956, to sit. The council took a decision at that meeting to suspend the salaries of the Olubadan, Oba I. B. Akinyele; Otun Olubadan, Chief Yesufu Kobiowu and the Balogun, Chief Salawu Aminu. Councillor Yinusa Ladoja who moved the motion for the suspension said the offence of the three was that they had not been attending the council’s meeting regularly.
The council passed another motion declaring that Chief E.A. Adeyemo, its treasurer, “should henceforth be known as Mr. Adeyemo” and that if the Chief was against being called a Mr, he should resign his position as the IDC treasurer. The same IDC had earlier appointed and installed an ‘Olubadan’ without recourse to the regional government. The audacity of power in that action could not prevail, it failed. The war of salary suspension was a continuation of that botched putsch.
Some persons and institutions exist to fight other people’s wars. The archives are full of Nigerian Tribune’s wars against powers and principalities. The Olubadan vs IDC war above is one of such. From that point till victory came the way of the harassed, Tribune did not sheathe its sword. As the victims of power scrambled to ward off the impudence of local politics, the battle became that of the newspaper and its operatives. And, it needs not be said that the palm trees of Ijaye till today bear scars of Ogunmola’s war. Olubadan Isaac Akinyele and his chiefs prevailed on that occasion and on other matters. Indeed, each of those chiefs, at God’s appointed time, later rose to become the Olubadan.
What do you give an old man who has everything? Ralph Waldo Emerson asks the poet to bring his poem, the painter his picture, the shepherd his lamb. But how about presenting the old poet his own poem, the singer his song, and the painter his painting exploits as proof of their worthy existence? A newspaper lives by telling stories of events as they break – and commenting on them. The reports may be pleasant – they are seldom pleasant. They may be gory and bad – bad news are good news. How well they sing and how long they have stood against the elements tell of a bard’s success. I retold the story above in celebration of Tribune’s 75 years of consequential existence.
A good newspaper is a recorder of history and a predictor of the future. Let us go to another Tribune exclusive; the report of a crime that was committed 63 years ago:
‘The Head on A Bike’ was the lead story of the Nigerian Tribune of Tuesday, 7 November, 1961. It was the report of the murder of a 38-year-old Muslim priest who was killed on Saturday, 4 November, 1961 in Iperu, Remo Division of the old Western Region. The man met his death while he was going to the mosque for his early morning prayer. Who did it? One Kehinde, aged 27, did it and owned the crime. I reproduce, verbatim, the story as published by the Nigerian Tribune 63 years ago:
“A first-hand account of the development which followed the beheading of the priest was given the Tribune yesterday by Mr. Subomi Balogun, crown counsel in the Western Nigeria Ministry of Justice. He ran into the assassin while he (the assassin) was still conveying the preacher’s head on a bicycle. ‘It was a terrible situation,’ the counsel exclaimed.
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“Mr. Balogun said he was returning from Lagos when he found a man on a bicycle with a human head dripping blood. A crowd of people were trailing after him as he progressed towards the police station with a cutlass shining in his hand. The crown counsel then drove straight to the station, announced himself, and requested that the Nigeria Police be contacted immediately to take up the matter.
“‘Soon, the man came in, placed the head down and put his foot on it,’ the crown counsel added. The constables broke up in commotion and not until the assassin threw down his cutlass that the constable reentered the station. But there were no Nigeria Police around.
“On his way to Ibadan, however, the counsel saw some traffic policemen and instructed them to proceed to Iperu to take up the matter.
“’I asked them to report to my ministry as soon as investigations are completed but we are yet to receive a report,’ Mr. Subomi Balogun added.” End of story.
Now, you may be wondering why I picked that gory news report for this piece? The interest went beyond the oddity of a murderer holding aloft the head of his victim. The victim was neither a celebrity nor a public figure and the event happened in a small rural community where newspapers might not sell. Yet, the Tribune used the news as its lead story. Did you also notice the name of the crown counsel in the story? Subomi Balogun. I noted the lawyer’s impressive sense of duty – he didn’t have to do all he did there in pursuit of justice for the victim and the villain. The lawyer’s initiatives at that scene and his success going forward taught lessons in how diligence in youth could lead to greatness later in life.
When it turned 20 in 1969, the Nigerian Tribune ran an editorial in which it reminded itself of its founding promise and pledged itself to it: “When this newspaper was founded in November 1949, its founder chose for it an appropriate title. In Roman history the tribune of the people was one of two or ten officers chosen by the people to protect their liberties against senate and consuls. And this is the role which the Nigerian Tribune has been playing…The greatest tragedy that could befall a newspaper is for that newspaper to change its basic character and become mealy-mouthed in response to oppression and pressures. For that would be a gross and unforgivable betrayal of the trust of its readers and advertisers. That tragedy will NEVER befall this newspaper.”
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I was not there when the story of the Nigerian Tribune started 75 years ago. But if a child did not meet an event, he would meet its account. And I am here now. What birthday gift can be better for a 75-year-old than a recap of the good they have done? Here, today, I reproduce stories which even Tribune itself may not remember it ever told. Events may be local in setting but history teaches us that no event that has made it into a newspaper of value is, with the benefit of hindsight, local. That is why I started this tribute with the Ibadan story.
In politics, if the northern Nigerian woman voted yesterday and will vote tomorrow, she has the Nigerian Tribune to thank. You will find it difficult to believe that years after independence, the northern establishment still foot-dragged on granting women of that region the right to vote. And, you know, the northern region was not just today’s North East and North West. It started from Offa and Erin Ile, pure, secular Yoruba towns, stretching northwards through Benue, Plateau, to the borders with Niger Republic and Chad. Women in all those places were banned from voting in general elections. And they were in an independent country. The Nigerian Tribune went all out shouting from the rooftops: “Give them the votes.”
I quote from its editorial of Thursday, 25 March, 1965: “It has become a habit whenever we talk of the desirability of giving votes to the women in the North, the temporary rulers of that region will tell us that this inalienable right of the women would be conceded only when the Northern potentates want it. This is a wrong approach… After all, voting is not obligatory either in our constitution or statute. If the Sardauna and his co-travellers do not want their wives in purdah to go out for voting at election time, they can so order as husbands and wives. On the other hand those whose hands are not tied down by religious susceptibility MUST be given the right to vote. It is as simple as that.”
For making that noise, and championing that cause, the paper, its owners and its journalists were abused and accused of ‘goading’ the north into a precipitate action on a matter that was for the region to decide. But the Tribune said no, a citizen’s right to vote would never be a regional issue, it was constitutional and national. The newspaper fought and won that war. The results are in the millions of votes which today give the north bragging swags of numerical advantage. So, when we write and we are abused by today’s temporary rulers and their minions, we shrug them off because we have the past to reassure and console us that we are right, they are wrong.
When elections became very costly and increasingly scandalous as we have them now, the Nigerian Tribune did not keep quiet. I read a 1965 editorial carrying a brutal title: ‘White Elephant Elections.’ Sometime in the early 1960s, the northern regional government barred civil servants from acquiring more than one plot of land to build petrol stations. The Nigerian Tribune praised that action but declared, in another editorial, that politicians who made the law needed it more than the hapless civil servants.
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Courage and diligence and abundance of grace are ingredients of success in life. Decades of loyalty to its goals, fidelity to truth garnished with the right dose of intransigence, gave the Nigerian Tribune reasons for its existence. It will be 75 years old on Saturday this week. The paper’s story is a story of struggle and survival in the midst of thorns and thistles of politics, of business and, even of life.
The Chicago Tribune was founded in 1847 – a century plus two years before the birth of its Nigerian namesake. It came clutching a statement of principles which emphasized a newspaper’s reason for existence: “…to present the news of the day, to foster commerce and industry, to inform and lead public opinion, and to furnish that vital check upon government which no constitution has ever been able to provide.” When it celebrated its 175th anniversary, it proudly announced that it had spent all its years “carrying out the mission of delivering the truth every day.” The Nigerian Tribune, since its birth in 1949, has been doing exactly that. It is a citizen of Nigeria domiciled in Ibadan, Western Nigeria. It has come a long way reporting local and national, fighting big and small wars that test the will of courage. Where and when it faltered, it admitted its errors, made amends and moved on. In all its battles, the integrity of its founder – and of all its owners, plus the incredibly fierce loyalty of generations of its workforce and readers have been the bulwark of its defence. It is the reason why it is alive to celebrate its 75th anniversary this week Saturday.
When I sauntered into Ibadan in May 1995 to pick up this job at the Tribune House, there were other options in that city. There was a newspaper called Third Eye which paid double what Tribune offered. There was the Daily Sketch nestled comfortably between Cocoa House and Kingsway building, and not far from a high-rise glass building called Broking House. Today, those other papers exist as mere memories. What killed them?
Leo Bogart’s ‘Newspapers in Transition’ published in The Wilson Quarterly in 1982 reads like it was written for the Lagos-Ibadan press of today. “The fallen giants in the business have been stricken by the sickness of their home cities…,” he wrote. When an American evening newspaper, the Minneapolis Star, was rested in April 1982, its editor, Stephen Isaacs, was asked by American monthly news trade magazine, Editor & Publisher (E&P), what he thought the future of the newspaper press looked like. Isaacs looked deep into space and said: “What do I see ahead? I talked to many publishers recently and was startled by the number who have in effect told me that the newspaper business is a dying industry. A dinosaur. Some will survive – the very big and the very small – but the in-betweens are going to face rough going in the electronic era…” His inner eye was sharp. Between that time – 42 years ago – and now, a lot of water has escaped the media dam down into nothingness.
Against all odds, the Nigerian Tribune has survived these past 75 years. What are the secrets? Lawrence Pinkham, professor of history and journalism, suggests that a newspaper won’t have problems safeguarding its existence if it manages to find ways to balance “the double necessity of staying in business and staying in journalism.” That is one dilemma that wracks the present as it wrecked the past and threatens the future.
By age and reputation, the Tribune is firmly established as Nigeria’s authentic newspaper of record. The sheer volume and the integrity of its archives qualify it as a national asset. The authenticity of its past and position, the wisdom in its age, the independence of its opinion and the audacity of its truth have combined to hoist it on a pedestal of importance. Go to the archives and check the names that have written for it: Bisi Onabanjo, Lateef Jakande, Gani Fawehinmi, Tai Solarin, Justice Adewale Thompson, Wumi Adegbonmire, Tola Adeniyi, Banji Ogundele, Banji Kuroloja, Biodun Oduwole, Folu Olamiti, Garba Shehu, Shehu Sani, Yinka Odumakin, Pius Adesanmi. What I have taken here is a risk. The list I wrote is incomplete. I beg for the forgiveness of the unlisted. I had to name names as a sample of the goodly heritage we carry.
At the DAME awards event in Lagos last year, Mr Eluem Emeka Izeze, many years Editor-in-Chief of The Guardian walked up to me, congratulated me on winning the Informed Commentary category of the awards the fourth time consecutively. He said the Tribune historically was famed as the king of uncompromising commentary and column writing in Nigeria. He particularly congratulated the newspaper and its columnists on their keeping alive the Ibadan content of the Lagos-Ibadan press axis. It is a privilege we have. We also owe it as a debt to the past and a duty to the future.
It is sweet to celebrate with Tribune at 75. But it is also a challenge, daunting in its demands. After it survived its darkest moment, its founder, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, christened the Nigerian Tribune Apamaku (survivor). What does it mean to refuse to die? Celebrating Tribune’s 50 years of existence in his Uncle Bola’s Column in the Sunday Tribune of 7 November, 1999, Chief Bola Ige wrote that the heritage we have defies fear. More importantly, our bequest
exalts excellence and promotes industry. Uncle Bola wrote: “Obafemi Awolowo and his Tribune have no place for lazy writers or those who could not research whatever they wrote. Every one of us who writes for or in the Tribune must never forget this, especially in today’s Nigeria which is befuddled with mediocrity and lack of seriousness.” This explains why we write what we write. Why we publish what we publish. It should also explain why the Tribune refused to die yesterday and won’t die tomorrow. Happy 75th birthday.
News
Edo Assembly Commission Questions Clerk Over Alleged Age Falsification
Edo State House of Service Commission has invited the Clerk of the Assembly, Audu Omogbai, for questioning over alleged age falsification.
The invitation of the Clerk followed a petition by some Concerned Staff of the Assembly.
The petitioners alleged that Omogbai, falsified his age to remain in service.
They alleged that the Clerk’s initial appointment dated back to 1993 and that he has exceeded the mandatory 30 years of service.
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The petitioners also alleged that the Clerk has surpassed the mandatory retirement age of 60 as well as obstructing investigation.
The petition reads partly, “The Clerk has allegedly withheld official file records, hindering investigations into these matters.
“We humbly request your intervention to investigate these allegations and take appropriate actions to maintain integrity and adherence to regulations within the Edo State House of Assembly.”
It was gathered that Omogbai has been invited for questioning.
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He was invited in a letter signed by Chairman of the Assembly Commission, Sir Ezehi Igbas.
Omogbai was asked to appear before a three-Man Ad-hoc Committee for an interview session.
The Assembly Clerk could not be reached for comments.
News
Abductors Demand ₦5m As Teenager Is Kidnapped In Edo
A 12-year-old girl has been kidnapped in Ayogwiri community, Etsako West Local Government Area of Edo State.
The abductors, suspected to be Fulani herdsmen attacked some women on their way from the farm and in the process kidnapped the teenager, and injured some of the women.
This incident was said to have created fear and panic in the community.
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It was gathered that the kidnappers of the teenager are asking for N5 million ransom.
The community in a statement issued by Engr Vincent Ozemoya, the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the community, condemned the incident.
“The BoT calls on all relevant security agencies in the area to rise up and rid our Farms and forest of evil elements, be they herdsmen or kidnappers,” the statement reads
The Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO), Moses Yamu could not be reached as at the time of this report.
News
OPINION: Sprit Pardons Kindred Spirits
By Suyi Ayodele
The elders of my place caution that the sacrificial àkàrà should not be given to an emèrè to share. When you ask why, they respond that she will merely make her kindred spirits the sole beneficiaries. And when that happens, the elders further caution, the tragedy (ultimate death), which the sacrifice is designed to avert will eventually happen.
Having shared this traditional caution, I would like to turn to my own childhood experiences. Growing up in the hinterland can be fun. In my part of Yorubaland, we have special children called Emèrè. They are mostly females. Emèrè are not Àbíkú which the Igbo call Ogbanje. The difference here is that while a typical abiku dies and returns to the same parents as many times as he or she can muster before he or she is ‘overpowered’, an emèrè remains a pain in the neck of her parents through frequent and indeterminable illnesses. The illnesses don’t kill her but merely drain the resources of her parents. Powerful children, Yoruba metaphysics says that emèrè are husbands of witches (emèrè ni oko àjé) because they are stronger and more ‘wicked’!
Emèrè children are treated specially, most times, with utmost attention. They are fragile in looks and conduct. Thay are also particularly spoilt in the real sense of the Yoruba concept of àkébàjé. Parents offer sacrifices to appease them to stay here on earth. Our belief is that emèrè children have their kindred spirits waiting for them by the gates of heaven. If an emèrè eventually dies, it is believed that a replacement might not come easily. Everything is therefore done to prevent such a tragic end.
So, to keep them alive with their suffering parents, sacrifices, known in the local dialect as òsè, are offered. The sacrificial items, mostly small edibles ranging from groundnuts to sugarcane; èkuru (white moi moi) to àkàrà, are prepared and offered to children who are in the same age bracket as the emèrè. After the preliminary prayers, the emèrè is asked to share the items to the ever-joyous children who sing traditional praise chants for her.
But there is a strange practice in the sharing of the sacrificial edibles. While all the other items are given to the ‘celebrant’ to share, the akara is never given to her. The explanation for this exception is illustrated in the saying that nobody gives the sacrificial àkàrà for the emèrè to share; otherwise, she will simply give it to her kindred spirits to pave the way for her journey to the great beyond (A kìí fún emèrè ní àkàrà òsè pín kí ò má baà pin fun egbé è láti pa ònà òrun mô).
In our elementary Government classes from Form Three to Form Five of those days, the then Miss Folake Afolabi, and Messrs Abayomi Oduntan and Vice Principal Ojo, repeatedly, listed what they called “The Presidential Powers of an Executive President.” We were taught that an Executive President is both the Head of State and Head of Government, a fountain of honour; he declares state of emergency; assents to and vetoes bills; declares wars and signs treaties and has the prerogative of mercy, among almost twenty of such powers.
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On the Prerogative of Mercy, we were told that an Executive President has the right to pardon a convict on the death row. And once pardoned, such a beneficiary can no longer be held in relation to the offence(s) that led to his or her conviction.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu exercised his Prerogative of Mercy power last week and set free 147 ex-convicts. The controversy that greeted that act is one that will not abate in a hurry. In all the comments for and against the action by the President, everyone, including the President’s ‘political enemies’, agreed that Tinubu’s action was, and is, within the ambit of the law. The constitution allows him to extend pardon to any manner of convicts, and his action cannot be subjected to any judicial review. Good enough.
However, the grey area in the review of the President’s exercise of his prerogative of mercy has to do with the morality that informed the choices of some of the ex-convicts President Tinubu set free. Majority of the people who frowned at the list of the beneficiaries of the President’s ‘kindness’ argued, and very correctly too, that the huge percentage the president allocated to convicts of drug-related offences, speaks volumes of the President’s disposition to the fight against narcotics in the nation.
The argument here is that of the 147 convicts President Tinubu pardoned, 60 of them are those who were convicted and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment for dealing in hard drugs. A simple arithmetic puts that figure at 40.8 percent of the total number of 147 beneficiaries! Many, justifiably, concluded that if not for anything, Mr. President should have exercised discretion in freeing those drug lords.
Reviewing the arguments for and against this latest action of President Tinubu, I drew inspiration from the words of wisdom by our elders as quoted above that one should not give the sacrificial àkàrà òsè to an emèrè to share. Of the “Executive Powers of an Executive President” those good teachers of yore taught us, the one that looks more like an àkàrà òsè (sacrificial àkàrà) is the prerogative of mercy. In the hands of an emèrè president, who causes the people pain and agony, draining their meagre resources by the minute, that power can be easily abused. The morality of 60 drug offenders benefiting from the list of 147 pardoned ex-convicts flies in the face of decency!
Colleen Shogan, a former Senior Executive at the Library of Congress, US Senate, on December 2, 2022, wrote: “The History of the Pardon Power: Executive Unilateralism in the Constitution.” In the article, which was published by The White House Historical Association under the Rubenstein Center Scholarship, said that when the exercise of the clemency power is not used discretionally, the one who wields the power suffers public opprobrium. Hear her:
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“Gerald Ford’s 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon was arguably the most famous exercise of executive clemency in American history. After Ford’s pardon of Nixon, his approval rating fell over twenty points in the ensuing days. Many political analysts conclude that Ford never recovered from the pardon, thus severely damaging his chances to win election to the White House in 1976.” She added that Ford’s explanation “that he granted the pardon as an act of mercy to Nixon and for the broader purpose of restoring domestic tranquillity in the nation after Watergate”, could not salvage the situation.
Imo Udofa, Professor of Law, University of Uyo, reinforces Shogan’s arguments. In his “The Abuse of Presidential Power of Pardon and the Need for Restraints”, published in the Beijing Law Review, Vol 19, No 2, June 2018, Udofa argues that “The power of pardon is virtually unfettered and unchecked by formal constraints in most jurisdictions, thereby rendering it susceptible to abuse.”
Udofa further states that “The recent exercise of presidential power of pardon by the current American President, Donald Trump, by granting pardon to Joe Arpaio (a former sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, who was found guilty in July 2017 of criminal contempt for defying a judge’s order against prolonging traffic patrols targeting immigrants) has rekindled the discussion on the uses and abuses of the pardon power…. It has been argued that Arpaio should have been allowed to serve his punishment, and the presidential pardon amounted to a presidential endorsement of the criminal contempt for which Arpaio was punished.”
In Nigeria, the teacher of law says the case of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s “pardon of Chief D.S.P. Alamieyesigha, former Governor of Bayelsa State, convicted of several corruption charges, remains the most controversial exercise of presidential pardon power in the country.”
He posits further that while “The power to grant pardon is of ancient origin and recognised today in almost every nation…. However, in recent times, the pardon power has been abused as political and other extraneous factors tend to determine its application. It has also been seen as capricious and inaccessible by ordinary people. The usefulness of the power has seriously been dented by lack of control and checks in most jurisdictions, including Nigeria.”
“Sacred” as prerogative of mercy is, Udofa says its application should be alongside “checks and guiding principles.” I add here: with utmost discretion!
The US for instance, punishes tax evasion and drug-related offences severely. On drugs, the US would go to any length to get the culprit to book. That was why, against international conventions, the administration of President George H.W. Bush ordered the invasion of Panama in an operation codenamed “Operation Just Cause” and had President Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno (February 11, 1934 – May 29, 2017), simply Noreiga, ‘kidnapped’ on January 3, 1990, on the accusation of dealing in hard drugs. In that operation, the US used over 200,000 US troops to effect Noriega’s arrest. His eventual trial in 1991, tagged “trial of the century” by the US Drug Enforcement Administration, earned the Panamanian president 40 years in jail!
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Noreiga’s travails, suspect as they were, are lessons in how a nation that wants to grow treats felons. After his jail term was reduced to 17 for “good behavior” in the US, Noriega was extradited to France in 2010, where he was convicted and sentenced to seven years of imprisonment for money laundering. By 2011, France extradited him to Panama, where he was imprisoned having been tried in absentia in the 1990s for the crimes he committed while his dictatorship in Panama lasted. He carried that ignominy to his grave!
Political theorists and analysts believe that Noriega was punished not necessarily for being a drug baron, but for his audacity to stop spying for Big Brother, the US! This side of the Noriega’s coin notwithstanding, the former dictator of Panama was punished home and abroad for every crime he committed against the State. That is how society moves from bad to good. A system that places politics above the wellbeing of the people and asks felons to walk freely irrespective of the irreparable damage they have caused, cannot move forward.
This is what President Tinubu did, when he set free drug offenders in his latest half-thought presidential clemency. In case the president does not realise it, by making drug barons 40.8 percent of his clemency list, Mr. President has sent the wrong signal that here, in Nigeria, crime pays. Why nobody in Tinubu’s Presidency considered the collateral damages those ex-drug convicts have done to the public shows how reflective this government could be. That nobody considered the number of children in various rehab centres because of the activities of the freed drug peddlers interrogates the depth of advice the President gets!
But more importantly, and most troubling is the lead President Tinubu has given to those who believe till the second coming of the Messiah, that the President’s past was tainted. They can now go to town with the did-we-not-say-so cliche. Our elders say when a man is accused of having a long intestine, he has the responsibility to curtail his gastronomic tendencies (tí a bá pe ènìyàn ní abífun ràdàràdà, ó ye kí ó pa ìfun rè mó).
Again, they submit that a man accused of being a petty thief should not be seen playing with a goat’s kid in a dark corner of the village (a kìí pe ènìyàn l’ólè kó máa fi omo ewúré seré l’ókùnkùn). How the wisdom in these sayings of our ages got lost on President Tinubu when the committee he was said to have constituted for the purpose presented the list of those to benefit from his presidential pardon such that almost half of the list are drug convicts, beats one’s imagination. One is heavily tempted to believe that this is a case of paddy paddy, ala someone helping someone!
Nothing brings home the caution that we should not allow an emèrè to share the àkàrà òsè so that she will not give it to her kindred spirits more than the pardon of the 60 drug offenders by President Tinubu. How his ‘political opponents’ will not draw a correlation between the perceived reputation of the President in the social world, and the pardon of 60 drug lords would be the eighth wonder of this age.
By that indiscretion, 60 notorious drug dealers are out on the streets without any encumbrance! What are the implications? Your guess is as good as mine! How the President would explain that he did not free those drug felons to pave way for their return journeys to the underworld of drug trafficking is a herculean task. And I take a bet: Presido go explain tire, but we no go understand!
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