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OPINION: What Is Killing Our Obas?

By Suyi Ayodele
It is a sacrilege to say an oba is dead in Yorubaland. But two obas were killed by suspected kidnappers last week in Ekiti State. Their remains are on display everywhere on the Internet. The obas were three on that journey of fate, but one of them escaped by the grace of his God and of his ancestors, the oneaas who left the seat for him to sit. One of the killed obas, the Elesun of Esun Ekiti, Oba Babatunde Ogunsakin, was a maternal cousin to me. The second oba, the Olumojo of Imojo Ekiti, Oba Olatunde Olusola, came all the way from Oye Local Area to be killed by the bullets of the assailants far from his forefathers’ ‘shrine’. The Alárà of Àrà Ekiti, Oba Adebayo Fatoba is the one who escaped. Rumours initially had it that he dissolved into air and landed in safety, but the monarch said that is not true. He said what is true is that he confronted the assailants who rained bullets on him but God did not allow the bullets to enter his body. The matchete used on his leg several times also bounced off. I love Alárà’s God. I recommend that all obas in Yorubaland should worship and serve that God.
I have a cousin. He is a senior lecturer in one of the universities in the South-West. He was programmed to die and be buried in 1976 or thereabouts. Providence, through the instrumentality of Ifa, saved him. His father, our father, the late Baba Daniel Falade, was to travel to Lagos. My cousin, who was barely seven years old, said he would follow him; a request that was turned down. Baba Falade woke early in the morning to embark on the journey. He checked to see that the little boy was fast asleep. Unknown to him, my cousin kept a vigil, but pretended to be asleep. As Baba stepped out, my cousin sneaked out and tip-toed behind him. As the old man made to enter the vehicle that would convey him to Lagos, he noticed that he was being followed. He found out that it was my cousin. The old man changed his mind, and decided to take the boy along with him. But being the best of Babalawos of his era, he begged the driver and other passengers to give him a little time to consult Ifa if there would be consequences if he took the boy along with him. Ifa said there would be consequences but those could be averted if a sacrifice was made to Ògún, the god of iron. The sacrifice was carried out and the duo travelled to Lagos.
After about six weeks in Lagos, father and son set out on their return journey to the village. The child was on the far back seat of the car and Baba Falade on the front seat with another passenger and the driver. At Osu in Osun State, the driver stopped so that the passengers could buy akara. Baba Falade bought akara and bread for my cousin. Then he made a request. He asked that the boy should be brought to the front seat so that he could feed him on his laps. What a doting father! The request was granted and the journey continued. A few minutes later, a lorry which was following their vehicle on top speed lost its brakes. The lorry hit the vehicle from behind and cut it into two halves. All the four passengers at the back seat perished on the spot. My cousin and Baba Falade were unhurt on the front seat where they were. Baba Falade praised his Babalawos, his Babalawos also praised Ifa. The cousin I am talking about here is an associate professor today. Ifa said there would be consequences but those could be averted with just a mere sacrifice to Ògún. That is the culture they asked us to throw away. They took Òpèlè from us and gave us the rosary. Now the real keepers of our culture die cheaply in the hands of bandits.
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Today is Tuesday. I must be in the church later for Bible Study. Before I am accused of venerating Ifa above God, let me tell you yet another story of how Ifa saved another situation. Of course, the main character here is also Baba Falade. He told us the story countless times. That particular year, there was no rain in the entire Egbeobaland. All the obas in the localities converged on the palace of the Elekole of Ikole in Ekiti State. They invited all the Babalawos and Alámóèkús to find a solution. A renowned Babalawo from Isaba Ekiti got up and told the gathering that he was responsible for the drought. A woman from a neighbouring town turned down his love overtures. He decided to punish the entire Egbeobaland for that. He stopped the rain from falling. He did not stop there. He boasted that the drought would continue until he was satisfied. All the obas begged him to no avail. His fellow initiates also appealed to him, but he would not budge. Then Baba Falade got up to speak. He was simple in his delivery. My father, Olúmolè bí ére (the one whose deity is like a fine statue) told the Isaba Babalawo that since he would not undo what he did, he (Baba Falade), had a solution. He said that it might not rain in Isaba or any other town within Egbeobaland, but in Ode Ara (the ancient name of our town, Odo Oro Ekiti), in three days time, rain would fall. He explained why it would be so. Orangun festival (our family deity), would commence then and traditionally, the deity must step on a wet ground. The meeting dispersed. Those who knew the two knew that it would be battle royale. And true to Baba Falade’s prophecy, the day Orangun ventured out of the groove, it rained heavily in our town and other towns in Egbeobaland, including Isaba.
Now, all the Babalawos in Egbeobaland used to meet every ìtàlówá (13 days in a Gregorian calendar). Baba Falade was their secretary. The next meeting day, he consulted Ifa on what the outing held for him. Ifa said he would go in peace and return in peace (wa loore, wa bó re). Again, Òpèlè added a caveat. Baba Falade must not urinate throughout the duration of the meeting until he got back home. How is it possible? The meeting would last for hours. Food and drinks would be served. Ifa asked him to counsel himself, after all, once a divination is made for one, one is at liberty to repeat the divination on his own. But he must not urinate while the meeting lasted.
He headed for the meeting. As the meeting progressed, he was pressed. When he could not contain it, he excused himself to answer the call of nature, taking along with him his calabash of palm wine. No wise palm wine drinker leaves his calabash to the care of anyone; hope you know that? At the back of the building, he urinated and returned to the meeting. As soon as he entered, the Babalawo from Isaba got up and made for the back of the building. He saw a fresh spot that indicated that someone just urinated. He used a piece of broken pot to pack the sand, tied it in a cloth and returned to continue the meeting. Meeting closed. The boastful Babalawo walked up to Baba Falade and openly told him that he (Baba Falade) would not be joining the others in their next meeting. All the other Babalawos kept quiet. Looking straight at him, Baba Falade responded that if the èsìdá (the creator) sanctioned it, it would be.
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The next meeting day, Baba Falade deliberately delayed coming. After waiting for a while, the meeting commenced without the secretary. Isaba Babalawo became the immediate hero. Others were congratulating him, asking that he should give them the ingredients he used. They were in the midst of that when Baba Falade showed up. There was complete silence. Baba Falade looked at his opponent and uttered just three words to him. He did not tell us those three words! As the meeting progressed, the Isaba Babalawo excused himself to go home because he was not feeling at ease anymore. Needless to say, that was the last meeting he attended. He did not die, but on each meeting day, the problem that afflicted him would show and he would be indoors. At Baba Falade’s funeral in 1987, the son of the Isaba Babalawo, who was a prominent musician, was hired to play. He did that pro bono! His father told him of that encounter and asked him to make Baba Falade his adopted father. He waxed a record, orire kerekere meje, and devoted a great portion to Baba Falade. Now what did Baba Falade do when he urinated? Here is what he told us. Inside his agbada was a bottle. He urinated inside the bottle and poured palm wine on the ground to show that someone just pissed on that spot. What the Isaba Babalawo parked was palm wine instead of Baba Falade’s urine. On getting home, Baba Falade simply disposed of his urine and offered sacrifices to Ifa. This is why Ifa answers the name: Akóni lóran bí iyèkan eni (he who counsels one like one’s sibling). That is the religion the children of Oduduwa have abandoned for foreign worship!
What happened in Ikole Local Government Area last week should worry an average Yoruba man or woman. Our obas are no longer safe. Armed men enter palaces to kidnap or kill monarchs on the thrones of Oduduwa. This is an eemo – a stranger than strange occurrence. Obas are known as Ògbàgbà ti úngba alailarará (the one who defends the defenceless). How come such a person is now the most vulnerable? Obas are powerful; they are beyond human imagination. In my native Odo Oro Ekiti, our oba, the Onise of Odo Oro Ekiti, is praised as Amélilájetùotùo – He who eats a cow together with its horns. He is also Ukú (death), Èkejì Òrìsà (the second in command to the deity). Most obas are like that. They are Igirabààtàlókun (the big tree that sprouts from the sea). They are Àrìrà tíúngbé inú òkun yìnbo (the thunder which fires guns from the sea). Obas are powerful, they are fearsome (èrùjèjè), fearless and full of authority (abàsewàá). So, why should the one who sleeps on earth but commune with the dead now be at the mercy of the bullets of felons like kidnappers or assassins? Something is wrong.
There is a popular hotel in Ikeja area of Lagos, where crowns are being sold. I strongly believe that most crowns seen around Yorubaland are purchased from that hotel. How will a mere ornamental aesthetic item have the same potential with the traditional crowns, the ones that nobody dares look inside them; not even the wearers? We need to go back to the foundation of our culture. An oba is not expected to genuflect to greet anyone. But recently, the Soun of Ogbomoso, Oba Ghandi Olaoye, was spotted kneeling down before the General Overseer of The Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye. More sacrilegious was the fact that Pastor Adeboye, popularly known as Daddy G.O., had to lay his hands on the head of the Soun to pray for him. What sacrilege! What an abomination! The head of an ordinary man is considered sacred, much more that of an oba of Soun’s clout! I recall that in those good old days, when we were required to make sacrifices to our destiny, ori (head), the one to perform the sacrifice must take permission from the original before he or she could touch one’s head. Do we need any Babalawo to tell us that an oba who smokes marijuana in his palace has driven away the guiding spirits of his ancestors?
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In the same Ekiti State where the two prominent obas were wasted by the bullets of some felons, something terrible happened years ago. One of the 16-crowned obas (oba aládé mérìndínlógún), brought a grader and scrapped off the sacred groove behind the palace. In doing that, he did not spare the graves of his numerous predecessors, whose remains were buried in the sacred groove. His excuse? We are in modern times and such a bush should not be allowed in an emerging city like his domain, which also serves as a local government headquarters! The last time I asked after the oba, I was told that he had not entered the town, not to talk of the palace in the last five years. The community, I was informed, reacted appropriately to the sacrilege and desecration of the ancient tradition. Land speculation is one-for-ten-naira in Benin City. But no one has been bold enough to touch a square metre of Uselu traditional ground, where successive Omo N’oba N’Edo, Obas of Benin are crowned! That is the tradition; that is the culture of the people. The Oba of Benin is not just an Uku Akpolokpolo. He is the deity himself. And he is so revered.
What is the place of anointing oil when the blood of a goat is required? Why should anyone take holy communion for a problem that requires an oba to swallow a whole gourd (ado), that he can vomit and use when the occasion demands and re-swallow? How many obas were crowned using bottles of anointing oil? How many of them were installed in churches or mosques? Why the pretence? To install King Charles III, did the British royals not send for their ancient throne from Edinburgh? In the Old Testament, didn’t the Jews consult God by using the ephod – an ancient Hebrew instrument of priestly divination which description perfectly fits the traditional bante (apron) worn by Babalawos?
Why then should we be more Catholic than the Pope? We keep embarrassing Oduduwa thrones because of modernity or modernisation. What is the difference between the Psalms and the Yoruba àyájó, ofò and ògèdè (evocation, invocation and incantation)? A Christian speaks in tongues, a language that is only understood by the Spirit. Another man recites àyájó, another set of esoteric language. Who among them is serving a “Living God”? As a Christian myself, and a Born Again for that matter, (you can argue with your keyboard), there are certain ‘practices’ and ‘doctrines’ I don’t participate in. No pastor can command me to hold my head and stamp my feet and pray. I will simply not answer him. Why? I have seen those ones in my early life. I was in a Catholic church years ago for a baby dedication. When we went towards the altar to drop our offerings, the priest sprinkled water from one flask-like plastic container on us. I laughed within myself. During Otun Orangun (the final stage of our family deity), the Aoro Orangun (chief priest), also sprinkles water from the traditional pot on us. We call it: “a ti sasara boàgbo (dipping of hyssop into the concoction pot). What is the difference? Or, who will make heaven or not between the Aooro Orangun and the Catholic priest?
The question we should ask ourselves in Yorubaland is: what has happened to those powers of our forebears? Obas are the custodians of all esoteric powers in Yorubaland. They are the husbands of the wizards and witches (oko osó, oko àjé). At their coronations, all powers are surrendered unto them. Alárà of Àrà demonstrated that in his encounter alongside the two other obas with their assailants. In the video of his encounter, Alárà indicated that he has òkígbé (machet-repellant charm). He said they shot at him but the bullet did not penetrate. My little knowledge of our culture tells me that the oba also has Ayeta (bullet-repellant). But he ran because he lacked the third element of the tripod. That is the most important instrument an oba, or an old elder (mark the words) in Yorubaland must have. It is called gbètugbètu (do as I say). In some places, they call it màyehùn (don’t resist my words). A strong oba would have just commanded the assailants to drop their guns and sit down, and then send for the authorities to come and pick them. Alárà said he ran because if he had òkígbé and ayeta, the ones who waylaid them could club him to death. Ha! Should we clap for Kabiyesi for using ‘wisdom’ in that circumstance? No, I answer. I’ll tell you why. My people say that it is wrong for the head hunter to say that he was chased out of the forest by a wild animal (a kii gbó kí olórí ode so pé eranko burúkú ló lé òwa wá lé láti ìgbé). I will recommend His Royal Highness to be fortified to the utmost.
The Yoruba race must rise and defend its culture; its tradition. I read on Sunday that a new Olufon of Ile-Ifon in Osun State has been ‘elected’ in the person of Prince Wole Akinyooye. In the report, one of the contestants to the throne, Ademola Oyedokun, while congratulating the oba-elect, said that the oba-elect got the highest votes from the kingmakers of the town. That is an abomination. Kingmakers don’t choose obas in Yorubaland by voting. Ifa does. The roles of the kingmaker are to make sure that only the next ruling house presents candidates, and that each candidate is subjected to Ifa divination and the one Òrúnmìlà picks is installed. We need to do it the way it is done so that it will sound the way it used to sound. Enough of these governor-appointed obas. The killing of Elesun and Olumojo is a big embarrassment. The early missionaries in my place sang then: Olúwa únbe bí t’àtijó (The Lord remains as of old), àwa la ò sin Baba bíi t’àtijó (We are the ones who are not serving God like the old). Nothing is wrong with our traditions and customs. We simply abandoned them to the shame of the race!
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Out-of-school: Group To Enroll Adolescent Mothers In Bauchi

Women Child Youth Health and Education Initiative (WCY) with support from Malala Education Champion Network, have charted a way to enroll adolescent mothers to access education in Bauchi schools.
Rashida Mukaddas, the Executive Director, WCY stated this in Bauchi on Wednesday during a one-day planning and inception meeting with education stakeholders on Adolescent Mothers Education Access (AMEA) project of the organisation.
According to her, the project targeted three Local Government Areas of Bauchi, Misau and Katagum for implementation in the three years project.
She explained that all stakeholders in advancing education in the state would be engaged by the organisation to advocate for Girl-Child education.
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The target, she added, was to ensure that as many as married adolescent mothers and girls were enrolled back in school in the state.
“Today marks an important step in our collective commitment to ensuring that every girl in Bauchi state, especially adolescent who are married, pregnant, or young mothers has the right, opportunity, and support to continue and complete her education.
“This project has been designed to address the real and persistent barriers that prevent too many adolescent mothers from returning to school or staying enrolled.
“It is to address the barriers preventing adolescent mothers from continuing and completing their education and adopting strategies that will create an enabling environment that safeguard girls’ rights to education while removing socio-cultural and economic obstacles,” said Mukaddas.
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She further explained to the stakeholders that the success of the project depended on the strength of their collaboration, the alignment of their actions, and the commitments they forge toward the implementation of the project.
Also speaking, Mr Kamal Bello, the Project Officer of WCY, said that the collaboration of all the education stakeholders in the state with the organisation could ensure stronger enforcement of the Child Rights Law.
This, he said, could further ensure effective re-entry and retention policies for adolescent girls, increased community support for girls’ education and a Bauchi state where no girl was left behind because of marriage, pregnancy, or motherhood.
“It is observed that early marriage is one of the problems hindering girls’ access to education.
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“This organisation is working toward ensuring that girls that have dropped out of school due to early marriage are re-enrolled back in school,” he said.
Education stakeholders present at the event included representatives from the state Ministry of Education, Justice, Budget and Economic Planning and Multilateral Coordination.
Others were representatives from International Federation of Women Lawyers, Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE), Bauchi state Agency for Mass Education, Civil Society Organization, Religious and Traditional institutions, among others.
They all welcomed and promised to support the project so as to ensure its effective implementation and achieve its set objectives in the state.
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OPINION: Fubara, Adeleke And The Survival Dance

By Israel Adebiyi
You should be aware by now that the dancing governor, Ademola Adeleke has danced his last dance in the colours of the Peoples Democratic Party. His counterpart in Rivers, Siminalayi Fubara has elected to follow some of his persecutors to the All Progressive Congress, after all “if you can’t beat them, you can join them.”
Politics in Nigeria has always been dramatic, but every now and then a pattern emerges that forces us to pause and think again about where our democracy is heading. This week on The Nation’s Pulse, that pattern is what I call the politics of survival. Two events in two different states have brought this into sharp focus. In both cases, sitting governors elected on the platform of the same party have found new homes elsewhere. Their decisions may look sudden, but they reveal deeper issues that have been growing under the surface for years.
In Rivers, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has crossed into the All Progressives Congress. In Osun, Governor Ademola Adeleke has moved to the Accord Party. These are not small shifts. These are moves by people at the top of their political careers, people who ordinarily should be the ones holding their parties together. When those at the highest levels start fleeing, it means the ground beneath them has become too shaky to stand on. It means something has broken.
A Yoruba proverb captures it perfectly: Iku to n pa oju gba eni, owe lo n pa fun ni. The death that visits your neighbour is sending you a message. The crisis that has engulfed the Peoples Democratic Party did not start today. It has been building like an untreated infection. Adeleke saw the signs early. He watched senior figures fight openly. He watched the party fail to resolve its zoning battles. He watched leaders undermine their own candidates. At some point, you begin to ask yourself a simple question: if this house collapses today, what happens to me? In Osun, where the competition between the two major parties has always been fierce, Adeleke was not going to sit back and become another casualty of a party that refused to heal itself. Survival became the most reasonable option.
His case makes sense when you consider the political temperature in Osun. This is a state where the opposition does not sleep. Every misstep is amplified. Every weakness is exploited. Adeleke has spent his time in office under constant scrutiny. Add that to the fact that the national structure of his party is wobbly, divided and uncertain about its future, and the move begins to look less like betrayal and more like self-preservation.
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Rivers, however, tells a slightly different story. Fubara’s journey has been a long lesson in endurance. From the moment he emerged as governor, it became clear he was stepping into an environment loaded with expectations that had nothing to do with governance. His political godfather was not content with being a supporter. He wanted control. He wanted influence. He wanted obedience. Every decision was interpreted through the lens of loyalty. From the assembly crisis to the endless reconciliation meetings, to the barely hidden power struggles, Fubara spent more time fighting shadows than building the state he was elected to lead.
It soon became clear that he was governing through a maze of minefields. Those who should have been allies began to treat him like an accidental visitor in the Government House. The same legislators who were meant to be partners in governance suddenly became instruments of pressure. Orders came from places outside the official structure. Courtrooms turned into battlegrounds. At some point, even the national leadership of his party seemed unsure how to tame the situation. These storms did not come in seasons, they came in waves. One misunderstanding today. Another in two weeks. Another by the end of the month. Anyone watching closely could see that the governor was in a permanent state of emergency.
So when the winds started shifting again and lawmakers began to realign, those who understood the undercurrents knew exactly what was coming. Fubara knew too. A man can only take so much. After months of attacks, humiliations and attempts to cage his authority, the move to another party was not just political. It was personal. He had given the reconciliation process more chances than most would. He had swallowed more insults than any governor should. He had watched institutions bend and twist under the weight of private interests. In many ways, his defection is a declaration that he has finally chosen to protect himself.
But the bigger question is how we got here. How did two governors in two different parts of the country end up taking the same decision for different but related reasons? The answer goes back to the state of internal democracy in our parties. No party in Nigeria today fully practices the constitution it claims to follow. They have elaborate rules on paper but very loose habits in reality. They talk about fairness, but their primaries are often messy. They preach unity, but their caucuses are usually divided into rival camps. They call themselves democratic institutions, yet dissent is treated as disloyalty.
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Political parties are supposed to be the engine rooms of democracy. They are the homes where ideas are debated, leaders are groomed, and future candidates are shaped. In Nigeria, they increasingly look like fighting arenas where the loudest voices drown out everyone else. When leaders ignore their own constitutions, the structure begins to crack. When factions begin to run parallel meetings, the foundation gets weaker. When decisions are forced down the throats of members, people begin making private plans for their future.
No governor wants to govern in chaos. No politician wants to be the last one standing in a sinking ship. This is why defections are becoming more common. A party that cannot manage itself cannot manage its members. And members who feel exposed will always look for safer ground.
But while these moves make sense for Adeleke and Fubara personally, the people they govern often become the ones left in confusion. Voters choose candidates partly because of party ideology, even if our ideologies are weak. They expect stability. They expect continuity. They expect that the mandate they gave will remain intact. So when a governor shifts political camp without prior consultation, the people feel blindsided. They begin to wonder whether their votes carry weight in a system where elected officials can switch platforms in the blink of an eye.
This is where the politics of survival becomes dangerous for democracy. If leaders keep prioritizing their personal safety over party stability, the system begins to lose coherence. Parties lose their identity. Elections lose their meaning. Governance becomes a game of musical chairs. Today you are here. Tomorrow you are there. Next week you may be somewhere else. The people become bystanders in a democracy that is supposed to revolve around them.
Rivers and Osun should serve as reminders that political parties need urgent restructuring. They need to rebuild trust internally. They need to enforce their constitutions consistently. They need to treat members as stakeholders, not spectators. When members feel protected, they stay. When they feel targeted, they run. This pattern will continue until parties learn the simple truth that power is not built by intimidation, but by inclusion.
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There is also the question of what these defections mean for governance. When governors are dragged into endless party drama, service delivery suffers. Time that should be spent on roads, schools, hospitals, water projects and job creation ends up being spent in meetings, reconciliations and press briefings. Resources that should strengthen the state end up funding political battles. The public loses twice. First as witnesses to the drama. Then as victims of delayed or abandoned development.
In Rivers, the months of tension slowed down the government. Initiatives were stalled because the governor was busy trying to survive political ambush. In Osun, Adeleke had to juggle governance with internal fights in a crumbling party structure. Imagine what they could have achieved if they were not constantly looking over their shoulders.
Now, as both men settle into new political homes, the final question is whether these new homes will provide stability or merely temporary shelter. Nigeria’s politics teaches one consistent lesson. New alliances often come with new expectations. New platforms often come with new demands. And new godfathers often come with new conditions. Whether Adeleke and Fubara have truly found peace or simply bought time is something only time will tell.
But as citizens, what we must insist on is simple. The politics of survival should not become the politics of abandonment. Our leaders can fight for their political life, but they must not forget that they hold the people’s mandate. The hunger, poverty, insecurity and infrastructural decay that Nigerians face will not be solved by defection. It will be solved by steady leadership and functional governance.
The bigger lesson from Rivers and Osun is clear. If political parties in Nigeria continue on this path of disunity and internal sabotage, they will keep losing their brightest and most strategic figures. And if leaders keep running instead of reforming the system, then we will wake up one day to a democracy where the people are treated as an afterthought.
Governors may survive the storms. Parties may adjust to new alignments. But the people cannot keep paying the price. Nigeria deserves a democracy that works for the many, not the few. That is the real pulse of the nation.
News
Human Rights Day: Stakeholders Call For More Campaigns Against GBV

Panel of discussants at an event to commemorate the International Human Rights Day, 2025 on Wednesday called for more campaigns against Gender-Based Violence, adding that it must start from the family.
The panel of discussants drawn from religious and community leaders, security agents, members of the civil society community, chiefs, etc, made the call in Benin in an event organised by Justice Development & Peace Centre (JDPC), Benin, in collaboration with Women Aid Collective (WACOL) with the theme: Multilevel Dialogue for Men, Women, Youth and Critical Take holders on the Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence (GBV).
The stakeholders, who said causes of GBV are enormous, called for more enlightenment and education in the family, community and the religious circle.
Security agents in the panel charged members of the public to report GBV cases to security agents regardless of the sex Involved, adding: “When GBV happens, it should be reported to the appropriate quarters. It doesn’t matter if the woman or the man is the victim. GBV perpetrators should not be covered up, they must be exposed. We are there to carry out the prosecution after carrying out the necessary investigation.”
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Earlier in his opening remarks, Executive Director, JDPC, Rev. Fr. Benedicta Onwugbenu, lamented that (GBV) remains the most prevalent in the society yet hidden because of silence from victims.
According to him, GBV knows no age, gender or race, adding that “It affects people of all ages, whether man or woman, boy or girl.”
“It affects people from different backgrounds and communities, yet it remains hidden because of silence, stigma, and fear. Victims of GBV are suffering in silence.”
On her part, Programme Director, WACOL, Mrs. Francisca Nweke, who said “women are more affected, and that is why we are emphasising on them,” stressed “we are empowering Christian women and women leaders of culture for prevention and response to Gender-Based Violence in Nigeria through the strengthening of grassroots organisations.”
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